"From Jerusalem to Jericho": a Study of Situational and Dispositional Variables in Helping Behavior1

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1973, Vol. 27, No. J, 100-108 "FROM JERUSALEM TO JERICHO": A STUDY OF SITUATIONAL AND DISPOSITIONAL VARIABLES IN HELPING BEHAVIOR1

JOHN M. DARLEY 2 AND C . DANIEL BATSON Princeton University

The influence of several situational and personality variables on helping behav- ior was examined in an emergency situation suggested by the parable of the Good Samaritan. People going between two buildings encountered a shabbily dressed person slumped by the side of the road. Subjects in a hurry to reach their destination were more likely to pass by without stopping. Some subjects were going to give a short talk on the parable of the Good Samaritan, others on a nonhelping relevant topic; this made no significant difference in the likelihood of their giving the victim help. Religious personality variables did not predict whether an individual would help the victim or not. However, if a subject did stop to offer help, the character of the helping response was related to his type of religiosity.

Helping other people in distress is, among These findings are reminiscent of Hartshorne other things, an ethical act. That is, it is an and May's (1928) discovery that resistance act governed by ethical norms and precepts to temptation, another ethically relevant act, taught to children at home, in school, and in did not seem to be a fixed characteristic of church. From Freudian and other personality an individual. That is, a person who was theories, one would expect individual differ- likely to be honest in one situation was not ences in internalization of these standards particularly likely to be honest in the next that would lead to differences between indi- (but see also Burton, 1963). viduals in the likelihood with which they The rather disappointing correlation be- would help others. But recent research on tween the social psychologist's traditional set bystander intervention in emergency situa- of personality variables and helping behavior tions (Bickman, 1969; Darley & Latane, in emergency situations suggests the need for 1968; Korte, 1969; but see also Schwartz & a fresh perspective on possible predictors of Clausen, 1970) has had bad luck in finding helping and possible situations in which to personality determinants of helping behavior. test them. Therefore, for inspiration we Although personality variables that one might turned to the Bible, to what is perhaps the expect to correlate with helping behavior have classical helping story in the Judeo-Christian been measured (Machiavellianism, a u t h o r i t a r - tradition, the parable of the Good Samaritan. ianism, social desirability, alienation, and so- The parable proved of value in suggesting cial responsibility), these were not predictive both personality and situational variables of helping. Nor was this due to a generalized relevant to helping. lack of predictability in the helping situa- tion examined, since variations in the experi- "And who is my neighbor?" Jesus replied, "A mental situation, such as the availability of man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and he fell among robbers, who stripped him and other people who might also help, produced beat him, and departed, leaving him half dead. marked changes in rates of helping behavior. Now by chance a priest was going down the road; and when he saw him he passed by on the other 1 For assistance in conducting this research thanks side. So likewise a Levite, when he came to the are due Robert Wells, Beverly Fisher, Mike place and saw him, passed by on the other side. Shafto, Peter Sheras, Richard Detweiler, and Karen But a Samaritan, as he journeyed, came to where Glasser. The research was funded by National Science he was; and when he saw him, he had compassion, Foundation Grant GS-2293. and went to him and bound his wounds, pouring 2 Requests for reprints should be sent to John on oil and wine; then he set him on his own beast Darley, Department of Psychology, Princeton Uni- and brought him to an inn, and took care of him. versity, Princeton, New Jersey 08540. And the next day he took out two dennarii and 100 SlTUATIONAL AND DlSPOSITIONAL VARIABLES IN HELPING BEHAVIOR 101

gave them to the innkeeper, saying, "Take care religion and ethical behavior. Jesus seems to of him; and whatever more you spend, I will feel that the religious leaders of his time, repay you when I come back." Which of these three, do you think, proved neighbor to him who though certainly respected and upstanding fell among the robbers? He said, "The one who citizens, may be "virtuous" for what it will showed mercy on him." And Jesus said to him, get them, both in terms of the admiration of "Go and do likewise." [Luke 10: 29-37 RSV] their fellowmen and in the eyes of God. New To psychologists who reflect on the para- Testament scholar R. W. Funk (1966) noted ble, it seems to suggest situational and per- that the Samaritan is at the other end of sonality differences between the nonhelpful the spectrum: priest and Levite and the helpful