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Incomplete Neutralization and Maintenance of Phonological Contrasts in Varieties of Standard German

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Incomplete Neutralization and Maintenance of Phonological Contrasts in Varieties of Standard German Incomplete neutralization and maintenance of phonological contrasts in varieties of Standard German Felicitas Kleber München 2011 Incomplete neutralization and maintenance of phonological contrasts in varieties of Standard German Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophie an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München vorgelegt von Felicitas Kleber aus München München, den 22.03.2011 Referent: Prof. Dr. Jonathan Harrington Korreferent: PD Dr. phil. habil. Philip Hoole Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 29.06.2011 Meiner Mutter Acknowledgments It’s a pleasure to thank all those people who have contributed to this thesis in one way or another. Foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Jonathan Harrington for his advice and support over the past years. He drew my interest to sound change and challenged me to explore dialect change in German. His critical reading was invaluable. Additionally, he provided for numerous resources that allowed me to carry out my research. I thank Anke Werani for her encouragement, advice, and interesting discussions about dialect and identity. Thanks are also due to Phil Hoole for his support; his door was always open. I am grateful to my colleagues at the IPS for valuable comments during the institutes’ weekly colloquium, NOSH. In particular, I want to thank Ulrich Reubold and Tina John for being such great workmates in the DFG projects, for technical help with anything, discussion of the data, and for proofreading of the chapters of this thesis. Many thanks are also due to Christoph Draxler who helped with carrying out the online perception experiments and with recordings using SpeechRecorder. A number of people were at some point involved in running the experiments and the pre-analysis of the data. My thanks (in alphabetical order) to Michaela Adlwart, Aysen Demir, Laura Folk, Benjamin Hamer, Regina Kaiser, Ann-Kathrin Killguss, Katharina Liebich, Veronika Neumeyer, Julia Orlitzky, Theresa Thoma, Dominique Vornwald, and Lisa Wälischmiller for recruitment and recording of subjects, data segmentation, and formant correction. I am also indebted to the 42 speakers and 19 listeners who participated in the experiments described in this thesis. I want to thank all members of the PhD & PostDoc colloquium(s) for valuable comments and fruitful discussions. Uwe’s comments during the preparation of our seminars were very much appreciated. I’m grateful to Lasse, Susi, and Raphael for entertaining lunch and coffee breaks on a daily basis and to Katalin for office chats that always lasted longer than anticipated. Special thanks go to Klemmy (from Kletty) for proofreading and sharing her native-dialect knowledge of Bavarian with me. Many thanks also to Annegret and Jessica for last minute proofreading and Anna for participating in thousand and one experiments. Großer Dank gebührt meiner Familie; ohne die Unterstützung und das in mich gesetzte Vertrauen meiner Eltern, Dorothee und Gerd Kleber, und meines Bruders Christoph, hätte ich es nie so weit geschafft. Ihre Liebe und natürlich ihre Bereitschaft, jedes Experiment mitzumachen, andere Versuchspersonen zu rekrutieren und Literatur aus sächsischen Bibliotheken zu besorgen, bedeuten mir sehr viel. Jutta und Dietrich Ristow haben mich vor fast fünf Jahren in Neubiberg herzlich aufgenommen und mir einen unbeschwerten Start in München bereitet; dafür bin ich sehr dankbar. Matthias danke ich für seine fortwährende Unterstützung und natürlich für die vielen Ablenkungen, die immer zur rechten Zeit kamen; für das alles und noch viel mehr. Contents List of Figures v List of Tables ix 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Contrast and neutralization 1 1.2 Incomplete neutralization 4 1.3 Linguistic factors 6 1.4 The regional varieties of German 8 1.4.1 Upper Saxon (Obersächsisch) 11 1.4.2 Central Bavarian (Mittelbairisch) 13 1.4.3 The sociolinguistic situation in Saxony and Bavaria 15 1.5 Sound change 17 1.6 This thesis 23 1.6.1 The structure of the thesis 23 1.6.2 The speech corpus 25 1.6.2.1 Speech materials 25 1.6.2.2 The speakers 26 1.6.2.3 Recordings and pre-analysis 26 1.6.2.4 Why laboratory speech? 