Organized Labor in Mexico: North America [ H H-3-'791 Oligarchy and Dissent

19791No. 18 by Howard Handelman Organized Labor in Mexico: North America [ H H-3-'791 Oligarchy and Dissent

The painting seemed to puzzle or plastic sheeting supported by ropes One year before, over 100 of these disturb the Texas tourists as they and two-by-fours. Clustered Tendencia workers had been ousted followed their guide up the steps of beneath the flimsy covering were from their union and fired from their the Ministry of Justice in downtown some 350 people- men, women, jobs at a Mexicali power plant. As Mexico City. There, amid a and a few children. They had been one worker explained to me while panorama of murals describing the camped there, day and night, for his wife and two children looked on, sweep of Mexican history, was a three weeks, since the afternoon of "We've been out of work since painting depicting a fat "capitalist" September 28, 1977. A variety of November of last year [19761. None (complete with dollar sign) stuffing banners adorned the encampment. of our petitions to the Federal his workers into a meat grinder and One showed a clenched fist with the Electrical Commission [the squeezing out his profits. In the words "Tendencia Democr5ticar' government agency in charge of the mural's background stood a smiling (Democratic Tendency) emblazened state-owned power industry] or to Karl Marx, beckoning other laborers beneath. Another declared, the Labor Ministry has done any to a bucolic scene of happiness and "Electrical Workers, Fired from good. Now we're trying this." Their Jobs, Demand their tranquility. The tour guide gamely "How much were you making Democratic Rights." And still explained that the mural "merely before you were dismissed?" I asked another, "President [Jose] Lopez represents the outlook of the artist." him. But, he added, its presence in a Portillo: You Know Our Problem. government ministry did reflect the We Request Your Intervention on "About 11,000 pesos [$5101 per fact that Mexico is governed by the Behalf of Our Legitimate Rights." month." Institutional Revolutionary Party "And how do you and your family (PRI) and continues to subscribe to manage to live now?" The people staging the sit-in beside the principles of its 1910-1917 "Los Pinos" were electrical power "We depend on contributions from Revolution. Later, when the same workers (or, more precisely, former other Tendencia members and from tourists would travel to the beautiful power workers) together with their sympathizers. It hasn't been easy." campus of Mexico's National families. The workers were mem- University, they would see more Clearly, these protesters did not bers of the Tendencia Democratica, revolutionary murals, some come from Mexico's impoverished a rank-and-file movement within the commissioned by the government, lower class. On the contrary, their United Union of Electrical Workers other more modest efforts painted salaries before they were fired were of the Republic of Mexico by the university students among the highest of any workers in (SUTERM). Led by Rafael Galvan- themselves. the country. Even after a year of a former union president, national unemployment, they and their Should the group's tour bus have Senator, and long-time spokesman families were still well dressed. Like taken them behind the famed for leftist critics of Mexico's most of the more vocal and active Chapultepec Park on that clear established labor movements-the dissident workers in Mexico today, October day, past "Los Pinos," the Tendencia charges SUTERM they had emerged from the more Mexican president's official officers with being corrupt, skilled, higher-paid sector of the residence, they would have come oligarchical, and unresponsive to nation's labor movement. upon a very different scene. For a the union membership. Galvan and distance of several hundred feet, his supporters claim their movement The contradiction between the propped against the walls transcends the SUTERM, Marxist mural at the Justice Ministry surrounding the presidential palace, representing thousands of and the encampment at the were beds, chairs, tables, and disgruntled workers in unions presidential residence says much portable stoves, all covered by large throughout the country. about the current state of Mexican labor and of the Mexican Revolution The Origins of the Mexican Trade American capital was invited to itself. Radical in its rhetoric, populist Union Movement build electric power stations, in its politics, the Revolution The development of capitalist agri- railroads, and other infrastructure, tolerates one of the most inequitable culture, mining, and industry in and to exploit Mexico's henequen, distributions of wealth in Latin Mexico and, hence, the earliest sugar, cattle, minerals, and oil. America. The mere fact that the stirrings of the nation's labor Foreign firms were guaranteed protesters were allowed to camp movement, date to the late security of their investment, beside "Los Pinos," undisturbed for nineteenth century under the including iron-handed government weeks, and could make their case autocratic rule of General Porfirio repression of union organization and through the nation's press, ~faz.The "Porfiriato" (1876-1910) strikes. distinguishes Mexico's political put an end to decades of internal system from neighboring chaos and brought local political In urban textile mills, however, and Guatemala's or ~icara~ua's.