Samaritan. The Samaritan does not love with side glances at What might each have been thinking and God. The need of neighbor alone is made self- doing when he came upon the robbery victim evident, and the Samaritan responds without other on that desolate road? What sort of persons motivation [pp. 218-219]. were they? That is, the Samaritan is interpreted as res One can speculate on differences in thought. spending spontaneously to the situation, not Both the priest and the Levite were religious as being preoccupied with the abstract ethical functionaries who could be expected to have or organizational do's and don'ts of religion their minds occupied with religious matters. as the priest and Levite would seem to be. The priest's role in religious activities is obvi- This is not to say that the Samaritan is por- ous. The Levite's role, although less obvious, trayed as irreligious. A major intent of the is equally important: The Levites were neces- parable would seem to be to present the sary participants in temple ceremonies. Much Samaritan as a religious and ethical example, less can be said with any confidence about but at the same time to contrast his type of what the Samaritan might have been think- religiosity with the more common conception ing, but, in contrast to the others, it was of religiosity that the priest and Levite most likely not of a religious nature, for represent. Samaritans were religious outcasts. To summarize the variables suggested as Not only was the Samaritan most likely affecting helping behavior by the parable, the thinking about more mundane matters than situational variables include the content of the priest and Levite, but, because he was one's thinking and the amount of hurry in socially less important, it seems likely that he one's journey. The major dispositional varia- was operating on a quite different time sched- ble seems to be differing types of religiosity. ule. One can imagine the priest and Levite, Certainly these variables do not exhaust the prominent public figures, hurrying along with list that could be elicited from the parable,, little black books full of meetings and ap- but they do suggest several research hypothe- pointments, glancing furtively at their sun- ses. dials. In contrast, the Samaritan would likely Hypothesis 1. The parable implies that have far fewer and less important people people who encounter a situation possibly counting on him to be at a particular place at a particular time, and therefore might be calling for a helping response while thinking expected to be in less of a hurry than the religious and ethical thoughts will be no more prominent priest or Levite. likely to offer aid than persons thinking about In addition to these situational variables, something else. Such a hypothesis seems to one finds personality factors suggested as run counter to a theory that focuses on norms well. Central among these, and apparently as determining helping behavior because a basic to the point that Jesus was trying to normative account would predict that the in- make, is a distinction between types of reli- creased salience of helping norms produced giosity. Both the priest and Levite are ex- by thinking about religious and ethical ex- tremely "religious." But it seems to be pre- amples would increase helping behavior. cisely their type of religiosity that the parable Hypothesis 2. Persons encountering a pos- challenges. At issue is the motivation for one's sible helping situation when they are in a 102 JOHN M. BARLEY AND C. DANIEL BATSON hurry will be less likely to offer aid than administered. In a second individual session, the persons not in a hurry. subject began experimental procedures in one build- Hypothesis 3. Concerning types of religios- ing and was asked to report to another building for later procedures. While in transit, the subject passed ity, persons who are religious in a Samaritan- a slumped "victim" planted in an alleyway. The like fashion will help more frequently than dependent variable was whether and how the sub- those religious in a priest or Levite fashion. ject helped the victim. The independent variables Obviously, this last hypothesis is hardly were the degree to which the subject was told to hurry in reaching the other building and the talk operationalized as stated. Prior research by he was to give when he arrived there. Some sub- one of the investigators on types of religios- jects were to give a talk on the jobs in which ity (Batson, 1971), however, led us to dif- seminary students would be most effective, others, ferentiate three distinct ways of being reli- on the parable of the Good Samaritan. gious: (a) for what it will gain one (cf. Subjects Freud, 1927, and perhaps the priest and Levite), (b) for its own intrinsic value (cf. The subjects for the questionnaire administration were 67 students at Princeton Theological Seminary. Allport & Ross, 1967), and (c) as a response Forty-seven of them, those who could be reached by to and quest for meaning in one's everyday telephone, were scheduled for the experiment. Of life (cf. Batson, 1971). Both of the latter the 47, 7 subjects' data were