27 2. Incomplete neutralization in the perception of final devoicing in Standard German 29 Abstract 29 2.1 Introduction 30 2.2 Experiment 1: effect of probabilistic co-occurrences of phoneme sequences on incomplete neutralization 37 2.2.1 Speech materials 37 2.2.2 Participants 41 2.2.3 Experimental procedures 41 2.2.4 Expectations and predictions 42 CONTENTS 2.2.5 Results and discussion 43 2.3 Experiment II: effect of resyllabification on incomplete neutralization 48 2.3.1 Speech materials 48 2.3.2 Participants and experimental procedures 49 2.3.3 Results and discussion 49 2.4 General discussion 54 3. Incomplete maintenance of the intervocalic voicing contrast in regional varieties of German 61 Abstract 61 3.1 Introduction 62 3.1.1 Syllable position and the fortis/lenis contrast in Standard German 63 3.1.2 Fortis/lenis distinction in German dialects 64 3.1.3 Statistical co-occurrence of vowel tensity and stop voicing: asymmetries in the German lexicon 66 3.1.4 Incomplete neutralization 69 3.1.5 Dialect levelling 71 3.1.6 Hypotheses tested in this study 72 3.2 Method 74 3.2.1 Materials and speakers 74 3.2.2 Segmentation and data analysis 75 3.2.3 Expectations and predictions 76 3.3 Results and discussion 77 3.3.1 Word duration 77 3.3.2 VC:Word duration ratio 78 3.3.3 Vowel and stop duration 79 3.3.4 V:C duration ratio 80 3.3.5 Schwa deletion 83 3.3.6 Neutralization degree 85 3.4 General discussion 87 4. Vowel length in regional varieties of German 97 Abstract 97 4.1 Introduction 98 4.2 Method 108 4.2.1 Speech materials and speakers 108 4.2.2 Segmentation and data analysis 109 ii CONTENTS 4.3 Results 110 4.3.1 The tense/lax opposition before obstruents 110 4.3.2 /t/-lenition after lax vowels 114 4.3.3 Schwa deletion 116 4.3.4 The tense/lax opposition before obstruents by means of the V:C duration ratio 120 4.3.5 Age-dependent differences 123 4.3.5.1 The tense/lax opposition before obstruents 123 4.3.5.2 /t/-lenition after lax and tense vowels 124 4.3.5.3 The tense/lax opposition before obstruents by means of the V:C duration ratio 124 4.3.6 The tense/lax distinction before sonorants 127 4.3.7 Postvocalic lengthening of obstruents 133 4.4 General discussion 135 5. Summary and conclusion 145 5.1 Incomplete neutralization and maintenance of phonemic contrasts 146 5.2 Linguistic factors 147 5.3 Regional variation 150 5.4 Dialect levelling and sound change 152 5.5 Conclusion, implications and future directions 154 Zusammenfassung 159 Appendices 173 Appendix A: Speech material 173 Appendix B: Schwa deletion 174 Appendix C: Publications 176 Bibliography 179 iii CONTENTS iv List of Figures 1.1 Conventional divisions of German dialects………………………………………. 9 2.1 Schematic representation of the f0-contour manipulation………………………... 40 2.2 Schematic representations of five possible psychometric curves representing the percentage of ‘voiceless’ responses as a function of decreasing V:C duration ratio……………………………………………………………………………….. 42 2.3 Proportion of ‘voiceless’ responses as a function of decreasing V:C duration ratio (stimulus number) to the four continua differing in vowel tensity and place of articulation (a) and the corresponding regression curves (b): lax (grey), tense (black), alveolar (solid), and velar (dashed)……………………………………… 44 2.4 Linear interpolations between the proportional ‘voiceless’ responses to stimuli 1 and 7 of the four continua differing in vowel tensity and place of articulation: lax (grey), tense (black), alveolar (solid), and velar (dashed)………………………... 45 2.5 Proportional differences of ‘voiceless’ responses between stimuli 1 and 7 of the four continua……………………………………………………………………… 46 2.6 Proportion of ‘voiceless’ responses as a function of decreasing V:C duration ratio (stimulus number) to the four continua differing in the offset’s place and the onset’s manner of articulation (a) and the corresponding regression curves (b): alveolar (grey), velar (black), sonorant (solid), and obstruent (dashed)………………………………………………………………………........ 50 2.7 Linear interpolations between the proportional ‘voiceless’ responses to stimuli 1 and 7 of the four continua differing in the offset’s place and the onset’s manner of articulation: alveolar (grey), velar (black), sonorant (solid), and obstruent (dashed)…………………………………………………………………………… 51 LIST OF FIGURES 2.8 Proportional differences of ‘voiceless’ responses between stimuli 1 and 7 of the four continua ……………………………………………………………………... 52 3.1 Schematic representation of hypothetical mean V:C duration ratio differences between lenis and fortis stops for alveolar (grey) and labial (white) plosives separately for old and young, Bavarian and Saxon speakers ...…………………... 77 3.2 Absolute word durations for words containing fortis (grey) and lenis (white) stops separately for old and young, Bavarian and Saxon speakers ...…………….. 78 3.3 Proportional vowel plus stop durations for fortis (grey) and lenis (white) stops across both minimal pairs separately for old and young, Bavarian and Saxon speakers …………………………………………………………………………... 79 3.4 Absolute vowel (left) and stop (right) durations for fortis (grey) and lenis (white) stops across both minimal pairs separately for old and young, Bavarian (BAV) and Saxon (SAX) speakers. The dotted line at 150 ms signals visually the difference in vowel and stop duration in fortis and lenis sequences ….………….. 80 3.5 V:C duration ratios for foris (grey) and lenis (white) stops across both minimal pairs and age groups separately for Bavarian and Saxon speakers ………………. 81 3.6 V:C duration ratios for fortis and lenis stops in minimal pairs boten/Boden (grey) and Oper/Ober (white) separately for old (above) and young (below), Bavarian (left) and Saxon (right) speakers ……………………………………………….
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