Pakistan – Karachi – Muslim Fundamentalists – TNSM – NWFP

Refugee Review Tribunal

AUSTRALIA

RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE

Research Response Number: PAK30065 Country: Pakistan Date: 12 April 2006

Keywords: Pakistan – Karachi – Muslim Fundamentalists – TNSM – NWFP

This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

Questions 1. Please provide me background information and if possible a list of “Islamic extremist political parties” that operate in the NWFP. 2. Were TNSM members fighting in Afghanistan from 2000 to 2004? 3. Did this affect their activities in the NWFP? 4. Is there any evidence to suggest that when TNSM’s members returned from Afghanistan they became more active domestically? 5. In its April 2005 report, The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan, the International Crisis Group (ICG) states that “the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi…has lost considerable ground to its rival Islamist organisations as a result of the U.S.-led campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban”. Please provide further information on this claim. 6. Recent reports indicate that the TNSM has resurfaced and re-organised under a new name and leader. Can you provide details of its new name and leader? 7. Are there any recent reports of the activities of the TNSM or the new organisation in the NWFP? 8. Are there any reports that suggest that the TNSM operates in Karachi?

RESPONSE

1. Please provide me background information and if possible a list of “Islamic extremist political parties” that operate in the NWFP.

A myriad of Islamic political parties operate in the North West Frontier Province, (NWFP). According to a March 2006 International Crisis Group report, “Pakistan has 58 religious political parties and 24 known militant groups. The religious political parties also have militant wings or maintain links with local and regional jihadi networks” (‘Pakistan: Political impact of the Earthquake’ 2006, International Crisis Group Asia briefing No. 46, p.9 15 March 2006 – Attachment 1). An article in Al-Ahram Weekly Online describes the complexity of the current relationships of the North-West Frontier Province’s religious groups and their supporters:

(This)…section of Pakistani society has gone further, rejecting outright the government’s attempts to justify itself and choosing instead to vocally oppose Islamabad’s cooperation with the US. They are, in President Musharraf’s own words, “the extremist minority” – Pakistan’s religious groups and their supporters.

On the streets, Islamist groups have both led opposition to the government and supplied the vast majority of protesters. Of Pakistan’s myriad religious parties, two groups – Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI) and Jama’at-I-Islami (JI) – have been especially active. Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI) membership is split between two distinct factions: the Punjab-based JUI(F), led by Fazal-ur-Rehman, and the smaller JUI(S), led by Sami-ul-Haq and based in the North Western Frontier Province which borders Afghanistan. Both factions, but especially Maulana Sami-ul-Haq’s, claim that the Taliban emerged from their madrassas. The JUI has a strong following in the NWFP and Balochistan. It is a Deobandi organisation – the same Sunni sect followed by the Taliban and most Afghan Pashtuns.

The other prominent religious party is Jama’at-I-Islami (JI), headed by Qazi Hussein Ahmed. The JI has a following throughout Pakistan. It claims to be non- sectarian: in practice, however, it is close to Saudi Arabian Wahabism. The JI is the most organised of the religious parties and has a disciplined membership that it can mobilise at will.

Smaller parties and groups are also involved. One of these is Azam Tariq’s Sipah-e- Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) – an extreme, anti-Shi’i group which has its roots in southern Punjab. Another is Maulana Sufi Muhammad’s Tehreek-I-Nifaz-I- Shariah Muhammadi (TNSM), which has a strong following in pockets of the NWFP.

Each of these groups has responded individually to the current situation, but there has also been a collective response in the form of the Pakistan Afghanistan Defence Council (PADC) – an umbrella group comprising some 25 religious parties including JI, both JUI factions, SSP and TNSM. Its leading figures are Maulana Sami-ul-Haq and retired General Hamid Gul. Gul was once head of the Pakistani army’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), the major agency in Islamabad’s Afghan policy (Malek, I. 2001, ‘Islamists rise to the challenge’, Al-Ahram Weekly Online website, 1-7 November http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2001/558/2war.htm – Accessed 5 April 2006 – Attachment 2).

At present the ruling coalition of the NWFP is the Mutahida (also spelt Muttahia) Majlis e Amal, (MMA), a group of six Islamic political parties, including the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and the Jamaat-i-Islami:

The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), major partners in the six-party ruling MMA alliance in NWFP and Balochistan, are two of the most prominent religious parties. Both have been involved with regional jihads, in Kashmir and Afghanistan, conducted at the military’s behest. The JI’s subsidiaries include the Hizbul Mujahidin, one of the most prominent jihadi organisations in Kashmir. Key al-Qaeda figures, including Khalid Sheikh Mohammad, have been apprehended at the homes of JI religious leaders and activists. The JUI was and remains a supporter of the Taliban, many of whom graduated from its madrasas. The JUI-Fazlur Rehman also draws its recruits from Jamiatul-Ansar (the renamed jihadi Harkatul Mujahidin, another prominent jihadi organisation in Kashmir), which maintains bases in the NWFP. These two religious parties, which may be considered the chief patrons of the jihad in Pakistan, are involved in earthquake relief through their welfare wings, the JUI through Al Khair Trust and the JI through Al Khidmat Foundation (‘Pakistan: Political impact of the Earthquake’ 2006, International Crisis Group Asia briefing No. 46, 15 March 2006 – Attachment 1).

Country information from the same International Crisis Group report highlights the complications in differentiating between Islamist organisations and states that there is great difficulty in distinguishing between political and jihadi strains of Islamism in Pakistan. As the report elaborates:

For most analytical purposes Islamist groups around the world can be usefully divided: missionary groups that have no political agenda, organisations with a political agenda that eschew violence, and jihadi outfits that advance their political agenda through violent means.

These distinctions are frequently not clear-cut in Pakistan, where, aside from some missionary groups that have no political agenda, many of the country’s Islamic political movements, including its Islamic political parties, have generally maintained close links with jihadi organisations or even have jihadi wings (‘Pakistan: Political impact of the Earthquake’ 2006, International Crisis Group Asia briefing No. 46, 15 March 2006 – Attachment 1).

