(Post)Ideological Novel Serguei Alex
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CIGS Alexander PROKHANOV 氏・Alexander NAGORNY 氏 Seminar 「ロシア保守派の広島訪問と最近のロシア情勢」
CIGS Alexander PROKHANOV 氏・Alexander NAGORNY 氏 Seminar 「ロシア保守派の広島訪問と最近のロシア情勢」 Date & time: 7th August 2015 (Friday) 14:00 - 16:30 Venue: ”大会堂”(Auditorium) (2F, Nihon Kogyo Club Kaikan Bldg., 4-6 Marunouchi 1-chome, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo) Agenda: 14:00-14:05 Opening 14:05-14:35 Alexander Prokhanov’s lecture 「広島訪問の印象。現在の世界情勢」 (Russian with Japanese) 14:35-15:05 Alexander Nagorny’s lecture 「ロシアの情勢とウクライナをめぐる状況」 (English) 15:05-15:35 Larion Lebedev’s lecture 「福島原発事故と原子力分野における日ロ協力の道」 (Russian with Japanese) 15:35-16:30 Q&A Moderator: Daisuke Kotegawa, Research Director, CIGS Language: English・Russian Speaker's profile: ■Alexander PROKHANOV 氏(アレキサンダー・プロハーノフ氏) Born in Tbilisi. Enrolled the Moscow Aviation Institute, where he first started to write poetry and prose. Prominent writer since 1960s. Extensive experience as foreign correspondent in Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Cambodia, Angola and Ethiopia. The editor-in-chief of newspaper “Zavtra” (Tomorrow). ■Alexander NAGORNY 氏(アレキサンダー・ナゴルニー氏) Graduated post graduate course of Institute of USA and Canada in 1978 Chief analytical group, Russian Parliament, Committee of Foreign Relations Visiting Professor at University of Washington in 1991-93 Professor at Kung Hee University of Republic of Korea in 1993-95 Executive secretary general of “Izborsk Group” Deputy Editor-in-chief of “Zavtra” (Tomorrow). ■Larion LEBEDEV 氏(ラリオン・レベジェフ氏) General Director of the State Research and Development Center for Expertises of Projects and Technologies Graduated from Moscow Physical-Engineering Institute –PhD in 1984. Professor Lebedev acts as an expert of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). He actively participated in the elimination of impacts of the Chernobyl NPP accident - he worked in 1986 as the Head of Radiation Reconnaissance Group of US-605. -
Warrior, Philosopher, Child: Who Are the Heroes of the Chechen Wars?
Warrior, Philosopher, Child: Who are the Heroes of the Chechen Wars? Historians distinguish between the two Chechen wars, first in 1994-1995 under Yeltsin’s presidency, and second in 1999-2000, when Vladimir Putin became the Prime Minister of Russia and was mainly responsible for military decision-making. The first one was the result of the Soviet Union dissolution, when Chechnya wanted to assert its independence on the Russian Federation. The second one started with the invasion of Dagestan by Shamil Basaev’s terrorist groups, and bombings in Moscow, Volgodonsk and the Dagestani town Buynaksk. It remains unclear what exactly led to a Russian massive air-campaign over Chechnya in 1999. Putin declared the authority of Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov and his parliament illegitimate, and Russians started a land invasion. In May 2000, Putin established direct rule of Chechnya. However, guerrilla war never stopped. Up to now there has been local ongoing low-level insurgency against Ramzan Kadyrov, the Head of the Chechen Republic. Who was drafted to fight in the Chechen Wars? Mainly, young people from neighbouring regions of Russia, who were poorly trained. Russian troops suffered severe losses, since they were ill-prepared. Because of lack of training and experience, Russian forces often attacked random positions, causing enormous casualties among the Chechen and Russian civilian population. The Russian-Chechen Friendship Society set their estimate of the total death toll in two wars at about 150,000 to 200,000 civilians1. If the first war received extensive international coverage, the second got considerably 1 Wikipedia. Retrieved March 30, 2017 from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Chechen_War. -
Spinning Russia's 21St Century Wars
Research Article This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative The RUSI Journal Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-NoDerivatives License (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Spinning Russia’s 21st Century Wars Zakhar Prilepin and his ‘Literary Spetsnaz’ Julie Fedor In this article, Julie Fedor examines contemporary Russian militarism through an introduction to one of its most high-profile representatives, the novelist, Chechen war veteran and media personality Zakhar Prilepin. She focuses on Prilepin’s commentary on war and Russian identity, locating his ideas within a broader strand of Russian neo-imperialism. he Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 brand of militarism that has come to pervade the and the war in the Donbas which began Russian media landscape, Prilepin warrants our T that same year have been accompanied by attention. Studying his career and output can help a remarkable drive to mobilise cultural production to illuminate the context and underpinnings of the in Russia in support of a new brand of state- domestic support for the official military doctrine sponsored militarism. Using a variety