not included in the conceptions would be proposed by their ex- analyses—3 because of contamination of the experi- mental procedures during their testing and 4 due to ponents as related to the more Samaritanlike suspicion of the experimental situation. Each subject "true" religiosity. Therefore, depending on was paid $1 for the questionnaire session and $1.50 the theorist one follows, the third hypothesis for the experimental session. may be stated like this: People (a) who are religious for intrinsic reasons (Allport & Ross, Personality Measures 1967) or (b) whose religion emerges out of Detailed discussion of the personality scales used questioning the meaning of their everyday may be found elsewhere (Batson, 1971), so the lives (Batson, 1971) will be more likely to present discussion will be brief. The general personality construct under examination was re- stop to offer help to the victim. ligiosity. Various conceptions of religiosity have The parable of the Good Samaritan also been offered in recent years based on different suggested how we would measure people's psychometric scales. The conception seeming to gen- helping behavior—their response to a stranger erate the most interest is the Allport and Ross (1967) distinction between "intrinsic" versus "extrinsic" slumped by the side of one's path. The victim religiosity (cf. also Allen & Spilka, 1967, on "com- should appear somewhat ambiguous—ill- mitted" versus "consensual" religion). This bipolar dressed, possibly in need of help, but also pos- conception of religiosity has been questioned by sibly drunk or even potentially dangerous. ' Brown (1964) and Batson (1971), who suggested Further, the parable suggests a means by three-dimensional analyses instead. Therefore, in the present research, types of religiosity were measured which the incident could be perceived as a with three instruments which together provided six real one rather than part of a psychological separate scales: (a) a doctrinal orthodoxy (D-0) experiment in which one's behavior was under scale patterned after that used by Clock and Stark (1966), scaling agreement with classic doctrines of surveillance and might be shaped by demand Protestant theology; (b) the Allport-Ross extrinsic characteristics (Orne, 1962), evaluation ap- (AR-E) scale, measuring the use of religion as a prehension (Rosenberg, 1965), or other po- means to an end rather than as an end in itself; tentially artifactual determinants of helping (c) the Allport-Ross intrinsic (AR-I) scale, mea- suring the use of religion as an end in itself; (d) behavior. The victim should be encountered the extrinsic external scale of Batson's Religious Life not in the experimental context but on the Inventory (RELI-EE), designed to measure the in- road between various tasks. fluence of significant others and situations in gen- erating one's religiosity; (e) the extrinsic internal scale of the Religious Life Inventory (RELI-EI), METHOD designed to measure the degree of "driveness" in In order to examine the influence of these variables one's religiosity; and (/) the intrinsic scale of the on helping behavior, seminary students were asked Religious Life Inventory (RELI-I), designed to to participate in a study on religious education and measure the degree to which one's religiosity in- vocations. In the first testing session, personality volves a questioning of the meaning of life arising questionnaires concerning types of religiosity were out of one's interactions with his social environment. SlTUATIONAL AND DlSPOSITIONAL VARIABLES IN HELPING BEHAVIOR 103

The order of presentation of the scales in the ques- What we have called you in for today is to pro- tionnaire was RELI, AR, D-O. vide us with some additional material which will Consistent with prior research (Batson, 1971), a give us a clearer picture of how you think than principal-component analysis of the total scale scores does the questionnaire material we have gathered and individual items for the 67 seminarians pro- thus far. Questionnaires are helpful, but tend to duced a theoretically meaningful, orthogonally ro- be somewhat oversimplified. Therefore, we would tated three-component structure with the following like to record a 3-5-minute talk you give based on loadings: the following passage. . . . Religion as means received a single very high loading from AR-E (.903) and therefore was defined Variable 1: Message. In the task-relevant condition by Allport and Ross's (1967) conception of this the passage read, scale as measuring religiosity as a means to other With increasing frequency the question is being ends. This component also received moderate nega- asked: What jobs or professions do seminary tive loadings from D-O (-.400) and AR-I (-.372) students subsequently enjoy most, and in what and a moderate positive loading from RELI-EE jobs are they most effective? The answer to this (.301). question used to be so obvious that the question Religion as end received high loadings from was not even asked. Seminary students were being RELI-EI (.874), RELI-EE (.725), AR-I (.768), trained for the ministry, and since both society at and D-O (.704). Given this configuration, and again large and the seminary student himself had a rela- following Allport and Ross's conceptualization, this tively clear understanding of what made a "good" component seemed to involve religiosity as an end in minister, there was no need even to raise the itself with some intrinsic value. question of for what other jobs seminary experi- Religion as quest received a single very high ence seems to be an asset. Today, however, neither loading from RELI-I (.945) and a moderate load- society nor many seminaries have a very clearly ing from RELI-EE (.75). Following Batson, this defined conception of what a "good" minister is component was conceived to involve religiosity or of what sorts of jobs and professions are the emerging out of an individual's search for meaning best context in which to minister. Many seminary in his personal and social world. students, apparently genuinely concerned with The three religious personality scales examined in "ministering," seem to feel that it is impossible to the experimental research were constructed through minister in the professional clergy. Other students, the use of complete-estimation factor score coeffi- no less concerned, find the clergy the most viable cients from these three components. profession for ministry. But are there other jobs and/or professions for which seminary experience Scheduling of Experimental Study is an asset? And, indeed, how much of an asset is it for the professional ministry? Or, even more Since the incident requiring a helping response broadly, can one minister through an "establish- was staged outdoors, the entire experimental study ment" job at all? was run in 3 days, December 14-16, 1970, between 10 A.M. and 4 P.M. A tight schedule was used in an In the helping-relevant condition, the subject was attempt to maintain reasonably consistent weather given the parable of the Good Samaritan exactly as and light conditions. Temperature fluctuation ac- printed earlier in this article. Next, regardless of cording to the New York Times for the 3 days dur- condition, all subjects were told, ing these hours was not more than 5 degrees Fahren- You can say whatever you wish based on the heit. No rain or snow fell, although the third day passage. Because we are interested in how you was cloudy, whereas the first two were sunny. With- think on your feet, you will not be allowed to use in days the subjects were randomly assigned to ex- notes in giving the talk. Do you understand what perimental conditions.3 you are to do? If not, the assistant will be glad to answer questions. Procedure After a few minutes the assistant returned, asked When a subject appeared for the experiment, an if there were any questions, and then said: assistant (who was blind with respect to the person- Since they're rather tight on space in this building, ality scores) asked him to read a brief statement we're using a free office in the building next door which explained that he was participating in a study for recording the talks. Let me show you how to of the vocational careers of seminary students. After get there [draws and explains map on 3 X S card]. developing the rationale for the study, the state- This is where Professor Steiner's laboratory is. If ment read: you go in this door [points at map], there's a

3 secretary right here, and she'll direct you to the An error was made in randomizing that increased office we're using for recording. Another of Pro- the number of subjects in the intermediate-hurry fessor Steiner's assistants will set you up for re- conditions. This worked against the prediction that cording your talk. Is the map clear? was most highly confirmed (the hurry prediction) and made no difference to the message variable Variable 2: Hurry. In the high-hurry condition tests. the assistant then looked at his watch and said, "Oh, 104 JOHN M. DARLEY AND C. DANIEL BATSON you're late. They were expecting you a few minutes the assistant who gave the subject time to prepare ago. We'd better get moving. The assistant should and privately record his talk. be waiting for you so you'd better hurry. It shouldn't Helping behavior questionnaire. After recording take but just a minute." In the intermediate-hurry the talk, the subject was sent to another experi- condition he said, "The assistant is ready for you, menter, who administered "an exploratory question- so please go right over." In the low-hurry condition naire on personal and social ethics." The question- he said, "It'll be a few minutes before they're ready naire contained several initial questions about the for you, but you might as well head on over. If you interrelationship between social and personal ethics, have to wait over there, it shouldn't be long." and then asked three key questions: (a) "When was The incident. When the subject passed through the the last time you saw a person who seemed to be in alley, the victim was sitting slumped in a door- need of help?" (b) "When was the last time you way, head down, eyes closed, not moving. As the stopped to help someone in need?" (c) "Have you subject went by, the victim coughed twice and