According to a 2005 report by the International Crisis Group, the MMA evolved from the Pak-Afghan Defence Council, established in October 2001 by 26 religious parties as well as some smaller groups. The two largest parties of the MMA are the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam. According to International Crisis Group, the alliance:

…were united in their opposition to Pakistan’s role in the U.S led military campaign in Afghanistan. Failing to galvanise much popular support, the council disbanded shortly after the fall of the Taliban. Six of its major parties then formed the MMA in January 2002 to contest general elections in October. Its two largest components are the JUI-F and the JI…

…While the military’s manoeuvres helped it become the second largest party in the National Assembly, internal disputes have made the MMA an unstable coalition whose smaller components, including the JUI-S, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, Jamiat Ahle and the Shia party, Islami Tehrik Pakistan, are increasingly resentful of JUI-F and JI dominance. The JI is equally resentful of the JUI-F’s control of the NWFP and Balochistan governments (‘Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan’ 2005, International Crisis Group, 28 September – Attachment 3).

The International Crisis Group profiles the Jamaat-i-Islami in the following manner:

In many ways the JI is the main architect of official Islam in Pakistan. The party’s founder, Abul A’ala Maududi, was South Asia’s most prominent Islamic scholar, whose influence is visible in revivalist movements across the Muslim world. It has wide international contacts, with chapters in Bangladesh and India and ties to the Ikhwanul Muslimeen, the Islamic Brotherhood of Egypt.

Although the JI’s popular support is limited, it gains clout from close ties to the military, first established in the 1960s with the Ayub regime, then strengthened during the Yahya Khan interregnum, when the JI’s front organistaions, such as Al Badar and Al-Shams, and its student wing, Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT), targeted Bengali dissidents on behalf of the military. During the 1970s, the JI was a key component of the Pakistan national Alliance, whose agitation gave General Zia the pretext to overthrow Bhutto’s PPP government and then became his surrogate party in domestic politics and its closest partner in the U.S.-sponsored jihad in Afghanistan…

…Its constituency remains largely urban, and includes Western-educated intellectuals and social scientists with affiliations to JI-run research organisations such as the Islamabad–based Institute of Policy Studies (‘Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan’ 2005, International Crisis Group, 28 September – Attachment 3).

The International Crisis Group profiles the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam in the following manner:

Divided into two factions, led by Fazlur Rehman (JUI-F) and Samiul Haq (JUI-S), the JUI represents a more puritanical streak of political Islam, with roots in the Deobandi movement under the British Raj, and its political offshoot, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (JUH). Like the JI, the JUH opposed the formation of Pakistan. A small but powerful faction left the JUH to support the pro-independence Muslim League and give rise to the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI). The party’s agenda focuses on establishment of a pan-Islamic state resembling the caliphate of the seventh century. The madrasa and the mosque are its main forum for political mobilisation. The JUI-F has become almost exclusively Pashtun, whose interests it vocally supports. JUI-F, the biggest faction, emerged as the largest party in the MMA, winning 41 seats in the National Assembly and 29 of the MMA’s 48 seats in NWFP. (‘Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan’ 2005, International Crisis Group, 28 September – Attachment 3).

Several jehadi groups operating in the NWFP are discussed by Muhammad Amir Rana:

Harkatul Mujahideen, Harkatul Jehad-ul Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkare Taiba and Al Badar are considered important jehadi organizations in NWFP and a great number of young men are associated with them. In a few tribal areas Tehreek-e- Taliban and in Malakand Division Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Mohammedi of Sufi Mohammad are more active and not only provide the Taliban in Afghanistan with military aid, but also help the above mentioned jehadi organizations tremendously. There are many organizations active in Northern Areas, particularly Kohat, Parachinar and Dera Ismail, but Hizbul Momineen is the most significant while the others are smaller and without much influence. (Rana, M.A 2004, A to Z of Jehadi organizations in Pakistan, p.108, Mashal Publications, Lahore – Attachment 4).

According to an article from the South Asia Analysis Group website, the success of the Islamic parties in the NWFP was unprecedented in 2002, as parties that had previously formed the alliance had experienced difficulty winning a single seat without the support of mainstream parties. One of the factors contributing to the MMA’s success is perceived to be the “wave of Muslim and Pashtun anger against the USA, which has been sweeping across the Pashtun belt in Afghanistan and Pakistan”(Raman, B. 2002, ‘Ill winds from Pakistan’ 14 October South Asia Analysis Group website http://www.saag.org/papers6/paper534.html – Accessed 4 April 2006 – Attachment 5).

The South Asia Terrorism Portal website offers insight into the current social and political climate in Pakistan and conveys the difficulty in differentiating between terrorist and political groups in Pakistan. The same source provides a list of organisations that are described as “political cum terrorist” and while they do not centre on the NWFP, they offer insight into the myriad of organisations considered to be either political or terrorist in nature within Pakistan. As is stated on the South Asia Terrorism Portal website: Unlike other countries of the region where groups that can be defined as purely terrorist outfits exist, the dividing line between socio-politico-religious groups and terrorist outfits is very hazy. Most groups that have actively participated in street violence and acts of terrorism are also active in the political landscape of Pakistan.

These political cum terrorist outfits can broadly be classified into two groups ethnic and sectarian. The Muttahida Quomi Movement (MQM-A, the suffix denoting the leadership of Altaf Hussain) which evolved from the Mohajir Quomi Movement, is the foremost among the ethnic based politico-terrorist formations in Pakistan. A break-away faction termed Haquiqi Mohajir Quomi Movement (literally meaning original MQM, and termed as MQM-H) was formed by two break-away leaders of the MQM, Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan in June 1992. The MQM-A and the MQM- H were locked in a violent war for domination of urban territory in the Sindh province. Following strong action taken by the Pakistani state in 1997-98, the MQM- A was seriously affected in terms of loss of cadre and equipment and has, since then, largely adopted peaceful means of protest.