of media and policy that is more commonly the subject of platforms and reaching mass popular audiences, scholarship on Russian military and security affairs. a range of cultural celebrities – actors, writers, This article focuses on Prilepin’s commentary rock stars, tabloid war correspondents – have on the nature of war and Russian identity, locating played a key role in framing and shaping domestic his ideas within a broader strand of Russian perceptions of Russia’s 21st Century wars. Despite neo-imperialism in which war is claimed as a vital their prominence in Russian media space, their source of belonging, power and dignity.1 It shows activities have received surprisingly little scholarly how the notion of a special Russian relationship attention to date. -
Great Game to 9/11
Air Force Engaging the World Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland COVER Aerial view of a village in Farah Province, Afghanistan. Photo (2009) by MSst. Tracy L. DeMarco, USAF. Department of Defense. Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland Washington, D.C. 2014 ENGAGING THE WORLD The ENGAGING THE WORLD series focuses on U.S. involvement around the globe, primarily in the post-Cold War period. It includes peacekeeping and humanitarian missions as well as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom—all missions in which the U.S. Air Force has been integrally involved. It will also document developments within the Air Force and the Department of Defense. GREAT GAME TO 9/11 GREAT GAME TO 9/11 was initially begun as an introduction for a larger work on U.S./coalition involvement in Afghanistan. It provides essential information for an understanding of how this isolated country has, over centuries, become a battleground for world powers. Although an overview, this study draws on primary- source material to present a detailed examination of U.S.-Afghan relations prior to Operation Enduring Freedom. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Cleared for public release. Contents INTRODUCTION The Razor’s Edge 1 ONE Origins of the Afghan State, the Great Game, and Afghan Nationalism 5 TWO Stasis and Modernization 15 THREE Early Relations with the United States 27 FOUR Afghanistan’s Soviet Shift and the U.S. -
The Future in Eurasianist Fiction of Aleksandr Prokhanov
Institute of Advanced Insights Study GeneticGenetic Wars:Wars: TheThe FutureFuture inin EurasianistEurasianist FictionFiction ofof AleksandrAleksandr ProkhanovProkhanov Henrietta Mondry Volume 4 2011 Number 2 ISSN 1756-2074 Institute of Advanced Study Insights About Insights Insights captures the ideas and work-in-progress of the Fellows of the Institute of Advanced Study at Durham University. Up to twenty distinguished and ‘fast-track’ Fellows reside at the IAS in any academic year. They are world-class scholars who come to Durham to participate in a variety of events around a core inter-disciplinary theme, which changes from year to year. Each theme inspires a new series of Insights, and these are listed in the inside back cover of each issue. These short papers take the form of thought experiments, summaries of research findings, theoretical statements, original reviews, and occasionally more fully worked treatises. Every fellow who visits the IAS is asked to write for this series. The Directors of the IAS – Ash Amin, Colin Bain, Michael O’Neill and Tony Wilkinson – also invite submissions from others involved in the themes, events and activities of the IAS. Insights is edited for the IAS by Michael O’Neill. About the Institute of Advanced Study The Institute of Advanced Study, launched in October 2006 to commemorate Durham University’s 175th Anniversary, is a flagship project reaffirming the value of ideas and the public role of universities. The Institute aims to cultivate new thinking on ideas that might change the world, through unconstrained dialogue between the disciplines as well as interaction between scholars, intellectuals and public figures of world standing from a variety of backgrounds and countries. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin. -
Russia's Military Strategy and Ukraine
Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 28:445–461, 2015 ISSN: 1351-8046 print/1556-3006 online DOI: 10.1080/13518046.2015.1061819 Russia’s Military Strategy and Ukraine: Indirect, Asymmetric—and Putin-Led TIMOTHY THOMAS Foreign Military Studies Office This article details the development of Russia’s military strategy and how elements of that strategy may have been applied in Ukraine. It examines both traditional and contemporary elements of strat- egy, with a particular focus on the effect of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s competitive logic and the General Staff’s reliance on non-military methods of thought. With regard to the latter, General of the Army Valeriy Gerasimov, Chief of the Russian General Staff, noted that today, non-military measures in oper- ations are used over military operations by a ratio of 4:1. Also examined is the concept of reflexive control, which may have been used as a propaganda method during the Ukraine intervention This article is not subject to US copyright law. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily repre- sent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the US government. Mr. Timothy L. Thomas (BS, Engineering Science, USMA; MA, International Relations, University of Southern California) is a senior analyst at the Foreign Military Studies Office in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Mr. Thomas conducts extensive research and publishing in the areas of peacekeeping, information war, psychological operations, low-intensity con- flict, and political-military affairs. He was a US Army foreign area officer who specialized in Soviet/Russian studies. -
