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Transcript What was the Parentalia? Dr Emma-Jayne Graham: The Parentalia was a nine-day Roman festival that took place every year between 13th and 21st February. During the festival families would gather together to celebrate, to remember and to appease the dead. Initially in their homes but also in the cemetery. The main purpose of the Parentalia seems to have been to make sure that the restless dead were content in the afterlife. That they stayed in their graves and that they didn’t terrorise the living. The first eight days of the Parentalia saw people in their homes performing rituals of purification. And for this reason we know very little about these private aspects of the festival. But, on the final day, known as the Feralia they would congregate in the cemetery and honour the dead with a very public display of offerings, of prayers and of flowers. Culminating in a great banquet held right there in the cemetery outside the tomb and in the company of their ancestors. And some tombs were equipped with small ovens. Meaning that fresh bread could be made right there on the spot ready for the occasion. And individual graves also sometimes had tubes inserted into them so that the dead could receive their share of the wine, of the honey and of the bread that their relatives were enjoying. The poet Ovid writes about the Parentalia in his work on the Roman calendar and he describes it as an inauspicious time for business and for weddings. Because it was a moment when the unlucky shades of the dead were very close to the world of the living. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
What the Romans Knew Piero Scaruffi Copyright 2018 • Part II
What the Romans knew Piero Scaruffi Copyright 2018 http://www.scaruffi.com/know • Part II 1 What the Romans knew Archaic Roma Capitolium Forum 2 (Museo della Civiltà Romana, Roma) What the Romans Knew • Greek! – Wars against Carthage resulted in conquest of the Phoenician and Greek civilizations – Greek pantheon (Zeus=Jupiter, Juno = Hera, Minerva = Athena, Mars= Ares, Mercury = Hermes, Hercules = Heracles, Venus = Aphrodite,…) – Greek city plan (agora/forum, temples, theater, stadium/circus) – Beginning of Roman literature: the translation and adaptation of Greek epic and dramatic poetry (240 BC) – Beginning of Roman philosophy: adoption of Greek schools of philosophy (155 BC) – Roman sculpture: Greek sculpture 3 What the Romans Knew • Greek! – Greeks: knowing over doing – Romans: doing over knowing (never translated Aristotle in Latin) – “The day will come when posterity will be amazed that we remained ignorant of things that will to them seem so plain” (Seneca, 1st c AD) – Impoverished mythology – Indifference to metaphysics – Pragmatic/social religion (expressing devotion to the state) 4 What the Romans Knew • Greek! – Western civilization = the combined effect of Greece's construction of a new culture and Rome's destruction of all other cultures. 5 What the Romans Knew • The Mediterranean Sea (Mare Nostrum) – Rome was mainly a sea power, an Etruscan legacy – Battle of Actium (31 BC) created the “mare nostrum”, a peaceful, safe sea for trade and communication – Disappearance of piracy – Sea routes were used by merchants, soldiers, -
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www. -
The Grave Goods of Roman Hierapolis
THE GRAVE GOODS OF ROMAN HIERAPOLIS AN ANALYSIS OF THE FINDS FROM FOUR MULTIPLE BURIAL TOMBS Hallvard Indgjerd Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History University of Oslo This thesis is submitted for the degree of Master of Arts June 2014 The Grave Goods of Roman Hierapolis ABSTRACT The Hellenistic and Roman city of Hierapolis in Phrygia, South-Western Asia Minor, boasts one of the largest necropoleis known from the Roman world. While the grave monuments have seen long-lasting interest, few funerary contexts have been subject to excavation and publication. The present study analyses the artefact finds from four tombs, investigating the context of grave gifts and funerary practices with focus on the Roman imperial period. It considers to what extent the finds influence and reflect varying identities of Hierapolitan individuals over time. Combined, the tombs use cover more than 1500 years, paralleling the life-span of the city itself. Although the material is far too small to give a conclusive view of funerary assem- blages in Hierapolis, the attempted close study and contextual integration of the objects does yield some results with implications for further studies of funerary contexts on the site and in the wider region. The use of standard grave goods items, such as unguentaria, lamps and coins, is found to peak in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. Clay unguentaria were used alongside glass ones more than a century longer than what is usually seen outside of Asia Minor, and this period saw the development of new forms, partially resembling Hellenistic types. Some burials did not include any grave gifts, and none were extraordinarily rich, pointing towards a standardised, minimalistic set of funerary objects. -
The Roman Cemetery at Ostia/Portus As a Lived Environment Author: E-J Graham Pages: 133–143
Paper Information: Title: The Quick and the Dead in the Extra-Urban Landscape: The Roman Cemetery at Ostia/Portus as a Lived Environment Author: E-J Graham Pages: 133–143 DOI: http://doi.org/10.16995/TRAC2004_133_143 Publication Date: 31 March 2005 Volume Information: Bruhn, J., Croxford, B., and Grigoropoulos, D. (eds) 2005. TRAC 2004: Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, Durham 2004. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Copyright and Hardcopy Editions: The following paper was originally published in print format by Oxbow Books for TRAC. Hard copy editions of this volume may still be available, and can be purchased direct from Oxbow at http://www.oxbowbooks.com. TRAC has now made this paper available as Open Access through an agreement with the publisher. Copyright remains with TRAC and the individual author(s), and all use or quotation of this paper and/or its contents must be acknowledged. This paper was released in digital Open Access format in April 2013. The quick and the dead in the extra-urban landscape: the Roman cemetery at Ostia/Portus as a lived environment E-J Graham Introduction The urban cemeteries of the Roman world have often been described as ‘cities of the dead.’ The organisational and structural similarities between the so-called ‘streets of tombs’ which developed on the outskirts of major Italian urban areas such as Rome, Ostia and Pompeii, and the spaces within the city walls themselves have been highlighted by scholars wishing to demonstrate that the living city ‘found its double in these ‘cities of the dead’’ (Koortbojian, 1996: 232). -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Ritual Cleaning-Up of the City: from the Lupercalia to the Argei*