Sectarian violence originated in a Shia-Sunni struggle for political space within a Pakistani State that was increasingly resorting to Islam as a tool of legitimacy since 1974. In that year, sectarian elements within the Shia and Sunni sects put up a united front and agitated for official action to declare the members of the Ahmediayya sect as non-Muslims, a demand that was accepted through the adoption of a Constitutional Amendment. Having tasted this victory over the State, these Shia and Sunni elements then turned against each other in an attempt to foist their respective religious interpretations as State doctrine.

The race for setting up rival sectarian outfits started with some Shia elements formed the Tehrik Nifaz-i-Fiqah-i-Jafria (TNFJ which means Movement for the Implementation of Fiqah-i-Jafria, a school of Islamic jurisprudence professed by the Shias, later the nomenclature was modified to Tehrik-e-Jafria Pakistan). In response to this attempt by a minority to impose its views over a majority, a Deobandi (a sub- sect within the Sunni sect) cleric, Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi founded the Anjuman Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (ASSP), later renamed as Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) in Jhang, a district of Pakistani Punjab. This outfit evolved into a dubious political organisation which reportedly has a terrorist arm too while its offshoot, the Lashkar- e-Jhangvi (LeJ) is a dedicated terrorist outfit. Besides these two outfits, there are several socio-religious ‘Sunni organisations’ which are reportedly involved in sectarian violence but cannot be strictly defined as terrorist outfits. These include the various factions of the Ahle-Hadith and the Majlis-e-Dawah-wal-Irshad. Among the Shia outfits, the Sipah-e-Muhammad Pakistan (SMP), a splinter body of the TJP, which was formed by extremists of the latter to counter what was perceived as increasing terrorism indulged in by the SSP and the LeJ.

The targets of violence indulged in by these socio-religious outfits, has included opposing sectarian leaders and workers, worshippers of the ‘other’ sects and Iranian diplomats in Pakistan. The latter are perceived by Sunni extremists as being actively involved in aiding Shia extremism. Given the overwhelming numerical domination of the Sunni sect in Pakistan, Sunni outfits attempting to force their individual version of Sunni Islam on the State have been more active as compared to their Shia rivals. (‘Pakistan terrorist groups’ 2001, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/index.html – Accessed 4 April 2006 – Attachment 6).

Country information suggests the existence and subsequent banning of Islamic extremist political parties in Pakistan. According to the US Department of State report for 2005, “In accordance with the Anti-Terrorist Act, the government banned the activities of and membership in several religious extremist and terrorist groups. However, many of the groups that the government banned still remained active” (US Department of State 2006, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2005 – Pakistan, February – Attachment 7).

During the past five years, the Pakistani government have undertaken efforts to curb religious extremism. The Tehreek-I-Nifaz-I- Shariah Muhammadi (TNSM) is one such party that has been banned by the Pakistani government. According to the US Department of State:

Beginning in 2001 and throughout the year, the Government undertook a major effort to curb religious extremism and address the intimidation of religious minorities. On January 12, the Government banned another five groups suspected of inciting religious violence and jihad: Tehrik-e-Ja’fria Pakistan, Sipah-e-Sihaba-Pakistan, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Muhammad, and Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Sharait-e-Muhammadi. Hundreds of local and national offices were closed, and almost 2,000 members of these groups were arrested in the weeks following the announcement. Most detainees were low-level organization members who were released after 90 days without being charged. Rumors persisted that higher level party leaders enjoyed the protection and patronage of government agencies, and avoided arrest by going underground. In late June, the authorities in Lahore arrested at least 30 members of 2 of the banned groups. By year’s end, the Government accelerated its detention of members of several extremist groups. In addition, violence in country has prompted the Government on several occasions to round up hundreds of members of religious extremist groups and students at madrassahs believed to be terrorist recruiting centers and training grounds (US Department of State 2003, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Pakistan – Attachment 8).

According to a 2005 article from CNN, banned groups included Sipah-i-Sahaba, Tahreeki-i- Jafaria, Jaish-i-Muhamad, Lashkar-i-Tayba, Lashkir-i-Jannghvi and Sipah-i-Muhammad.

The CNN article states:

Pakistani law enforcement agencies have begun a massive crackdown across the country against banned jihadi and extremist groups, as well as madrassas -- religious schools -- that promote extremism…

…According to an official with the Interior Ministry, dozens of raids were made across the country and more than 120 members of banned jihadi organizations and other extremists were arrested…

…Meanwhile, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has imposed a ban on the leaders and members of all the outfits banned by the government from taking part in coming local elections.

According to the commission, notification that any candidate belonged to one of these outfits would disqualify them from being on the ballot.

An Interior Ministry official said the banned groups include Sipah-i-Sahaba, Tahreeki-i-Jafaria, Jaish-i-Muhamad, Lashkar-i-Tayba, Lashkir-i-Jannghvi and Sipah-i-Muhammad. (‘Musharraf orders crackdown’ 2005 CNN.com 20 July http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/07/19/pakistan.crackdown/index.html – Accessed 5 April 2006 – Attachment 9) As is further stated in a 2003 CNN article, and elaborating further on the claims made at Attachment 7, many banned groups often re-group and re-emerge under new names:

The Pakistani government banned three Islamic militant groups Saturday and began sealing off more than 300 offices used by the organizations, Pakistani officials said…

… The banned groups are Islami Tehreek Pakistan, Milat-e-Islami Pakistan and Khudamul Islam. Another group, Jamatul Dawa, was put on a watch list under the country’s antiterrorism act, Information Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmad said.

An intelligence official told CNN that, immediately after the decision, security authorities began sealing off the groups’ offices.

Allama Sajid Naqvi, the head of Islami Tehreek Pakistan, was arrested Sunday morning in Rawalpindi, about 15 miles from Islamabad.