had experience helping persons in need? If so, out- groaned, keeping his head down. If the subject line briefly." These data were collected as a check stopped and asked if something was wrong or offered on the victim's ratings of whether subjects who did to help, the victim, startled and somewhat groggy, not stop perceived the situation in the alley as one said, "Oh, thank you [cough]. . . . No, it's all right. possibly involving need or not. [Pause] I've got this respiratory condition [cough]. When he returned, the experimenter reviewed the . . . The doctor's given me these pills to take, and subject's questionnaire, and, if no mention was made I just took one. ... If I just sit and rest for a of the situation in the alley, probed for reactions to few minutes I'll be O.K. . . . Thanks very much for it and then phased into an elaborate debriefing and stopping though [smiles weakly]." If the subject discussion session. persisted, insisting on taking the victim inside the building, the victim allowed him to do so and Debriefing thanked him. In the debriefing, the subject was told the exact Helping ratings. The victim rated each subject on nature of the study, including the deception in- a scale of helping behavior as follows: volved, and the reasons for the deception were ex- 0 = failed to notice the victim as possibly in need plained. The subject's reactions to the victim and to at all; 1 = perceived the victim as possibly in need the study in general were discussed. The role of but did not offer aid; 2 = did not stop but helped situational determinants of helping behavior was indirectly (e.g., by telling Steiner's assistant about the explained in relation to this particular incident and victim); 3 — stopped and asked if victim needed to other experiences of the subject. All subjects help; 4 = after stopping, insisted on taking the vic- seemed readily to understand the necessity for the tim inside and then left him. deception, and none indicated any resentment of it. After debriefing, the subject was thanked for his The victim was blind to the personality scale time and paid, then he left. scores and experimental conditions of all subjects. At the suggestion of the victim, another category was added to the rating scales, based on his observa- RESULTS AND DISCUSSION tions of pilot subjects' behavior: Overall Helping Behavior 5 — after stopping, refused to leave the victim (after The average amount of help that a subject 3-5 minutes) and/or insisted on taking him some- offered the victim, by condition, is shown in where outside experimental context (e.g., for coffee 7 or to the infirmary). Table 1. The unequal-A analysis of variance indicates that while the hurry variable was (In some cases it was necessary to distinguish significantly (F = 3.56, dj — 2/34, p < .05) Category 0 from Category 1 by the postexperimental related to helping behavior, the message questionnaire and Category 2 from Category 1 on the report of the experimental assistant.) variable was not. Subjects in a hurry were This 6-point scale of helping behavior and a likely to offer less help than were subjects description of the victim were given to a panel of not in a hurry. Whether the subject was go- 10 judges (unacquainted with the research) who ing to give a speech on the parable of the were asked to rank order the (unnumbered) cate- Good Samaritan or not did not significantly gories in terms of "the amount of helping behavior displayed toward the person in the doorway." Of the affect his helping behavior on this analysis. 10, 1 judge reversed the order of Categories 0 and Other studies have focused on the question 1. Otherwise there was complete agreement with the of whether a person initiates helping action ranking implied in the presentation of the scale or not, rather than on scaled kinds of helping. above. The speech. After passing through the alley and The data from the present study can also be entering the door marked on the map, the subject analyzed on the following terms: Of the 40 entered a secretary's office. She introduced him to subjects, 16 (40%) offered some form of SlTUATIONAL AND DlSPOSITIONAL VARIABLES IN HELPING BEHAVIOR 105 direct or indirect aid to the victim (Coding TABLE 1 Categories 2-5), 24 (60%) did not (Coding MEANS AND ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF Categories 0 and 1). The percentages of sub- GRADED HELPING RESPONSES jects who offered aid by situational variable were, for low hurry, 63% offered help, inter- M mediate hurry 45%, and high hurry 10%; Hurry for helping-relevant message 53%, task-rele- Sum- Message mary vant message 29%. With regard to this more Low Medium High general question of whether help was offered Helping relevant 3.800 2.000 1.000 2.263 or not, an unequal-./V analysis of variance Task relevant 1.667 1.667 .500 1.333 (arc sine transformation of percentages of Summary 3.000 1.818 .700 helpers, with low- and intermediate-hurry conditions pooled) indicated that again only Analysis of variance the hurry main effect was significantly (F = Source 55 P 5.22, p < .05) related to helping behavior; Af MS the subjects in a hurry were more