~At the chiefs (caciques)under central on the railroads, and even in such same time, the failure of government control. Canadian, exotic locations as the movie government agencies to respond to French, British and, particularly, theaters of Mexico City, workers the fired Mexicali workers, and the eventual forced eviction of the protesters by the police, say something else about the nature of the Mexican Revolution. Mexico's labor movement is among the largest in Latin America. Only Argentina has a greater percentage of its urban work force organized into trade unions2 In 1960, two political scientists surveying labor organizations throughout the hemisphere observed: "The trade- union movement probably has developed faster and gone further in Mexico than in any other Latin American nation.. . Mexican labor [is] big, powerful, and vibrant with activity."3 But current observers argue that the position of labor in Mexico is as weak as in most other countries of Latin America. The position of rank-and-file members of the established labor unions is especially weak. The experience of the Mexicali electric power workers sitting in at "Los Pinos" is indicative of the fate of most rank-and-file unionists who challenge the tight control of their leadership. Today, as Mexico faces an uncertain political and economic future, the nation's likelihood of developing a more responsive political system and more equitable economic distribution may hinge, in large part, on the ability of organized workers to form a more democratic labor movement.

Tendencia ~ernocr&icasit-in at "LOS

Pinos. " clandestinely established mutual aid redistribution and the entry of the workers were organized into the societies and unions. As in much of excluded and repressed peasantry Mexican Revolutionary Labor Latin America, the earliest union into the nation's political and Confederation (CROM) and other organizers were usually anarchists, economic life.5 smaller union federations. Labor often exiles from the Spanish achieved its most spectacular gains anarcho-syndicalist movement. Despite their radical anarchist from 1930-1940, when the number Their influence was shared with ideological origins, the leaders of the of unionized workers tripled from another important foreign influence, nation's small labor movement cast 294,000 (5.6 percent of the active from the west and southwest of the their lot with the urban, middle- work force) to 878,000 (15.4 United States. In the early twentieth class moderates. Indeed, in Mexico, percent)? century, workers returning to as in most of the Third World, the Mexico from the mines of Colorado conflict of interest between city and The nation's first popularly based and Montana brought with them countryside stood in the way of a political party (created in 1929 was organizing experience gained from working class-peasant a~liance.~ expanded in the 1930s and renamed the International Workers of the Promised the right to organize and the Institutional Party of the World (the IWW "wobblies") and to strike (a guarantee later Revolution (PRI). The PRI has other North American working- incorporated into the Constitution governed Mexico with little class groups. Despite repression by of 1917), labor aligned with Generals meaningful opposition ever since. the Porfirista government, Mexico's Carranza and Obreg6n. Rural Essentially, the party embodied underground labor movement grew leaders like Zapata and Pancho Villa efforts by the nation's new political gradually, with leadership centered lacked the political sophistication, leadership to organize (or, perhaps in the anarchist-oriented Casa del ideological formulation, more precisely, to control) the Obrero ~undial? organizational skills, money, or guns forces of popular participation in the to successfully carry through their city and countryside unleashed by In 1910, when reform-minded would-be agrarian revolution. By the 1910 Revolution. Indeed, it was middle-class groups, along with the 1920, with the rural forces defeated the first party anywhere in Latin repressed peasants of the state of and Zapata dead, the moderates America with some base in the Morelos and the cowboys of were firmly in control,' although it nation's lower classes and a Chihuahua, rose up against the would be another 20 years before structured hierarchy for articulating decaying Diaz regime, urban the reformist character of the and aggregating popular workers formed "Red Battalions" to Mexican Revolution-the first in a demands? Both labor (organized join the ranks of the Mexican century of revolutions-was firmly through the newly formed Mexican Revolution. As the struggle set. A brief radical