Naqvi’s organization is a member of Mutihida Majlis Amal, the largest religious alliance opposed to the Pakistani government.

On Thursday, the U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, Nancy Powell, had raised concerns that militant groups previously banned by the Pakistani government were re-emerging under new names (‘Pakistan bans three Islamic militant groups’ 2003, CNN.com, 17 November, http://www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/asiapcf/south/11/15/pakistan.crackdown/index.ht ml – Accessed 4 April 2006 – Attachment 10).

2. Were TNSM members fighting in Afghanistan from 2000 to 2004? 3. Did this affect their activities in the NWFP? 4. Is there any evidence to suggest that when TNSM’s members returned from Afghanistan they became more active domestically?

Information regarding the profile and characteristics of the TNSM is available in response to Question One of RRT Country Research 2005, Research Response PAK17192, 9 February (Q.1), available at Attachment 11.

Background information in relation to the activities of the TNSM during 2000 to 2004 is available in response to Question Four of RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response PAK30033, 21 March (Q.4), available at Attachment 12.

Country information supports the claim that TNSM members were fighting in Afghanistan from 2000 to 2004. A Daily Times article states that “in 2001 the group organised thousands of volunteers to fight alongside the Taliban after US-led military action began in neighbouring Afghanistan…(and that)…many of the volunteers are still languishing in Afghan prisons. TNSM was banned in January last year” (‘Threat to freedom of expression in NWFP flayed’ 2003 The Daily Times, 29 January http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_29-1-2003_pg7_15 – Accessed 6 April 2006 – Attachment 13).

According to a February 2006 editorial from The Daily Times, the last few years have seen the TNSM active alongside the Taliban in the Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) of Bajaur, along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Information also further confirms that the TNSM assisted the Taliban in militant activities against the US and coalition forces in Afghanistan. A US airstrike which occurred in Damadola in January 13 this year saw several members of the TNSM killed. According to the source:

For the past many years, Bajaur has been under the influence of numerous extremist groups including Al Qaeda…(and)…the Tehrik-e-Nifaz Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM)…

…Most of those killed in the air strike on January 13 belonged to the TNSM. The banned TNSM is considered a major ally of the Taliban. Damadola is a stronghold of the TNSM that mobilised thousands of volunteers to fight with the Taliban against the US and its coalition forces in Afghanistan after 9/11. The JI and the JUI, both have representation in parliament from Bajaur, and are sympathetic to the Taliban judging from the public statements of their leaders (‘Editorial: Bajaur: a scary profile’ 2006, The Daily Times, February 13 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006%5C02%5C13%5Cstory_13-2- 2006_pg3_1 – Accessed 10 April 2006 – Attachment 14).

Information conveying whether the activities of the TNSM were affected due to their commitment to the war in Afghanistan is quite scarce. Information was found, however that stated that conflict became “sporadic” to 2003, and that following the conflict against the US coalition, members of the TNSM were forced to go underground in the North West Frontier Provinces.

A January 2003 article from The Daily Times, states that despite the TNSM being banned in January 2002 , sporadic violence in the Malakand and Mingora regions of the North-West Frontier Province occurred from 1993 to 2003 “due to the rise of the Tehrike-e Nifaz-e Shariat-e Muhammadi (TNSM), which called for the imposition of Shariah law there” (‘Threat to freedom of expression in NWFP flayed’ 2003 The Daily Times, 29 January http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_29-1-2003_pg7_15 – Accessed 6 April 2006 – Attachment 13).

Sources also suggest the TNSM was active but underground during the period 2000 to 2004 due to the anger and pressure felt by family members of recruits who had gone missing in the conflict in Afghanistan. Please see Attachment 15 for further information regarding the underground TNSM. (‘Pakistan fundamentalist leaders go underground: Reports’ 2002, Rediff.Com website, 4 January http://www.rediff.com/us/2002/jan/04ny1.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 15).

Presently, the TNSM is still considered to be active in North Western Frontier Province. The Swat district has, according to media reports been the target of militant groups including the TNSM. According to a report in May, 2005, “Swat district has been in the spotlight since last year after militants from banned jihadi organisations, including the Maulana Sufi Muhammad-led Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariah Muhammad (TNSM), began targeting the area. On April 28, two militants were killed while planting a bomb in the district and police linked the two killed militants to TNSM” (‘Bomb explodes in Mingora cinema’ 2005, The Daily Times, 15 May http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_15-5-2005_pg7_3 – Accessed 10 April 2006 – Attachment 16).

Despite these attacks, some sources suggest that the NWFP is not a favourable area for militant operatives such as the TNSM. According to Rana in his book A to Z of Jehadi Organizations in Pakistan: The atmosphere in the Frontier has always been conducive to jehadi activities, but after the October 2001 attack by America on Afghanistan, and what happened to those who had gone to help the Taliban and were taken prisoners; the situation in the NWFP in general, and Malakand Division in particular, is no longer favourable for jehadi organizations for the time being (Rana, M.A 2004, A to Z of Jehadi organizations in Pakistan, p.108, Mashal Publications, Lahore – Attachment 4).

Information outlining the activities involving the activities of the TNSM upon return from Afghanistan does not specify whether they became more active domestically. It does however indicate that the defunct group was forced to resort to bank robbery and collecting donations. Please see Attachment 17 for a report outlining these activities (Bacha, A. H. 2004, ‘Mingora: Banned religious outfits change mode of operation’, Dawn Internet Edition, 12 December http://www.dawn.com/2004/12/12/local24.htm – Accessed 16 March 2006 – Attachment 17).

There are also reports that a former TNSM activist along with colleagues, attacked a village in the Upper Dir district, that such areas of the NWFP had “become a safe sanctuary for criminals and…(that)…several groups are taking advantage of the situation to act on their own under different names (‘Defunct TNSM activist holds villages hostage’ 2004, The News: International online edition, 18 October http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/oct2004- daily/18-10-2004/main/main10.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 18).