likely to Message (A) 7.766 1 7.766 2.65 Hurry (B) 20.884 2 10.442 3.56* pass by the victim than were those in less of AXB 5.237 2 2.619 .89 a hurry. Error 99.633 34 2.930 Reviewing the predictions in the light of Note. N = 40. these results, the second hypothesis, that the * p < .05. degree of hurry a person is in determines his helping behavior, was supported. The predic- is not significantly more likely to stop to tion involved in the first hypothesis concern- help a person by the side of the road than is ing the message content was based on the a person going to talk about possible occupa- parable. The parable itself seemed to suggest tions for seminary graduates. that thinking pious thoughts would not in- Since both situational hypotheses are con- crease helping. Another and conflicting pre- firmed, it is tempting to stop the analysis of diction might be produced by a norm salience these variables at this point. However, multi- theory. Thinking about the parable should make norms for helping salient and therefore ple regression analysis procedures were also produce more helping. The data, as hypothe- used to analyze the relationship of all of the sized, are more congruent with the prediction independent variables of the study and the drawn from the parable. A person going to helping behavior. In addition to often being speak on the parable of the Good Samaritan more statistically powerful due to the use of

TABLE 2 STEPWISE MULTIPLE REGRESSION ANALYSIS

Help vs. no help Graded helping

Individual Overall Individual Variable variable equation variable equation Step

ra F R F Y F R F 1. Hurryb -.37 4.537* .37 5.884* 1. Hurry -.42 6.665* .42 8.196** 2. Message0 .25 1.495 .41 3.834* 2. Message .25 1.719 .46 5.083* 3. Religion as quest -.03 .081 .42 2.521 3. Religion as quest -.16 1.297 .50 3.897* 4. Religion as means -.03 .003 .42 1.838* 4. Religion as means -.08 .018 .50 2.848* 5. Religion as end .06 .000 .42 1.430 5. Religion as end -.07 .001 .50 2.213

Note. N = 40. Helping is the dependent variable, d/ = 1/34. « Individual variable correlation coefficient is a point biserial where appropriate. b Variables are listed in order of entry into stepwise regression equations. 0 Helping-relevant message is positive. * p < .05. **£ < .01. 106 JOHN M. DARLEY AND C. DANIEL BATSON more data information, multiple regression carried out using only the data from subjects analysis has an advantage over analysis of who offered some kind of help to the victim. variance in that it allows for a comparison of Surprisingly (since the number of these sub- the relative effect of the various independent jects was small, only 16) when this was done, variables in accounting for variance in the one religiosity variable seemed to be signifi- dependent variable. Also, multiple regression cantly related to the kind of helping behavior analysis can compare the effects of continuous offered. (The situational variables had no as well as nominal independent variables on significant effect.) Subjects high on the re- both continuous a n d nominal dependent varia- ligion as quest dimension appear likely, when bles (through the use of point biserial corre- they stop for the victim, to offer help of a lations, rpi,) and shows considerable robust- more tentative or incomplete nature than are ness to violation of normality assumptions subjects scoring low on this dimension (r = (Cohen, 1965, 1968). Table 2 reports the re- -.53, p < .05). sults of the multiple regression analysis using This result seemed unsettling for the think- both help versus no help and the graded help- ing behind either form of Hypothesis 3. Not ing scale as dependent measures. In this table only do the data suggest that the Allport- the overall equation Fs show the F value of Ross-based conception of religion as end does the entire regression equation as a particular not predict the degree of helping, but the row variable enters the equation. Individual religion as quest component is a significant variable Fs were computed with all five inde- predictor of offering less help. This latter pendent variables in the equation. Although result seems counterintuitive and out of keep- the two situational variables, hurry and mes- ing with previous research (Batson, 1971), sage condition, correlated more highly with which found that this type of religiosity cor- the dependent measure than any of the re- related positively with other socially valued ligious dispositional variables, only hurry was characteristics. Further data analysis, how- a significant predictor of whether one will help ever, seemed to suggest a different interpre- or not (column 1) or of the overall amount tation of this result. of help given (column 2). These results It will be remembered that one helping cod- corroborate the findings of the analysis of ing category was added at the suggestion of variance.4 the victim after his observation of pilot sub- Notice also that neither form of the third jects. The correlation of religious personality hypothesis, that types of religiosity will pre- variables with helping behavior dichotomized dict helping, received support from these