The Paradox of Military Technology Max Boot
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American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics
American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Nese F. DeBruyne Senior Research Librarian Updated September 14, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32492 American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Summary This report provides U.S. war casualty statistics. It includes data tables containing the number of casualties among American military personnel who served in principal wars and combat operations from 1775 to the present. It also includes data on those wounded in action and information such as race and ethnicity, gender, branch of service, and cause of death. The tables are compiled from various Department of Defense (DOD) sources. Wars covered include the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam Conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. Military operations covered include the Iranian Hostage Rescue Mission; Lebanon Peacekeeping; Urgent Fury in Grenada; Just Cause in Panama; Desert Shield and Desert Storm; Restore Hope in Somalia; Uphold Democracy in Haiti; Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF); Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); Operation New Dawn (OND); Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR); and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). Starting with the Korean War and the more recent conflicts, this report includes additional detailed information on types of casualties and, when available, demographics. It also cites a number of resources for further information, including sources of historical statistics on active duty military deaths, published lists of military personnel killed in combat actions, data on demographic indicators among U.S. military personnel, related websites, and relevant Congressional Research Service (CRS) reports. -
14664 Time to Woo India
October 2004 A Strategy for Nuclear Iran By Thomas Donnelly Regardless of who is elected to the presidency in November, the growing threat posed by a nuclear Iran is certain to be at the top of the next administration’s national security agenda. Unfortunately, neither a “grand bargain” with Tehran nor a conventional military strike against its nuclear facilities offers much hope of preventing one of the world’s most dangerous regimes from acquiring the world’s most dangerous weapons. In the short term, at least, the United States must instead work to isolate Iran not only militarily but ideolog- ically, by succeeding in the democratic transformation of Afghanistan and Iraq. The Islamic Republic in Iran continues to speed The anxiety raised by the prospect of nuclear- toward acquiring nuclear weapons, with every armed Iran is creating a “Do Something!” week, it seems, bringing further evidence of its moment in Washington. Boot, a strong supporter progress. In late September, the head of Iran’s of the Bush administration’s strategy for the Atomic Energy Organization, Gholamreza greater Middle East, allows that, “on Iran, as in Aghazadeh, announced his country had begun so many other areas, the administration seems to enriching a “test amount” of uranium—enough, be paralyzed by disagreements between Defense that is, for several nuclear weapons. Soon, there Department hawks and State Department will be no insurmountable hurdles left; it is sim- doves.”3 The Democrats, by contrast, have made ply a matter of engineering, time, and Tehran’s a point of advocating a “grand bargain” with the choice. -
In the Supreme Court of the United States
No. 17-965 In the S upreme Court of the United States DONALD J. TRUMP , PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES , ET AL ., petitioners v. STATE OF HAWAII , ET AL ., respondents On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE EVAN MCMULLIN, ANNE APPLEBAUM, MAX BOOT, LINDA CHAVEZ, ELIOT COHEN, MINDY FINN, JULEANNA GLOVER, NORMAN ORNSTEIN, MICHAEL STEELE, CHARLIE SYKES, AND JERRY TAYLOR IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS R. REEVES ANDERSON JOHN B. BELLINGER , III ARNOLD & PORTER Counsel of Record KAYE SCHOLER LLP ELLIOTT C. MOGUL 370 Seventeenth St. KAITLIN KONKEL Suite 4400 ARNOLD & PORTER Denver, CO 80202 KAYE SCHOLER LLP (303) 863-1000 601 Mass. Ave., NW Washington, DC 20001 (202) 942-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of Amici Curiae .............................................. 1 Introduction and Summary of Argument ................... 2 Argument ..................................................................... 4 I. EO-3 contravenes the prohibition on nationality-based discrimination that Congress, with support from almost all Republicans, adopted in 1965 ................................ 5 A. Congress intended to eliminate “all vestiges of discrimination against any national group” from our immigration system ............................................................... 6 1. Members of both parties, and Republicans in particular, strenuously repudiated the discriminatory policies that predated the 1965 Act ......................... 7 2. The 1965 Act rectified missteps in U.S. immigration policy ............................ 12 3. The principles underlying the 1965 Act are now fundamental to our national identity ........................................ 16 B. EO-3 runs afoul of Congress’s nondiscrimination guarantee ......................... 18 II. The President may not substitute his alternative policy judgments for Congress’s comprehensive statutory immigration scheme .. -