5. In its April 2005 report, The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan, the International Crisis Group (ICG) states that “the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi…has lost considerable ground to its rival Islamist organisations as a result of the U.S.-led campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban”. Please provide further information on this claim.

In reference to the International Crisis Group report, the activities of the TNSM saw the group closely aligned with the Taleban in Afghanistan, and subsequently, many were held in Afghan prisons after the fall of the Taleban. General Parvez Musharref’s crackdown on extremist groups saw many of the TNSM’s offices closed, allowing for the influence of other rival Islamist groups. As reported in an article from Dawn – The Internet Edition:

The police have arrested more than 1,900 activists in the first four days of a sweeping crackdown on extremist religious groups, officials said here on Tuesday…

…”Police have sealed 600 offices of the banned groups and confiscated their literature,” the official said.

“Instructions have already been issued to the central state bank to freeze the accounts of these outfits.”

Police have also detained activists from fundamentalist organisations involved in violent protests over the government’s decision to join the international coalition against terrorism, the official said.

M. Ismail Khan adds from Peshawar: Over 300 activists of the banned sectarian and Jihadi organisations have been rounded up in the NWFP, a senior government official said on Tuesday.

“We have gone after activists who had a known history of trouble-making, disruption, disobedience and road-blocks,” NWFP secretary home & tribal affairs, Javed Iqbal told said… …Majority of those arrested were from the TNSM, the secretary said. He put the figure of the TNSM arrests at 195.

The TNSM was behind a bloody revolt against the state authority in 1994 when its activists seized control of the government buildings, civilian airport and police stations in an attempt to enforce Shariat in Malakand division (‘Over 1900 activists held, 600 offices sealed: Crackdown on banned religious groups’ 2002, Dawn –The Internet Edition, 16 January http://www.dawn.com/2002/01/16/top9.htm – Accessed 11 April 2006 – Attachment 19).

Country information provided in the South Asia Terrorism Portal also states that the crackdown on Islamist forces has hit the TNSM activities hard:

A large number of its cadres were arrested in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban, while those who managed to escape were subsequently arrested on their return to Pakistan. Under alleged US pressure, Pakistan’s military regime could not show any leniency towards the TNSM, as its cadres had more directly challenged the American forces in support of the Taliban in Afghanistan (Lakshman, K. 2003, ‘Sectarian Terror in Quetta’, South Asia Intelligence Review: Weekly Assessments & Briefings, Volume 1, Number 51, 7 July, South Asia Terrorism Portal http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives/1_51.htm – Accessed 8 February 2005 – Attachment 20).

In a 2002 report, UNHCR offers the following information:

Thousands of Pakistanis crossed over into neighbouring Afghanistan in the aftermath of the US-led coalition’s launched attack on Al-Qaeda and the Taliban early last November. A large number of them came from Malakand division and were mostly followers of a local hardline Islamist group, Tanzim-e Nefaz-e Shariat-e Muhammadi (TNSM). A large number of them remain missing, months after the demise of the Taliban and the end of most of the fighting in Afghanistan.

In the nearby village of Koga, also housing a large number of Afghan refugees, Muzammil Khan, a TNSM activist who also ventured into Afghanistan, told IRIN that “all the ulema (Islamic clerics) issued a fatwa [religious decree] declaring that the war in Afghanistan was a jihad [holy war], and we went there to fulfil our religious obligation”. Khan remained in eastern Afghanistan for three weeks facing US bombing, and eventually returned after the Taliban defeat.

Khan added about 120 men from Buner District had gone to Afghanistan but only 70 had returned and most of them were now in the custody of Pakistani authorities. One of Khan’s friends died in fighting, some 12 were missing and nobody knew whether they were dead or alive. “The rest are languishing in different prisons, some of them even detained by local warlords,” he said.

Khan maintained that about 1,100 TNSM activists were either missing or in captivity all over Afghanistan. Asked what they were doing to secure the release of their companions, he replied: “Most of our leaders, including TNSM’s founder, Maulana Sufi Muhammad, are in Pakistani jails. We have nothing to do with politics. We went into Afghanistan to fulfil our sacred religious obligation by waging jihad against infidels…

…Many of these religious recruits now languish in prisons across northern Afghanistan. “The TNSM activists from Malakand were instigated by mullahs, and they had no experience in fighting,” Khattak maintained. Comprising six districts, Malakand Division was merged with Pakistan in 1969. Over the last decade TNSM played a major role in shaping the area’s politics (‘Focus on Pakistani prisoners’ 2002 United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) 17 April – Attachment 21)

Due to the alleged anger felt by relatives of TNSM members who had disappeared while fighting against coalition forces alongside the Taleban, the TNSM lost a substantial amount of its support base and “reports indicate there is much unrest within the TNSM and its leaders have largely been discredited” (‘Pakistan fundamentalist leaders go underground: Reports’ 2002, Rediff.Com website, 4 January http://www.rediff.com/us/2002/jan/04ny1.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 15 ).

The report further elaborates:

…while TNSM Chief Sufi Muhammad was under arrest, the report said the outfit’s leaders in Malakand Agency of North West Frontier Provice “have gone underground to escape the anger of families of missing volunteers who were instigated by TNSM to go to Afghanistan and fight alongside Taliban (‘Pakistan fundamentalist leaders go underground: Reports’ 2002, Rediff.Com website, 4 January http://www.rediff.com/us/2002/jan/04ny1.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 15).

As the International Crisis Group further emphasises:

Hundreds of its followers were killed or detained in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban. Its leaders remain behind bars in Pakistan, and its offices have been closed. But TNSM remains active. “TNSM’s Taliban folly has turned people against it”, says an employee of an international NGO in the area. “But many of its local leaders in villages and tribe still run Tehreek-e-Taliban [the Taliban Movement] with similar aims. (International Crisis Group 2005, The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan, Asia Report No. 95, 18 April http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/095_the_state_of_secta rianism_in_pakistan.pdf – Accessed 17 January 2006 – Attachment 22).