interlude in the Confederation of Labor-CTM) and progressed, two tendencies 1930s temporarily held back the peasantry were afforded emerged, reformist and radical. The conservative forces. Ultimately, institutionalized representation in reformist wing was led by the father however, the Mexican revolutionary the PRI. That most workers and of the Revolution, Francisco process came to stress political peasants did not even know they Madero, and later (after Madero's stability and orderly transition, were allegedly being represented in murder) by Generals Carranza and economic growth and the nation's political system did not Obreg6n. Essentially representing industrialization, mild economic seem to impede the enthusiasm of nationalistic, middle-class, business nationalism, and the emergence of a PRI's labor and peasant spokesmen and commercial interests, the self-satisfied entrepreneurial class. or of the nation's political leaders. moderates wanted limited, Redistribution of wealth, greater democratic, political reforms; the social mobility, militant anti- In 1934, Lazar0 Cardenas, a man reduction of foreign economic imperialist nationalism, and mass who had entered politics as a young domination; to break the monopoly political mobilization-the hallmarks soldier in the revolutionary struggle, of economic and political power of later, more radical, Third World assumed the presidency. held by Diaz's closed oligarchy, the revolutions-were notably absent in Undoubtedly the most radical of traditional, land-owning elite, and Mexico. Mexico's presidents, Cardenas foreign corporations; and to convert undertook to carry out many of the Mexico's semifeudal colonial 1920-1940: Union Growth and unfulfilled promises of the economy into a more modern Co-optation Revolution. In 6 years he capitalist economic system. The Though not a central force in the redistributed more land to the second, more radical wing of the revolutionary struggle, organized peasantry than had been given in Mexican Revolution was centered in labor did emerge as an element of the preceding 24 years. Educational the rural sector and entertained some importance in the victorious opportunities, especially in the different visions. Leaders such as coalition. During the administrations countryside, were greatly expanded Emiliano Zapata, chieftain of the of Presidents Calles (in the 1920s) and radical educators were given a Morelos Indian communities, and and Cardenas (in the 1930~1, rather free hand in organizing the his more sophisticated urban increasing numbers of railroad, nation's school system. In his most advisers, were committed to land petroleum, mining, and factory dramatic action, Cardenas nationalization of foreign industries economic systems. CSrdenista in the event of irreconcilable labor radicalism remained a strain within conflict. Thus, as Lazar0 Cardenas' the PRI, but never again emerged as six years in office came to an end in the dominant force. The 1940, the CTM and the organized administrations of Presidents Avi~a labor seemed to be at the height of Camacho (1940-1946)and Miguel their political and economic power. Aleman (1946-1952) set the course for an economic development Yet, labor's alliance with CSrdenas model which has persisted, with and the PRI had its costs. A trade- occasional variation, until today. union movement which had initially Aleman, perhaps the most been formed from the midst of the conservative of Mexico's modern rank-and-file became increasingly presidents, argued that "wealth has controlled from the top. Indeed, the first to be created before it can be pattern of government-union distributed." Consequently, President Lazar0 Cardenas ( 1934- 1940). relations Lzzaro Cardenas industrialization and the expansion introduced to Mexico was of the country's gross national challenged the Yankee "colossus of subsequently replicated, in product (GNP) were nourished the north" by nationalizing the somewhat differing styles, by without concern for the distribution foreign-owned petroleum industry, Getulio Vargas in Brazil and by Juan of that growth. The development of railroads, and portions of the electric Peron in Argentina. Under these industrial infrastructure (electric power network. populist leaders, labor enjoyed power, roads, railroads, dams) was tremendous organizational growth given priority over social In temporarily moving the political and substantial material gains only infrastructure (schools, clinics, system leftward, President to find that it had become the hospitals). The private Cardenas relied heavily on the trade unwitting pawn of its benefactor?' sector-centered in Mexico City and union movement. His policies The price the CTM paid for its the powerful Monterrey industrial contributed greatly to the dramatic incorporation into the Center of the clans-was given government growth in union membership during PRI was the loss of independent support and a free rein for the 1930s. Under his tutelage, labor political power. As one authority expansion. Finally, and most briefly became the