Literary Mythologies of Destruction and the Performance of Russian
The Homeland Is Death: Literary Mythologies of Destruction and the Performance of Russian-ness in Soviet/Post-Soviet Punk Rock Counter-Cultures By Matthew Tappert Submitted To Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts CEU eTD Collection Supervisor: András Pap Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract The 1980s and 1990s were a time of rapid proliferation of identities throughout the former Soviet Union as citizens of all ethnic backgrounds and on all points of the political spectrum attempted to make sense of the Soviet legacy. Although many of the new nationalists spoke in terms of revival of a pre-Soviet national identity and pride after decades of suppression under the socialists, this view has been challenged both by scholars of nationalism who emphasize its artificial and imagined character and by scholars of Soviet politics and culture who have recently drawn greater attention to the ambiguities and contradictions of late Soviet life, pointing out the ways that ideology was performed and subverted in the post-Stalin period. This thesis contributes to both nationalism studies and the study of late Soviet aesthetics and culture by exploring the relationship between the Siberian anarchist counter-culture of the 1980s and the crypto-fascist National-Bolshevik Party of the 1990s and 2000s. By studying the textual and non-textual content of the manifestos and actions of these communities, it attempts to find the thread of continuity between their forms of left-wing and right-wing resistance, ultimately locating it in specifically Russian literary mythologies about suffering and sacrifice which were coming back into prominence in the later decades of the USSR and which were operationalized by radical nationalist movements after its collapse. -
Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare
November 2019 Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare Candace Rondeaux Last edited on November 05, 2019 at 11:41 a.m. EST Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Peter Bergen and It is worth noting that some of the best research Daniel Rothenberg, co-directors of the New America/ produced about the Wagner Group and Russian Arizona State University Future of War project for private military security contractors has been their support throughout the production of this paper. produced by anonymous open source intelligence A deep debt of gratitude is owed to David Sterman researchers, human rights activists and investigative for applying his sharp editorial eye to the text and journalists in Ukraine, Russia, Syria, and elsewhere. sharing his analytical intuition throughout the This paper would not be what it is without their brave research for this report. I also benefited greatly efforts to hold power to account and the extensive Sergey Sukhankin’s research on Russian military advice and help of so many people, many of whom affairs and the Wagner Group and his direct could not be named here due to security concerns. contributions to the historical sections of this report All errors of fact or interpretation are, of course, the covering Moscow’s Cold War strategy in the Middle author’s alone. East elevated the analysis greatly. Navvar Saban’s research on private security contractors and pro- Assad militias likewise helped answer critical questions about Russia’s influence over local proxy forces in Syria. Christopher Miller, Mike Eckel, and many other long-time Russia hands who have spent time living and covering the Kremlin and the conflict in Ukraine were essential sounding boards and critical pillars of support throughout. -
Contextualizing the Decline of Post-Soviet Russian Parties of the Extreme Right Wing