data. between the added category (1) and all of No correlation between the various measures the others (0) was examined. The correlation of religiosity and any form of the dependent between religion as quest and this dichoto- measure ever came near statistical signifi- mous helping scale was essentially unchanged cance, even though the multiple regression (>> = —.54, p < .05). Thus, the previously analysis procedure is a powerful and not par- found correlation between the helping scale ticularly conservative statistical test. and religion as quest seems to reflect the tendency of those who score low on the quest Personality Difference among Subjects Who dimension to offer help in the added helping Helped category. To further investigate the possible influ- What does help in this added category rep- ence of personality variables, analyses were resent? Within the context of the experi- ment, it represented an embarrassment. The 4 To check the legimacy of the use of both analy- victim's response to persistent offers of help sis of variance and multiple regression analysis, parametric analyses, on this ordinal data, Kendall was to assure the helper he was all right, had rank correlation coefficients were calculated between taken his medicine, just needed to rest for a the helping scale and the five independent variables. minute or so, and, if ultimately necessary, to As expected T approximated the correlation quite closely in each case and was significant for hurry request the helper to leave. But the super only (hurry, T = — .38, p < .001). helpers in this added category often would SlTUATIONAL AND DlSPOSITIONAL VARIABLES IN HELPING BEHAVIOR 107 not leave until the final appeal was repeated is likely to keep going even if he is hurrying several times by the victim (who was grow- to speak on the parable of the Good Samari- ing increasingly panicky at the possibility of tan, thus inadvertently confirming the point the arrival of the next subject). Since it of the parable. (Indeed, on several occasions, usually involved the subject's attempting to a seminary student going to give his talk on carry through a preset plan (e.g., taking the the parable of the Good Samaritan literally subject for a cup of coffee or revealing to him stepped over the victim as he hurried on his the strength to be found in Christ), and did way!) not allow information from the victim to Although the degree to which a person was change that plan, we originally labeled this in a hurry had a clearly significant effect on kind of helping as rigid—an interpretation his likelihood of offering the victim help, supported by its increased likelihood among whether he was going to give a sermon on the highly doctrinal orthodox subjects (r = parable or on possible vocational roles of .63, p < .01). It also seemed to have an in- ministers did not. This lack of effect of ser- appropriate character. If this more extreme mon topic raises certain difficulties for an ex- form of helping behavior is indeed effectively planation of helping behavior involving help- less helpful, then the second form of Hy- ing norms and their salience. It is hard to pothesis 3 does seem to gain support. think of a context in which norms concerning But perhaps it is the experimenters rather helping those in distress are more salient than than the super helpers who are doing the in- for a person thinking about the Good Sa- appropriate thing; perhaps the best character- maritan, and yet it did not significantly in- ization of this kind of helping is as different crease helping behavior. The results were in rather than as inappropriate. This kind of the direction suggested by the norm salience helper seems quickly to place a particular hypothesis, but they were not significant. The interpretation on the situation, and the help- most accurate conclusion seems to be that ing response seems to follow naturally from salience of helping norms is a less strong this interpretation. All that can safely be determinant of helping behavior in the pres- said is that one style of helping that emerged ent situation than many, including the present in this experiment was directed toward the authors, would expect. presumed underlying needs of the victim and Thinking about the Good Samaritan did was little modified by the victim's comments not increase helping behavior, but being in a about his own needs. In contrast, another hurry decreased it. It is difficult not to con- style was more tentative and seemed more clude from this that the frequently cited responsive to the victim's statements of his explanation that ethics becomes a luxury as need. the speed of our daily lives increases is at The former kind of helping was likely to least an accurate description. The picture that be displayed by subjects who expressed this explanation conveys is of a person seeing strong doctrinal orthodoxy. Conversely, this another, consciously noting his distress, and fixed kind of helping was unlikely among sub- consciously choosing to leave him in distress. jects high on the religion as quest dimen- But perhaps this is not entirely accurate, for, sion. These latter subjects, who