British Public Perception Towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq
Global Regional Review (GRR) URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(III-I).37 British Public Perception towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq Vol. III, No. I (2018) | Page: 503 ‒ 517 | DOI: 10.31703/grr.2018(III-I).37 p- ISSN: 2616-955X | e-ISSN: 2663-7030 | ISSN-L: 2616-955X This article seeks to explore the Aasima Safdar * Abstract perception of the British informants regarding the Afghanistan war 2001 and Iraq war Samia Manzoor † 2003. Heavy users of British media were interviewed. The present article adopts the qualitative approach Ayesha Qamar ‡ and ten in-depth interviews were conducted by the British informants. It was found that the British informants considered the 9/11 attacks as a tragic incident and Al Qaeda was held responsible for this. They supported their government’s policies to curb terrorism but they highly condemned human Key Words: causalities during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Particularly, they condemned their government’s Public perception, policy about Iraq war 2003. Regarding, the British British media, Iraq media coverage of these wars, there was mixed opinion. Some of them considered that British media war, Afghanistan gave biased coverage to the wars however; few war thought that media adopted a balanced approach. Overall, they stressed that the government should take responsible action against terrorism and human causalities should be avoided. Introduction September 11 attacks were immensely covered by the world media. The electronic channels reported the images of tragedy, popular personalities and the physical destructions (Monahan, 2010). Within a few hours of the tragedy, the TV screens were loaded with images of terrorist attacks. -
American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics
American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Updated July 29, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32492 American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Summary This report provides U.S. war casualty statistics. It includes data tables containing the number of casualties among American military personnel who served in principal wars and combat operations from 1775 to the present. It also includes data on those wounded in action and information such as race and ethnicity, gender, branch of service, and cause of death. The tables are compiled from various Department of Defense (DOD) sources. Wars covered include the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam Conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. Military operations covered include the Iranian Hostage Rescue Mission; Lebanon Peacekeeping; Urgent Fury in Grenada; Just Cause in Panama; Desert Shield and Desert Storm; Restore Hope in Somalia; Uphold Democracy in Haiti; Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF); Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); Operation New Dawn (OND); Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR); and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). Starting with the Korean War and the more recent conflicts, this report includes additional detailed information on types of casualties and, when available, demographics. It also cites a number of resources for further information, including sources of historical statistics on active duty military deaths, published lists of military personnel killed in combat actions, data on demographic indicators among U.S. military personnel, related websites, and relevant CRS reports. Congressional Research Service American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................... -
U.S.-Pakistan Engagement: the War on Terrorism and Beyond
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Touqir Hussain While the war on terrorism may have provided the rationale for the latest U.S. engagement with Pakistan, the present relationship between the United States and Pakistan is at the crossroads of many other issues, such as Pakistan’s own U.S.-Pakistan reform efforts, America’s evolving strategic relationship with South Asia, democracy in the Muslim world, and the dual problems of religious extremism and nuclear proliferation. As a result, Engagement the two countries have a complex relationship that presents a unique challenge to their respective policymaking communities. The War on Terrorism and Beyond This report examines the history and present state of U.S.-Pakistan relations, addresses the key challenges the two countries face, and concludes with specific policy recommendations Summary for ensuring the relationship meets the needs • The current U.S. engagement with Pakistan may be focused on the war on terrorism, of both the United States and Pakistan. It was written by Touqir Hussain, a senior fellow at the but it is not confined to it. It also addresses several other issues of concern to the United States Institute of Peace and a former United States: national and global security, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, economic senior diplomat from Pakistan, who served as and strategic opportunities in South Asia, democracy, and anti-Americanism in the ambassador to Japan, Spain, and Brazil. Muslim world. • The current U.S. engagement with Pakistan offers certain lessons for U.S. -
Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria 3
Hoover Institution Working Group on Military History A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON THE DEFEAT OF ISIS Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria MAX BOOT Military History The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) first captured American attention in January 2014 when its militants burst out of Syria to seize the Iraqi city of Fallujah, which US soldiers and marines had fought so hard to free in 2004. Just a few days later ISIS captured the Syrian city of Raqqa, which became its capital. At this point President Obama was still deriding it as the “JV team,” hardly comparable to the varsity squad, al-Qaeda. It became harder to dismiss ISIS when in June 2014 it conquered Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and proclaimed an Islamic State under its “caliph,” Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. With ISIS executing American hostages, threatening to massacre Yazidis trapped on Mount Sinjar, and even threatening to invade the Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq, President Obama finally authorized air strikes against ISIS beginning in early August 2014. This was soon followed by the dispatch of American troops to Iraq and then to Syria to serve as advisers and support personnel to anti-ISIS forces. By the end of September 2016, there were more than five thousand US troops in Iraq and three hundred in Syria.1 At least those are the official figures; the Pentagon also sends an unknown number of personnel, numbering as many as a few thousand, to Iraq on temporary deployments that don’t count against the official troop number. The administration has also been cagey about what mission the troops are performing; although they are receiving combat pay and even firing artillery rounds at the enemy, there are said to be no “boots on the ground.” The administration is more eager to tout all of the bombs dropped on ISIS; the Defense Department informs us, with impressive exactitude, that “as of 4:59 p.m. -
Shaef-Sgs-Records.Pdf
363.6 DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER LIBRARY ABILENE, KANSAS SUPREME HEADQUARTERS, ALLIED EXPEDITIONARY FORCE, OFFICE OF SECRETARY, GENERAL STAFF: Records, 1943-45 [microfilm] Accession 71-14 Processed by: DJH Date completed: June 1991 The microfilm of the records of the Secretary of the General Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force, was sent to the Eisenhower Library by the Modern Military Records Division of the National Archives in September 1969. Linear feet of shelf space occupied: 4 Number of reels of microfilm: 62 Literary rights in the SHAEF records are in the public domain. These records were processed in accordance with the general restrictions on access to government records as set forth by the National Archives. SCOPE AND CONTENT NOTE The Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) was a joint U.S. - British military organization created in England in February 1944 to carry out the invasion of Western Europe. Dwight D. Eisenhower, an officer of the United States Army, was appointed Supreme Allied Commander. Eisenhower organized his staff along U.S. military lines with separate staff sections devoted to personnel (G-1), intelligence (G-2), operations (G-3), logistics (G-4) and civilian affairs (G-5). The most significant files at SHAEF were kept in the Office of the Secretary of the General Staff (SGS). The SGS office served as a type of central file for SHAEF. The highest-level documents that received the personal attention of the Supreme Allied Commander and the Chief of Staff usually ended up in the SGS files. Many of the staff sections and administrative offices at SHAEF retired material to the SGS files. -
STRIKING FIRST – Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Project AIR FORCE View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. STRIKINGFIRST Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National Security Policy KARL P. MUELLER JASEN J. CASTILLO FORREST E. MORGAN NEGEEN PEGAHI BRIAN ROSEN Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. -
Indian Wars: Old and New
