Rex Vaincra! Lbon Degrelle and the Failure of the Rexist Movement
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1 L'argentine De Perón, Pièce Maîtresse De L'accueil Des Anciens Nazis En Amérique Latine Résumé
L’Argentine de Perón, pièce maîtresse de l’accueil des anciens nazis en Amérique latine Renée Fregosi, philosophe et politologue. Directrice de recherche en Science politique à l'Université Paris- Sorbonne-Nouvelle, dernier ouvrage : Les nouveaux autoritaires. Justiciers, censeurs et autocrates (éd. du Moment 2016) Résumé : Entre 1946 et 1952, sous les deux présidences Perón, plusieurs milliers d’anciens nazis dont de nombreux criminels de guerre notoires, sont arrivés en Argentine. C’est tout un faisceau de causes qui a fait de l’Argentine la pièce maîtresse de l’accueil des anciens nazis en Amérique latine : une admiration pour l’expertise allemande dans l’art militaire comme dans les technologies industrielles, relevant d’une longue tradition ; une volonté développementiste ; un appât du gain ; des relations personnelles privilégiées de longue date entre Perón et les nazis ; des affinités idéologiques et un antisémitisme marqué. Ce dossier met en lumière la complexité des liens entre l’Amérique latine et l’Europe, d’hier à aujourd’hui. Mots clés : Argentine, péronisme, nazis, antisémitisme Abstract : Between 1946 and 1952, under the two Perón presidencies, several thousands of former Nazis, including many notorious war criminals, arrived in Argentina. It is a whole bundle of causes that has made Argentina the centerpiece of the reception of former Nazis in Latin America. A traditional admiration for German expertise in military art as well as in industrial technologies. A developmental will. A lure of gain. Long-standing privileged personal relations between Perón and the Nazis. Ideological affinities and marked anti-Semitism. This dossier highlights the complexity of the links between Latin America and Europe from yesterday to today. -
The Myth of the Extermination of the Jews: Part II
The Myth of the Extermination of the Jews: Part II CARL0 MATTOGNO 1. Birth and Development of Revisionism ational Socialist policy in the matter of Jewish emigration, N pursued officially until the beginning of February 1942, thus posed a question that really was "throbbing," to use again the adjective employed by Poliakov. If it was true that exterminating the Jews "conformed to the fundamental objective of National social ism"^; if it was true that it was not "the coming to a head of an unforeseeable explosion of violence, or of a betrayal of trust by subordinates, but the fruit of an ideology of death and of an organic design"^; if it was true that "according to Hitler, among the ends that had to be achieved thanks to the war, the general extermination of the Jews had a very important place, to the realization of which the German government would devote a large part of its forces,"3 for what mysterious reason did Adolf Hitler deprive himself of at least a million victims by allowing them to emigrate? It was thus inevitable that so atrocious an accusation, based essentially on "third and fourth hand accounts," on 'Wle game of psychological deductions," knowing that "all these could offer was fragile and speculative," and on "fragmentary and sometimes hypothetical answers," be placed in doubt. In the immediate post-war period and in the following years severe criticisms were formulated in regard to the trials of those who were called "Nazi war criminalsn-in particular, the Nuremberg trial4-and concerning the behavior of the Allies during the war.5 The first to raise doubt about the reality of the "extermination" of the Jews was the Frenchman, Paul Rassinier,a who is justly considered to be the precursor of present-day Revisionism. -
Sample Chapter
Copyright material – 9781137029607 © Kris Deschouwer 2009, 2012 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First edition 2009 This edition published 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries ISBN: 978-1-137-03024-5 hardback ISBN: 978-1-137-02960-7 paperback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. -
Social Cleavages, Political Institutions and Party Systems: Putting Preferences Back Into the Fundamental Equation of Politics A
SOCIAL CLEAVAGES, POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND PARTY SYSTEMS: PUTTING PREFERENCES BACK INTO THE FUNDAMENTAL EQUATION OF POLITICS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Heather M. Stoll December 2004 c Copyright by Heather M. Stoll 2005 All Rights Reserved ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. David D. Laitin, Principal Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Beatriz Magaloni-Kerpel I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Morris P. Fiorina Approved for the University Committee on Graduate Studies. iii iv Abstract Do the fundamental conflicts in democracies vary? If so, how does this variance affect the party system? And what determines which conflicts are salient where and when? This dis- sertation explores these questions in an attempt to revitalize debate about the neglected (if not denigrated) part of the fundamental equation of politics: preferences. While the com- parative politics literature on political institutions such as electoral systems has exploded in the last two decades, the same cannot be said for the variable that has been called social cleavages, political cleavages, ideological dimensions, and—most generally—preferences. -