dominant sector noted: important from labor's perspective, of the ruling Revolutionary party.10 capital investment by the private In 1937, the President helped create From the early years of the sector was encouraged by the Mexican Labor Confederation CSrdenas regime, when the strength restraining the wages of the (CTM), with which, in time, most of of the Party appeared to the industrial work force. the nation's trade unions became President.. . to be too heavily affiliated. While the electrical power, dependent upon its labor support.. . The conservative economic policies railroad, petroleum, and miners great care has been exercised to of the 1940-1970 period had their unions remained outside CTM for prevent the development of intended effect.13 During the 1950s various periods of time, they too effectively autonomous centers of and the 1960s, GNP grew by 5-8 were affiliated with the PRI and political power outside the Party. percent nearly every year. Thus, closely allied with Cardenas. Under This evolution has implied use of. . . when development economist Walt the fiery leadership of the CTM's labor unions as a means of Rostow wrote The Stages of Secretary General, Vicente communication from the Economic Growth, he cited Mexico Lombardo Toledano, organized President.. . and as a means of as one of the fewi~hirdWorld labor became a critical force control, rather than as a means by nations at the point of "take- pressing for social justice, economic which a dominant interest group off into sustained economic nationalism, and the redistribution controls the party and its policies?2 growth."14 For the most part, of wealth. The CTM's official however, the country's economic While Cardenas was President, this position, in fact, called for nothing expansion did not bring about a loss of autonomy was scarcely corresponding increase in working- less than "a struggle to achieve perceived. Under his more class standards of living. On the socialism." Its Marxist-inspired conservative successors, however, contrary, the real income of the slogan demanded "a classless the position of organized labor industrial work force was lower in society." Moreover, working-class deteriorated sharply. unrest played a central role in the 1958 than it had been in 1939.15 nationalizationof petroleum and the 1940-1958: The Mexican Revolution Since 1960, some gains have been railroads. Reacting to protracted Moves Right achieved in labor's real income. Yet, labor-management conflict in those Whatever may have been Cardenas' as a leading expert on Mexican two industries, President Cardenas basic intentions, he failed to alter politics noted in 1974, "it is still invoked a clause in the Mexican the centrist orientation of the PRI appropriate to cite a comment made Constitution which permitted the and of the Mexican political- nearly twenty years ago.. .that the true hero of the Mexican investment boom is the Mexican worker Table 1 whose.. .declining real income has, Distribution of Family Income in Mexico: 1950-1969 in effect, [subsidized] much of the nation's building."16 Income Group Percentage of Family Income 1950 1958 1963 1969 Indeed, the pattern of industrial expansion in Mexico is typical of the Lowest 20% 6.1 5.0 4.2 4.0 capitalist model pursued more 30% below the recently in Brazil, Colombia, and median 13.0 11.7 11.5 11.0 other Third World nations: 30% above the economic growth is accompanied median 21 .I 20.4 21.7 21 .O by a deterioration in'the distribution 15% below the top 19.8 24.3 24.3 28.0 of wealth. In some cases, most The richest 5% 40.0 38.6 38.3 36.0 notably Brazil, this has involved an actual decline in working class 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 standards of living. In Mexico, between 1950 and 1969, the share of Source: ILO World Employment Program Working Paper by Wouter van Mexico's national income going to 22,1978). the "bottom half" of the population Ginnekan reprinted in The Economist (April fell from 19.1 percent to 15 percent (Table 1). At the same time, the Still, labor peace could not be file or from outside the unions in the richest 20 percent of the population guaranteed unless the militant union nation's universities and intellectual increased its share of the national leaders nurtured under the Cardenas centers- has been associated with income from 59.8 to 64.0 percent?7 administration were removed from the left, big labor's chiefs have positions of influence. Under adopted an increasingly rightist President Avila Camacho, position. Thus, Fidel VelGzquez and This economic development model government pressure helped oust the CTM hierarchy have become required a reasonably docile Lombardo Toledano from his post bastions of conservatism within the industrial work force. At the rank- as CTM Secretary General. He was PRI. and-file level, labor passivity was replaced in 1943 by a far more facilitated by the rapid expansion of conservative leader, Fidel the number of industrial jobs. Velazquez, who has ruled the Between 1940 and 1970,the number Confederation with an