Michigan State University College of Law INDIGENOUS LAW & POLICY CENTER WORKING PAPER SERIES Indian Wars: Old and New Matthew L.M. Fletcher and Peter S. Vicaire Indigenous Law & Policy Center Working Paper 2011-01 May 4, 2011 1 Indian Wars: Old and New Matthew L.M. Fletcher & Peter S. Vicaire Introduction In March 2011, the United States submitted a brief in United States v. al Bahlul, a military commission case reviewing the conviction of a War on terror suspect, comparing the tactics used by Indians in the First Seminole War to al Qaeda.1 As government lawyers had argued in the days following September 11, 2001, the government in al Bahlul argued that the Seminole Tribe in the 1810s engaged in a form of “irregular warfare” not for the purpose of establishing a nation or state, much like al Qaeda in the modern era.2 The military‟s comparison of Indian tribes to modern international terrorist organizations strike a divisive chord in Indian country and elsewhere, as modern Indian tribes are as far removed from al Qaeda as can be. And yet, the government in some contexts continues to juxtapose the Indian warrior stereotype with modern law and policy. As our colleague Professor Wenona Singel asked, “Who would be persuaded by such an argument?”3 Professor of Law, Michigan State University College of Law. Director, Indigenous Law and Policy Center. Miigwetch to Wenona Singel, Kate Fort, Brian Gilmore, and Brent Domann, who assisted on the research for this paper. 2010-2011 Fellow, Indigenous Law and Policy Center. Staff Attorney/Law Clerk, Ho-Chunk Nation Trial Court. -
Charles De Gaulle at the National Press Club, April 23, 1960
Charles de Gaulle at the National Press Club, April 23, 1960 Charles de Gaulle. Bundesarchiv, B 145 Bild-F015892-0010 / Wegmann, Ludwig / CC-BY-SA, CC BY-SA 3.0 de, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.ph p?curid=6845791 French President Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) arrived in Washington on Friday, April 22, 1960, for a State visit comprised primarily of talks with President Dwight D. Eisenhower to prepare for the upcoming Big Four summit planned for May in Paris, the first such meeting since World War II of leaders from the U.S., Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. General de Gaulle, leader of the Free French Forces resisting both the German occupation of France and the collaborationist Vichy government during the war, drew a warm welcome from Washingtonians that matched an equally enthusiastic embrace the people of Paris had given General Eisenhower, the supreme commander of Allied forces in western Europe during the liberation of France, on his State visit seven months earlier. De Gaulle wrote in his memoir, “All the way from the airport to Blair House I drove beside President Eisenhower to a deafening accompaniment of cheers, sirens and brass bands, amid a forest of banners and flags.” Area police estimated that 200,000 people—many of them government workers given an extended lunch hour—crowded the airport, bridge, and streets. De Gaulle remarked that the greeting, “clearly represented something fundamental.” The next morning, de Gaulle held “a vast press conference at the National Press Club,” he reported, “where most of the questions put to me concerned the 1 projected meeting of the Big Four.” The New York Times described his performance as “relaxed and informal.” On Sunday, de Gaulle flew with Eisenhower to the president’s farm in Gettysburg. -
Statement of Max Boot Senior Fellow in National Security Studies, the Council on Foreign Relations1 Before the House Armed Servi
STATEMENT OF MAX BOOT SENIOR FELLOW IN NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES, THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS1 BEFORE THE HOUSE ARMED SERVICES SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM, UNCONVENTIONAL THREATS, AND CAPABILITIES JUNE 29, 2006 Chairman Saxton, Congressman Meehan, members of the Subcommittee: Thank you for inviting me here today to discuss the future of the U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) and the war on terror, along with two men for whom I have great admiration—Wayne Downing and Mike Vickers. I will begin by suggesting what kind of force we need to defeat our Islamist enemies, then review the deficiencies of our current force structure, and finally conclude with a suggestion for how a major organizational overhaul—the resurrection of the Office of Strategic Services--could address some of these shortcomings. My starting point is the assumption that in the years ahead key competencies for the U.S. armed forces will be knowledge of foreign languages and cultures, skill at counterinsurgency warfare, and the ability to work with a wide range of foreign allies, ranging from advanced NATO militaries and constabularies to primitive militias in places like Afghanistan and Somalia. All of these needs are dictated by the nature of the global war being waged on the U.S. and our allies by Al Qaeda and various other Islamist terrorist groups. Our enemies in this struggle cannot be defeated with conventional military force. Indeed, there is a distinct danger that indiscriminate application of violence will only create more enemies in the future. To defeat this Islamist insurgency we must be able not only to track down and capture or kill hard-core terrorists but also to carry out civil affairs and information operations to win the “hearts and minds” of the great mass of uncommitted Muslims.