The term “Taliban folly”, referred to in the above report may relate to the circumstances facing the TNSM upon their arrival in Afghanistan, as elaborated by an article in The News:

Like many other Islamist parties, TNSM, which had established close links with the Taliban movement in Afghanistan, pledged to go and wage jihad against the Americans in Afghanistan in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States. However, it was only TNSM that went to Afghanistan with all fanfare. To their total surprise, the Taliban refused to welcome them and asked them to return to Pakistan after handing their weapons over to them. In the meanwhile, the American warplanes started carrying out air strikes against the al-Qaeda and their hosts, the Taliban. The Taliban, who had some sort of plan to escape the bombardments, disappeared and left the TNSM cadres to suffer heavy casualties.

The TNSM leaders and cadres allege that they went into Afghanistan expecting the Jamaat-i-Islami to follow them. But, the Jamaat-i-Islami only wanted them to go and face the Americans. When the Americans annihilated TNSM in Afghanistan, the Jamaat-i-Islami must have been too happy on seeing two of their rivals being removed from the regional scene, said Ahmed with some justification. Their second rival was the Taliban Islamic movement, which had snatched victory from their jaws (Jamal, A. 2005, ‘Sharia here, in the country, in the world’, The News, 6 March http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/mar2005-weekly/nos-06-03-2005/dia.htm#6 – Accessed 16 March 2006 – Attachment 23).

6. Recent reports indicate that the TNSM has resurfaced and re-organised under a new name and leader. Can you provide details of its new name and leader? 7. Are there any recent reports of the activities of the TNSM or the new organisation in the NWFP?

The impact of the banning of the TNSM and other Pakistani militant groups is better understood by examining background information regarding the government’s response, available at Attachment 24 (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2002, PAK37965.E Pakistan: Impact of 11 September 2001 on Muslim extremism; government response, 8 March – Attachment 24).

According to an article from BBC Monitoring Asia, several banned Pakistani militant organisations have continued their activities under new names. According to the article from October, 2003, the new title of the TNSM is “Khudam-ul-Islam…(and their new Commander is)…Cdr Abdul Jabbar…(and that)… the TNSM has started its reorganization in accordance with new directions despite the detention of its chief, Maulana Sufi Mohammad, in Dera Jail” (‘Pakistan orders four banned groups to close offices’ 2003, BBC Monitoring Asia, 16 October – Attachment 25). In full, the article declares that although there is a new Commander of the TNSM, their spiritual leader, despite being imprisoned, remains the official leader, Maulana Sufi Mohammad:

The Pakistan government has issued orders to four banned jihadi organizations to seal their offices in all four provinces and districts and stop their activities in the country. These organizations include banned Jaish-i-Mohammad, Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i- Mohammadi [TNSM], Lashkar-i-Toiba, and Harakat-ul-Mojahedin. These organizations have continued their activities under the new names of Khudam-ul- Islam (Masood Azhar), Khudam-ul-Islam (Cdr Abdul Jabbar), Jamaat-ud-Daawa, and Jamiat-ul-Ansar, respectively. However, the TNSM has started its reorganization in accordance with new directions despite the detention of its chief, Maulana Sufi Mohammad, in Dera Jail (‘Pakistan orders four banned groups to close offices’ 2003, BBC Monitoring Asia, 17 October – Attachment 25).

Describing the circumstances surrounding the re-grouping of the TNSM, the following 2003 article describes their current aims and activities and the manner in which the release of the leader of the TNSM is the first priority of the organisation:

The banned Tehrik Nifaz-i-Shariat Muhammadi (TNSM) has again started activities for reorganizing the group in different districts. The activities are reported, but the activists are avoiding issuing statements to the press.

A TNSM leader on the condition of anonymity told this reporter here on Monday that their first priority was to get Sufi Muhammad, Amir of TNSM, released from the jail, adding that the reorganization of the movement was a second priority.

He said that the government of Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) had totally disappointed them, which did nothing for the release of Sufi Muhammad and others.

The provincial government had also failed to send a delegation to Afghanistan to contact the Afghan authorities for the release of the detained Pakistanis, the TNSM leader said. (‘Activists of TNSM re-organizing’ 2003, Dawn – Internet edition 26 June http://www.dawn.com/2003/06/26/nat23.htm – Accessed 10 April 2006 – Attachment 26).

In reference to recent activities of the TNSM in NWFP, a 2005 report states that official data collected by the Pakistani authorities asserts that the TNSM are still active in the NWFP region. According to the report, the TNSM and the SSP are active “while other banned organisations either had weak organizational structure or had no presence”:

Data about activists of two banned organizations Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and Tehrik-i-Nifaz Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM) – was collected under recent instructions of President Gen Pervez Musharraf, the sources maintained.

Only these two outfits were active in the province, while other banned organizations either had weak organizational structure or had no presence here, they added.

The special branch has also given different grades to activists of these organizations according to their positions in their outfit.

The sources said the special branch had placed the SSP higher on its list of organizations capable of creating sectarian violence in the province due to the ability of its leaders to provoke the masses through fiery speeches (‘Pakistan police clear organizations suspected of Al-Qa’idah links’ 2005, BBC Monitoring, 20 July – Attachment 27).

Recent reports of activities involving the TNSM include an article from March 2006 that states that the banned outfit formed a protest in Mingora, Swat district, NWFP, involving around 6000 people, in which the crowd burnt televisions and VCR’s that were seen to be “spreading vulgarity and obscenity among the locals”:

Mingora: A large number of workers of the banned Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM) set on fire thousands of videocassettes, VCR and TV sets on Monday [27 March].

Around 6,000 people attended the ceremony at Kuza Banda in Swat.