From an Institutionalized Manifest Catholic to a Latent Christian Pillar
Karel Dobbelaere1 Оригинални научни рад Catholic University of Leuven and University of Antwerp, Belgium UDK 322(493) RELIGION AND POLITICS IN BELGIUM: FROM AN INSTITUTIONALIZED MANIFEST CATHOLIC TO A LATENT CHRISTIAN PILLAR Abstract After having described the historical basis of the process of pillarization in Belgium, the author explains the emergence of the Catholic pillar as a defence mechanism of the Catholic Church and the Catholic leadership to protect the Catholic flock from sec- ularization. He describes the different services the Catholic pillar was offering for its members and the development of Belgium as a state based on three pillars: the catho- lic, the socialist and the liberal one that were all three institutionalized. This structure meant that Belgium was rather a segregated country that was vertically integrated. In the sixties of last century, the pillar was confronted with a growing secularization of the population, which forced the leadership of the pillar to adapt the collective con- sciousness: the Catholic credo, values and norms were replaced by so-called typical values of the Gospel integrated in what is called a Socio-Cultural Christianity. Under the impact of the changing economic situation, the politicization of the Flemish ques- tion and the emergence of Ecologist parties, the Christian pillar had to adapt its serv- ices and is now based on clienteles rather than members. Only in the Flemish part of Belgium is it still an institutionalized pillar. Key words: Collective Consciousness, Pillarization; Pillar; Institutionalized Pillar, Solidarity: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity,Vertical pluralism, Secularization. The concept of ‘pillar’ and the process of ‘pillarization’ are translations of the Dutch terms zuil and zuilvorming to describe the special structure of vertical pluralism typical of Dutch society. -
Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved. -
War Occ Pation Liberation
WAR OCC PATION LIBERATION Belgium WAR 1940—1945 OCC PATION LIBERATION Wannes Devos Kevin Gony (eds.) www.lannoo.com Register on our website to regularly receive a newsletter with information about new books and interesting exclusive offers. Final editing Wannes Devos Kevin Gony Photo editing Luc Vandeweghe Translations Altair Vertalingen bvba Cover design Studio Lannoo (Mieke Verloigne) Cover photos Belgian refugees, ca. 1940 (War Heritage Institute) Layout Keppie & Keppie © Lannoo Publishers nv, Tielt, 2019 and the authors D/2019/45/343 – ISBN 978 94 014 5909 9 – NUR 689 All rights reserved. Nothing of this publication may be reproduced, stored in an automated database and/or made public in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. CONTENTS PREFACE 9 Michel Jaupart CONTEXT 13 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PERSPECTIVE Luc De Vos INTRODUCTION 19 THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN PARTS Wannes Devos 1 FROM ONE WAR TO THE OTHER 27 • TWENTY YEARS OF PEACE? BELGIAN INTERWAR POLICY 29 Catherine Lanneau • THE IMPLICATIONS OF CONTROLLING THE RHINE 38 Anne Godfroid • MULTILATERALISM OR ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY? THE BELGIAN MISSION(S) IN ETHIOPIA 40 Manuel Duran • WIFE AND MOTHER: WOMEN IN THE NEW ORDER 43 Christine Van Everbroeck • A PRINCE AND HIS ARMY: THE KING, THE BELGIAN ARMY AND THE GOVERNMENT 51 Jean-Michel Sterkendries • THE BELGIAN BUNKER LINES: MANY FEET IN THE SOIL 57 Erik Janssen • THE 1939 MOBILISATION: WERE THEY PREPARED? 60 Pierre Lierneux 5 2 WAR AND COMBAT 63 • MAY 1940: THE -
The Belgian Contribution to Global 1968 Gerd Rainer Horn
The Belgian Contribution to Global 1968 Gerd Rainer Horn To cite this version: Gerd Rainer Horn. The Belgian Contribution to Global 1968. Views From Abroad : Foreign Historians on Belgium, special English-language issue of Revue Belge d’Histoire Contemporaine, 2005, pp.597- 635. hal-01020652 HAL Id: hal-01020652 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01020652 Submitted on 8 Jul 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The Belgian Contribution to Global 1968 GERD-RAINER HORN ____Senior Lecturer in 20th Century History, Department of History – University of Warwick The calendar year of 1968 is almost universally associated with student un- rest. Belgium fits into this picture rather well, with major student mobilisa- tions in Leuven and Brussels occurring in the first half of that notoriously restless calendar year.1 Yet all-inclusive assessments of the social movements and political reconfigurations happening that year, not only in Belgium but elsewhere in Europe and North America as well, must go beyond the rela- tively narrow confines of university student milieus. For the purposes of this essay, I propose also to address fresh developments occurring within the worlds of labor and cultural productions. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Class Cleavage Roots and Left Electoral Mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX
Lost in translation? Class cleavage roots and left electoral mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX Parties in the Class bloc For the classification of political parties in the class bloc, we have included “those parties which are the historical product of the structuring of the working-class movement” (Bartolini and Mair 1990 [2007], 46). Moreover, as the class cleavage is not only a historical product but a dynamic concept, we have also carefully assessed the potential inclusion of all those parties that are: 1) direct successors of traditional working-class parties or 2) new parties emphasizing traditional left issues. As regards direct successors of traditional working-class parties, issues related to party continuity and change across time arise. Class bloc parties changing name or symbol, merging or forming joint lists with other class bloc parties are obviously included in the Class Bloc. Conversely, in the case of splits or in the case of mergers between a class bloc party and a non-class bloc party, choices become less straightforward. Generally speaking, we looked at the splinter party and included it in the Class bloc whenever it still maintained a clear communist, socialist, or social democratic programmatic profile (e.g., the case of Communist Refoundation Party in Italy in 1992). Conversely, “right-wing” splits from Social democratic parties (e.g., the Centre Democrats from the Social Democratic Party in Denmark in 1973) that have explicitly abandoned their former ideological references to social democracy, shifting their programmatic focus away from economic left issues and embracing liberal, radical, green, or “new politics” ideological profiles, have been generally excluded from the Class Bloc. -
Clécio Ferreira Mendes
1 Iberoamérica Social 2 Número especial vol. 3 RESPONSABLE EDITORIAL Jose María Barroso Tristán - UFBA Salvador de Bahia - Universidad de Sevilla CONSEJO EDITORIAL Carlos Benítez Trinidad - Universidade de Santiago de Compostela - Universidade Nova Lisboa (CHAM) Francisca Fernández Droguett - Universidad de Chile Laura Sampietro - Universitá Alma Mater Studiorum Bologna Jefferson Virgilio - Universidade de Lisboa COMITÉ CIENTÍFICO Enrique Padrós Arsenio Fuentes Angulo Rafael García Ferreira Xaquín Bermello Corominas David Vale Díaz Agnese Soffritti Angel Lopez Escandon ORGANIZADORES DEL DOSSIER: Julio Lisandro Cañon Voirin y César Manuel Román LOGO: Fabiana Pedalino OBRA PORTADA: Map’s studio #01 _ Latinoamérica / golpe, Fabiana Pedalino (2019) EDITOR DE LA PORTADA: Fabiana Pedalino MAQUETACIÓN: Laura Sampietro WEB: Jose María Barroso Tristán ORGANIZACIÓN EDITORA: Asociación Reconocer, Sevilla, España https://iberoamericasocial.com/ Iberoamérica Social 3 Número especial vol. 3 Índice Carta de Presentación Pensar el terrorismo de Estado 5 Julio Lisandro Cañon Voirin, César Manuel Román Artículos O audiovisual no Chile nos anos 1980: doutrina de guerra contrarrevolucionária e os 9 desdobramentos da atuação do Estado Alessandra di Giorgi Chélest, Jussaramar da Silva ¿Por una memoria completa? “Revisionimo” del holocausto y del terrorismo de Estado 35 en Argentina. 1945-1990 Boris Matías Grinchpun “Además me violaron”. La violencia sexual en centros clandestinos de detención durante 58 la última dictadura militar argentina (1976-1983) Victoria Alvarez Vigilancia, conspiración y sistemas de información y tortura: los ojos de Brasil en Chile 78 en los setenta Clécio Ferreira Mendes Golpismo y neogolpismo en América Latina. Violencia y conflicto político en el siglo 98 veintiuno Octavio Humberto Moreno Velador Iberoamérica Social 4 Número especial vol. -
A Theory-Guided Statistical Historiography Of
A statistical historiography of Belgium’s national electoral and party system Tom Schamp1 & Carl Devos Background paper For the paper submitted for ECPR‟s Joint Sessions of Workshops “Party system dynamics. New tools for the study of party system change and party transformation” 11-16 March, 2013 Mainz, Germany 1 Ghent University Faculty of Social and Political sciences Department of Political science Universiteitstraat 8, 9000 Gent, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] 1 1. Introduction In their overview of the Belgian national electoral results and party systems since 1830, Matagne and Verjans (2012:85) concluded that Belgium advanced from a bipolar political system since 1848, via what Giovanni Sartori (1976) called a two-and-a-half party system in the 1920s to the fractionalized and highly volatile multiparty system that present-day Belgium is worldwide known for. In this paper we study the linkages between the changing political system, the process of electoral reforms and the development of the party system. We intend to do so focusing on an old democracy: Belgium. We analyze origin, rise and fall of Belgian political parties participating in the national legislative elections, of the nature and complexity and change of the national electoral system, of the persistence, consolidation and change of the national party system, and last but not least of the perception of democracy in itself.2 These issues are among the most central issues studied by political scientists. There are plenty of explanations for today‟s party system fragmentation. Ever since the 1960s political parties in Belgium, in The Netherlands and in many other Western European representative democracies were principally uprooting from social cleavages.