Toward an Uncivil Society? Contextualizing the Decline of Post-Soviet Russian Parties of the Extreme Right Wing ANDREAS UMLAND n this article 1 use some findings of research into non-Russian civil societies I and ultranationalisms, as well as selected examples of nonparty Russian right- wing extremism, to illustrate that the relative decline in radically nationalist party politics toward the end of the 1990s should riot be seen as an unequivocal indi- cation that "antiliberal statism" has lost its appeal in Russia.' 1 also attempt to show that the considerable diversification in the nongovernmental, not-for-profit sector of Russian society since the mid-1980s2 cannot be regarded as exclusive- ly beneficial in tercos of Russia's polyarchic consolidation and further democra- tization.3 Not only is a Russian "civic public"4 or "civic community"5 develop- ing slowly, but sorne of the more significant pre- and post-Soviet groups, movements, and trends within the Russian voluntary sector are unsupportive or explicitly critical of liberal democracy. A number of major nonstate institutions and networks in Russian society contain ultranationalist, fundamentalist., and protofascist6 subsectors whose nature casts doubt on the use of the construct civil society to designate them. These organizations' or groupings' primary functiion is less or not at all to enhance people's inclination and ability to participate effec- tively in political activities that could prmote further democratization. Instead, they provide a medium for the spread of radically particularistic world views, ascriptive notions about human nature, and illiberal and/or bellicose political ideas, as well as an organizational training ground for potential political activists holding such ideas.` The article is divided in two parts. -
A Threat to National Security
ILYA YASHIN A THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT 1 Ilya Yashin, the author of “Threat to National Security,” says the goal of his report about the Chechen IN troduction..................................................................................................................................2 President is “to open Russian society’s eyes to the fact that Ramzan Kadyrov, with the connivance of the country’s authorities and secret services, has become a figure that CHAPTER 1. RAGS TO RICHES.........................................................................................4 poses a threat to Russia’s national security.” His report 1.1 ETHNIC CLEANSING tells about the regime established by Ramzan Kadyrov in Chechnya, reveals his crimes and corrupt schemes and 1.2 THE FIRST CHECHEN WAR shows how he impacts the current Russian political system. 1.3 SWITCHING SIDES TO JOIN THE FEDERAL FORCES We believe that Ramzan Kadyrov is not only Russia’s 1.4 THE ASSASSINATION OF AKHMAD KADYROV internal threat – he has definitely become a global danger. 1.5 THE POweR STRUGGLE IN CHECHNYA Kadyrov is known not only by his public intimidation of Russian pro-democracy opposition leaders, human rights CHAPTER 2. THE CHECHEN KHANATE...............................................................12 activists and journalists, he’s also known for his countless violations of freedoms and human rights in his republic. CONTENTS 2.1 THE REGIME OF PERSONAL POweR There are not only suspicions, but also clear traces, of his 2.2 ARMING THE UNDERGROUND involvement in the assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya, Natalia Estemirova and Boris Nemtsov. There are also 2.3 KADYROV AND ISLAM known cases when Kadyrov’s opponents were murdered 2.4 RAMZAN’S CULT OF PERSONALITY not only outside Chechnya, but also outside of Russia. -
Three Faces of Russia's Neo-Eurasianism
Survival Global Politics and Strategy ISSN: 0039-6338 (Print) 1468-2699 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tsur20 Three Faces of Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism Nadezhda Arbatova To cite this article: Nadezhda Arbatova (2019) Three Faces of Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism, Survival, 61:6, 7-24, DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2019.1688562 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2019.1688562 Published online: 19 Nov 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 2203 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tsur20 Three Faces of Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism Nadezhda Arbatova The publication of Vladimir Putin’s article ‘A New Integration Project for Eurasia: The Future in the Making’, in Izvestia on 3 October 2011, officially marked Russia’s departure from Europe and from the West more generally. The article proclaimed the ambitious goal of building ‘a powerful suprana- tional association capable of becoming one of the poles in the modern world and serving as an efficient bridge between Europe and the dynamic Asia- Pacific region’.1 Although Putin specifically emphasised that the project was mainly about economic integration and had nothing to do with the revival of the Soviet Union, many in the West interpreted it as a plan to restore the Russian Empire. Certainly, the article bore many of the hallmarks of a neo- Eurasianist outlook. The concept of Eurasianism originated in the Russian émigré commu- nity in the 1920s as a reaction to the nightmare of the First World War and the defeat of pro-Western Russian liberals by the Bolsheviks.2 While the term has been defined and interpreted in a number of ways, in essence it simply means that Russia is not Europe, and that European norms, values and principles do not suit Russia, which will go its own way.