Addressing the participants, divisional president of the organization, Maulana [cleric] Mohammad Alam and Maulana Abdul Haq said that VCR and TVs were spreading vulgarity and obscenity among the locals. They added that the people of Swat Valley were voluntarily destroying the stuff. The speakers warned the government to ban FM stations broadcasting transmission in the area. Around 150 TV sets along with 210 VCRs and 6,000 cassettes were torched on the occasion. (‘Activists of banned outfit burn videotapes, VCRs, TV sets’ 2006, BBC Monitoring, 28 March – Attachment 28).

In August 2005, a former TNSM activist was arrested for hosting foreign militants and running a training camp in the Peshawar district of the NWFP, and according to The News article, a number of terrorists are hiding in the tribal belt, following military operations in South Waziristan, NWFP:

Peshawar: The law enforcement agencies arrested a former activist of banned Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat Muhammadia (TNSM) in Bajaur [Tribal] Agency for hosting foreigner militants and running training camp. According to reports one Maulana Inayathur Rehman, former amir [chief] of TNSM Bajaur Agency was on his way when the security forces arrested him near Nawagai.

The former activist of the banned organization, according to the reports, was also wanted by the political authorities under certain charges. However, harbouring the foreigner militants belonging to Al-Qa’idah network was the main charge against him.

It is pertinent to mention here that a number of a (sic) terrorists were hiding in the tribal belt following a massive military operation at South Waziristan Agency against them (‘Alleged militant held in Bajaur agency’ 2005, The News 20 August http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/aug2005-daily/20-08-2005/metro/p6.htm – Accessed 10 April 2006 – Attachment 29).

Recent reports on the TNSM in NWFP include a report from September 2005 that states “Law enforcement agencies arrested 12 prominent leaders of the banned outfit, Tanzimi-i- Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Mohammadi (TNSM) [also known as Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i- Mohammadi], from Swat and nearby Buner district in a crack down launched Thursday [1 September]”(‘Pakistan authorities arrest 12 suspected leaders of banned groups’ 2005, BBC Monitoring, 2 September –Attachment 30)

An article from The News from October 2004, available at Attachment 18 states that “an activist of the banned Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) has reportedly held dozens of residents of a village hostage in Doag Dara of Dir Upper district amid reports of casualties and burning of houses” (‘Defunct TNSM activist holds villages hostage’ 2004, The News: International online edition, 18 October http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/oct2004- daily/18-10-2004/main/main10.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 18).

Furthermore:

Police and local sources said that Haji Muhammad Khan and his men attacked Mina Doag, a village of about 35 houses, on Saturday night and burnt down houses of his rival, Mehmud, after an exchange of heavy firing that continued for more than 24 hours till Sunday night (‘Defunct TNSM activist holds villages hostage’ 2004, The News: International online edition, 18 October http://www.jang- group.com/thenews/oct2004-daily/18-10-2004/main/main10.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006 – Attachment 18)

An article from January 2004 states that nine people were held on charges relating to reviving the TNSM in the Malakand division of the NWFP. (‘Nine held on charges of reviving Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat’ 2004 The Daily Times, 31 January http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_31-1-2004_pg7_40 – Accessed 10 April 2006 – Attachment 31).

8. Are there any reports that suggest that the TNSM operates in Karachi?

Information about the activities of the TNSM is available in response to Question Five of RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response PAK30033, 21 March 2006 (Q.5), available at Attachment 12. While the information available indicates that the TNSM is active outside the NWFP and that the “Pakistan government has issued orders to four banned jihadi organizations to seal their offices in all four provinces and districts and stop their activities in the country”, no specific reports link the TNSM with specific incidents in Karachi. (‘Pakistan orders four banned groups to close offices’ 2003, BBC Monitoring South Asia, sourced from Ausaf, 16 October – Attachment 25).

For the most part the TNSM “area of operation” is largely confined to the “tribal belt” of the NWFP, such as Swat and its’ adjoining districts (‘Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi’ 2001, South Asia Terrorism Portal website. (http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/TNSM.htm – Accessed 7 April 2004 – Attachment 32)

An extract from an article in Jane’s Terrorism and Security Monitor discusses the presence of Islamic militants in Karachi and states that:

A commonly held perception concerning the current structure of Al-Qaeda is that its scattered leadership figures are now on the run somewhere among the wild and inhospitable terrain of the Afghan-Pakistan border. Yet since the US swept the Taliban movement from power in Operation ‘Enduring Freedom’ in 2002, it is more often than not in Pakistan’s cities, rather than its barren frontier provinces, that many of the most important Al-Qaeda suspects have been located and detained…

…Karachi provides a natural temporary sanctuary for the militants. A teeming city, it provided places to hide and its location provided escape routes by sea to the Gulf and other regions. Many of the Arab militants who fled from Afghanistan sought refuge in Karachi while middlemen arranged onward travel (‘Islamic militancy in Karachi – Extract’ 2005, Jane’s Terrorism and Security Monitor 15 March http://www.janes.com/security/international_security/news/jtsm/jtsm050315_1_n.sht ml – Accessed 11 April 2006 – Attachment 33).

Another article from May 2004 states that there are “nearly 5,500 prisoners, including nearly 180 hardcore Islamists belonging to outlawed militants groups, housed in…(a)…colonial-era jail, which is located in the east of the city of Karachi (‘Breaking out’ 2004, Newsline, May http://www.newsline.com.pk/newsMay2004/newsbeat2may.htm – Accessed 11 April 2006 – Attachment 34).

List of Sources Consulted

Internet Sources: Non-Government Organisations International Crisis Group – http://www.crisisgroup.org International News & Politics Al-Ahram Weekly – http://weekly.ahram.org.eg CNN News – http://www.cnn.com The Daily Times – http://www.dailytimes.com.pk Dawn Internet Edition – http://www.dawn.com The News: International – http://www.jang-group.com/thenew Newsline – http://www.newsline.com.pk Region Specific Links Rediff.Com website – http://www.rediff.com Topic Specific Links South Asia Analysis Group – http://www.saag.org South Asia Terrorism Portal website – http://www.satp.org Jane’s Terrorism and Security Monitor – http://www.janes.com Search Engines Google search engine – http://www.google.com.au/

Databases: Public FACTIVA Reuters Business Briefing DIMIA BACIS Country Information REFINFO IRBDC Research Responses (Canada) RRT ISYS RRT Country Research database, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, US Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. RRT Library FIRST RRT Library Catalogue

List of Attachments

1. ‘Pakistan: Political impact of the Earthquake’ 2006, International Crisis Group Asia briefing No. 46, p.9, 15 March.