RITUAL CLEANING-UP OF THE CITY: FROM THE LUPERCALIA TO THE ARGEI* This paper is not an analysis of the fine aspects of ritual, myth and ety- mology. I do not intend to guess the exact meaning of Luperci and Argei, or why the former sacrificed a dog and the latter were bound hand and foot. What I want to examine is the role of the festivals of the Lupercalia and the Argei in the functioning of the Roman community. The best-informed among ancient writers were convinced that these were purification cere- monies. I assume that the ancients knew what they were talking about and propose, first, to establish the nature of the ritual cleanliness of the city, and second, see by what techniques the two festivals achieved that goal. What, in the perception of the Romans themselves, normally made their city unclean? What were the ordinary, repetitive sources of pollution in pre-Imperial Rome, before the concept of the cura Urbis was refined? The answer to this is provided by taboos and restrictions on certain sub- stances, and also certain activities, in the City. First, there is a rule from the Twelve Tables with Cicero’s curiously anachronistic comment: «hominem mortuum», inquit lex in duodecim, «in urbe ne sepelito neve urito», credo vel propter ignis periculum (De leg. II 58). Secondly, we have the edict of the praetor L. Sentius C.f., known from three inscrip- tions dating from the beginning of the first century BC1: L. Sentius C. f. pr(aetor) de sen(atus) sent(entia) loca terminanda coer(avit). -
Faunus and the Fauns in Latin Literature of the Republic and Early Empire
University of Adelaide Discipline of Classics Faculty of Arts Faunus and the Fauns in Latin Literature of the Republic and Early Empire Tammy DI-Giusto BA (Hons), Grad Dip Ed, Grad Cert Ed Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy October 2015 Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................... 4 Thesis Declaration ................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgements ................................................................................................. 6 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 7 Context and introductory background ................................................................. 7 Significance ......................................................................................................... 8 Theoretical framework and methods ................................................................... 9 Research questions ............................................................................................. 11 Aims ................................................................................................................... 11 Literature review ................................................................................................ 11 Outline of chapters ............................................................................................ -
Angerona E Il Silenzio Del Confine. Tempi E Spazi Liminari Di Una Dea Romana Muta
Angerona e il silenzio del confine. Tempi e spazi liminari di una dea romana muta Ciro Parodo Angerona o Diva Angerona, a cui il 21 Dicembre era dedicata una festività denominata Angeronalia o Divalia1, si contraddistingue, al pari di Tacita Muta, per il suo mutismo. Come ricordato da Ovidio (fast. II, 583-616), chiamata in origine Lara, dal verbo λαλεῖν “chiacchierare”, la figlia del fiume Almone assunse il nome parlante di Tacita dopoché le fu strappata la lingua per ordine di Giove che intendeva così punirla per aver rivelato alla sorella Iuturna la passione amorosa nutrita dal padre degli dei nei suoi confronti e a Giunone il tentativo di seduzione del marito. Tacita fu quindi affidata a Mercurio affinché fosse condotta negli Inferi dove avrebbe presieduto alle acque del regno dei morti. Lungo la strada, tuttavia, il dio messaggero usò violenza nei confronti della ninfa che così partorì i Lares compitales preposti alla tutela dei crocicchi urbani e rurali. In Varrone la loro maternità è attribuita a Mania (ling. IX, 61; cfr. Lact. div. inst. I, 20, 35 che riporta anche la denominazione Larunda), ulteriore ipostasi divina – insieme a 1 Le fonti sono discordanti circa l’esatto nome della dea e della festività ad essa dedicata. Così in Varro ling. VI, 23; Solin. I, 6; Macr. Sat. III, 9, 4, è documentato il nome Angerona, mentre in Plin. nat. III, 65 e Macr. Sat. I, 10, 7 quello di Diva Angerona. Solo nel suddetto passo macrobiano è anche attestato il nome Angeronia. Parimenti, se nelle fonti letterarie (Varro ling. VI, 23; Fest. -
Volume 16 Winter 2014
Volume 16 Winter 2014 Tomb 6423 At right, the Below is the A Digger’s View: lastra sealing chamber as The Tomb of the Hanging the chamber found at the The perspective of a field Aryballos, Tarquinia shown in situ. moment of archaeologist by Alessandro Mandolesi Above it is the opening, by Maria Rosa Lucidi another lastra on the back The University of Turin and the possibly reut- wall a little The discovery of the tomb of the Superintendency for the Archaeological ilzed spolia aryballos still “hanging aryballos" has aroused great Heritage of Southern Etruria have been interest among the public in both Italy taken from hangs on its investigating the Tumulus of the Queen and internationally. The integrity of the original nail. and the necropolis surrounding it, the the tumulus unviolated tomb is definitely one of the Doganaccia, since 2008. The excava- of the queen, (photographs reasons for the attention it has received. tions have brought forth many important which stands by Massimo The uniqueness is even more pro- and unexpected results, thanks to subse- nearby. Legni). nounced when one considers that since quent research, and the infor- the second half of the nine- mation relating to the differ- teenth century the English ent phases of its use has made traveler George Dennis it possible to clarify many blamed the inability to recov- obscure points about the great er the contexts from intact era of the monumental tumuli chamber tombs in Etruscan at Tarquinia. Tarquinia on repeated looting Archaeologists working since ancient times. The