conceived when a person is in a hurry, something seems their religion as involving an ongoing search to happen that is akin to Tolman's (1948) for meaning in their personal and social world, concept of the "narrowing of the cognitive seemed more responsive to the victim's im- map." Our seminarians in a hurry noticed the mediate needs and more open to the victim's victim in that in the postexperiment interview definitions of his own needs. almost all mentioned him as, on reflection, possibly in need of help. But it seems that CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS they often had not worked this out when they A person not in a hurry may stop and offer were near the victim. Either the interpreta- help to a person in distress. A person in a tion of their visual picture as a person in hurry is likely to keep going. Ironically, he distress or the empathic reactions usually 108 JOHN M. BARLEY AND C. DANIEL BATSON associated with that interpretation had been ALLPORT, G. W., & Ross, J. M. Personal religious deferred because they were hurrying. Ac- orientation and prejudice. Journal of Personality cording to the reflections of some of the sub- and Social Psychology, 1967, 5, 432-443. BATSON, C. D. Creativity and religious develop- jects, it would be inaccurate to say that they ment: Toward a structural-functional psychology realized the victim's possible distress, then of religion. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, chose to ignore it; instead, because of the Princeton Theological Seminary, 1971. time pressures, they did not perceive the BICKMAN, L. B. The effect of the presence of others scene in the alley as an occasion for an ethical on bystander intervention in an emergency. Un- published doctoral dissertation, City College of decision. the City University of New York, 1969. For other subjects it seems more accurate BROWN, L. B. Classifications of religious orientation. to conclude that they decided not to stop. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1964, They appeared aroused and anxious after the 4, 91-99. encounter in the alley. For these subjects, BURTON, R. V. The generality of honesty reconsid- what were the elements of the choice that ered. Psychological Review, 1963, 70, 481-499. COHEN, J. Multiple regression as a general data- they were making? Why were the seminarians analytic system. Psychological Bulletin, 1968, 70, hurrying? Because the experimenter, whom 426-443. the subject was helping, was depending on COHEN, J. Some statistical issues in psychological him to get to a particular place quickly. In research. In B. B. Wolman (Ed.), Handbook of other words, he was in conflict between stop- clinical psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. ping to help the victim and continuing on his DARLEY, J. M., & LATANE, B. Bystander intervention way to help the experimenter. And this is in emergencies: Diffusion of responsibility. Jour- often true of people in a hurry; they hurry nal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1968, 8, because somebody depends on their being 377-383. somewhere. Conflict, rather than callousness, FREUD, S. The future of an illusion. New York: can explain their failure to stop. Liveright, 1953. FUNK, R. W. Language, hermeneutic, and word of Finally, as in other studies, personality God. New York: Harper & Row, 1966. variables were not useful in predicting w h e t h e r CLOCK, C. Y., & STARK, R. Christian beliefs and a person helped or not. But in this study, anti-Semitism. New York: Harper & Row, 1966. unlike many previous ones, considerable vari- HARTSHORNE, H., & MAY, M . A. Studies in the nature ations were possible in the kinds of help of character. Vol. 1. Studies in deceit. New York: given, and these variations did relate to per- Macmillan, 1928. KORTE, C. Group effects on help-giving in an emer- sonality measures—specifically to religiosity gency. Proceedings of the 77th Annual Convention of the quest sort. The clear light of hindsight of the American Psychological Association, 1969, suggests that the dimension of kinds of help- 4, 383-384. (Summary) ing would have been the appropriate place to ORNE, M. T. On the social psychology of the psy- look for personality differences all along; chological experiment: With particular reference to demand characteristics and their implications. whether a person helps or not is an instant American Psychologist, 1962, 17, 776-783. decision likely to be situationally controlled. ROSENBERG, M. J. When dissonance fails: On elimi- How a person helps involves a more complex nating evaluation apprehension from attitude mea- and considered number of decisions, includ- surement. Journal of Personality and Social Psy- ing the time and scope to permit personality chology, 1965, 1, 28-42. SCHWARTZ, S. H., & CLAUSEN, G. T. Responsibility, characteristics to shape them. norms, and helping in an emergency. Journal of REFERENCES Personality and Social Psychology, 1970, 16, 299- 310. ALLEN, R. O., & SPILKA, B. Committed and consen- TOLMAN, E. C. Cognitive maps in rats and men. sual religion. 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