2. Malek, I. 2001, ‘Islamists rise to the challenge’, Al-Ahram Weekly Online website, 1-7 November.

3. ‘Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan’ 2005, International Crisis Group, 28 September.

4. Rana, M.A 2004, A to Z of Jehadi organizations in Pakistan, p.108, Mashal Publications, Lahore. (RRT Library)

5. Raman, B. 2002, ‘Ill winds from Pakistan’ 14 October South Asia Analysis Group website. (http://www.saag.org/papers6/paper534.html – Accessed 4 April 2006)

6. ‘Pakistan terrorist groups’ 2001, South Asia Terrorism Portal website. (http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/index.html – Accessed 4 April 2006) 7. US Department of State 2006, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2005 – Pakistan, February.

8. US Department of State 2003, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Pakistan.

9. ‘Musharraf orders crackdown’ 2005 CNN.com 20 July. (http://www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/07/19/pakistan.crackdown/index.html – Accessed 5 April 2006)

10. ‘Pakistan bans three Islamic militant groups’ 2003, CNN.com, 17 November. (http://www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/asiapcf/south/11/15/pakistan.crackdown/index.h tml – Accessed 4 April 2006)

11. RRT Country Research 2005, Research Response PAK17192, 9 February.

12. RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response PAK30033, 21 March.

13. ‘Threat to freedom of expression in NWFP flayed’ 2003 The Daily Times, 29 January. (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_29-1-2003_pg7_15 – Accessed 6 April 2006)

14. ‘Editorial: Bajaur: a scary profile’ 2006, The Daily Times, 13 February. (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006%5C02%5C13%5Cstory_13- 2-2006_pg3_1 – Accessed 10 April 2006)

15. ‘Pakistan fundamentalist leaders go underground: Reports’ 2002, Rediff.Com website, 4 January. (http://www.rediff.com/us/2002/jan/04ny1.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006)

16. ‘Bomb explodes in Mingora cinema’ 2005, The Daily Times, 15 May. (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_15-5-2005_pg7_3 – Accessed 10 April 2006)

17. Bacha, A. H. 2004, ‘Mingora: Banned religious outfits change mode of operation’, Dawn Internet Edition, 12 December. (http://www.dawn.com/2004/12/12/local24.htm – Accessed 16 March 2006)

18. ‘Defunct TNSM activist holds villages hostage’ 2004, The News: International online edition, 18 October. (http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/oct2004-daily/18-10- 2004/main/main10.htm – Accessed 17 March 2006)

19. ‘Over 1900 activists held, 600 offices sealed: Crackdown on banned religious groups’ 2002, Dawn –The Internet Edition, 16 January. (http://www.dawn.com/2002/01/16/top9.htm – Accessed 11 April 2006)

20. Lakshman, K. 2003, ‘Sectarian Terror in Quetta’, South Asia Intelligence Review: Weekly Assessments & Briefings, Volume 1, Number 51, 7 July, South Asia Terrorism Portal. (http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives/1_51.htm – Accessed 8 February 2005) 21. ‘Focus on Pakistani prisoners’ 2002 United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN). (CISNET Pakistan CX63836)

22. International Crisis Group 2005, The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan, Asia Report No. 95, 18 April. (http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/095_the_state_of_sect arianism_in_pakistan.pdf – Accessed 17 January 2006)

23. Jamal, A. 2005, ‘Sharia here, in the country, in the world’, The News, 6 March. (http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/mar2005-weekly/nos-06-03-2005/dia.htm#6 – Accessed 16 March 2006)

24. Immigration and refugee Board of Canada 2002, PAK37965.E Pakistan: Impact of 11 September 2001 on Muslim extremism; government response, 8 March. (REFINFO)

25. ‘Pakistan orders four banned groups to close offices’ 2003, BBC Monitoring Asia, 17 October. (FACTIVA)

26. ‘Activists of TNSM re-organizing’ 2003, Dawn – Internet edition 26 June. (http://www.dawn.com/2003/06/26/nat23.htm – Accessed 10 April 2006)

27. ‘Pakistan police clear organizations suspected of Al-Qa’idah links’ 2005, BBC Monitoring, 20 July. (FACTIVA)

28. ‘Activists of banned outfit burn videotapes, VCRs, TV sets’ 2006, BBC Monitoring, 28 March. (FACTIVA)

29. ‘Alleged militant held in Bajaur agency’ 2005, The News 20 August. (http://www.jang-group.com/thenews/aug2005-daily/20-08-2005/metro/p6.htm – Accessed 10 April 2006)

30. ‘Pakistan authorities arrest 12 suspected leaders of banned groups’ 2005, BBC Monitoring, 2 September. (FACTIVA)

31. ‘Nine held on charges of reviving Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat’ 2004 The Daily Times, 31 January. (http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_31-1-2004_pg7_40 – Accessed 10 April 2006)

32. ‘Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi’ 2001, South Asia Terrorism Portal website. (http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/TNSM.htm – Accessed 7 April 2004)

33. ‘Islamic militancy in Karachi – Extract’ 2005, Jane’s Terrorism and Security Monitor 15 March. (http://www.janes.com/security/international_security/news/jtsm/jtsm050315_1_n.sht ml – Accessed 11 April 2006)

34. ‘Breaking out’ 2004, Newsline, May. (http://www.newsline.com.pk/newsMay2004/newsbeat2may.htm – Accessed 11 April 2006)