iron hand of persons employed in ever since. By 1945, the CTM was manufacturing increased by nearly pledging its "respect for private 350 percent from 670,000to ownership," a far cry from its earlier 2,205,000.18Many of the new socialist principles. In the same year, workers were recruited from the all the nation's major industrial ranks of the nation's rural-to-urban unions signed the Pacto Obrero migrants. Richard Adams and other (Workers Pact) committing anthropologists have noted that themselves not to strike for the such migrants often bring with them duration of World War II. The a fatalistic outlook toward change, CTM's earlier call for "a classless respect for authority, and a societyr'-with its invocation of deferential attitude toward their class conflict-was dropped and patron (their boss or other replaced by the nationalist slogan, "protector")?9 In addition, given "for the emancipation of ~exico."~~ that per capita income in Mexico's cities is four times higher than in the The early anarchist ideology of the countryside, these new workers labor movement and its later Marxist undoubtedly were enjoying a higher orientation (in the 1930s)were income than they (or their fathers) abandoned by the highly had experienced before migrating. conservative new leadership. Like In other words, while the average many of their U.S. counterparts, real income for the work force as a they emerged second to none in whole was somewhat lower in 1958 their cold-war vigilance against than it had been (for a much smaller radical forces within society.21 work force) in 1939, for the many Since most of the opposition to individual laborers of rural origin, life Mexico's current union leadership- had improved in that time period. emanating either from the rank and Fidel Vel&quez, C & M leader. That conservatism has been within the government or the PRI. In recent years the union has accompanied by increasingly extreme instances, aspiring union maintained its record of honesty and entrenched, oligarchic, union bosses have used police and federal internal democracy, but has been far government and the loss of rank- troops to oust opponents from less outspoken on national labor and-file influence. Corruption has union offices or otherwise to repress issues. The SME remains outside the become endemic as union bosses dissenter^.^^ Once in office, such CTM. use sweetheart contracts and other labor chiefs are virtually immune to dubious practices to line their own removal by their union's pockets. Many unions representing membership. Most national labor better-paid laborers (such as the leaders are elected (and re-elected) petroleum workers) sell union at union conventions by officers of memberships for under-the-counter the union's locals. But the local payments of up to 50,000 pesos representatives are not usually ($2,200). Corrupt union leaders are elected by their constituents; rather commonly called charros (literally they have been appointed by the "cowboys") and their dishonest union's national leadership! Direct, practices, charrismo. Many such rank-and-file election of national leaders flaunt their ill-gotten gains. officers is very rare. Once in office, Jesus ~fazde Leon, a former the union bosses have proved to be railroad workers boss (whose very amenable to government and fondness for horse shows led to the private sector interests. Labor coining of the term charro) lives in leaders abide by a series of the ent tho use of a beach-front unwritten rules set down by the apartment house which he owns in government. One such rule prohibits Acapulco. Said ~fazto a newspaper any activity which threatens the reporter, "I feel it is an honor to be government's grip on the labor called a charr0.1'~~Often these movement. Another precludes leaders employ armed guards and Rafael Galvan, Tendencia Dernocratica strikes (or at least nationwide leader. enforcers. Their opponents' bodies strikes) in basic industries (such as are occasionally found floating in the railroads and electric power) The STERM (organized in 1960 from rivers or are similarly eliminated.23 which are critical to other sectors of the FNTIE), another electric power the economy. Rank-and-File Unrest union representing some 7,000 For the Mexican working class, workers employed outside Mexico then, the apparent advantages of Several important exceptions to this City, was even more outspoken in pattern of union oligarchy have the nation's corporatist political its opposition to the oligarchic union existed and these unions have system have been deceptive. establishment. The union was led Government sponsorship has, it is served as centers of support for from its inception by Rafael Galva'n, efforts at union democratization. a militant former Trotskyite who has true, helped create one of Latin The SME (Mexican Union of long served as a spokesman for the America's largest trade-union Electrical Workers), representing beleaguered labor left. While Galvan movements. More important, as one over 20,000 electric power workers never faced serious electoral of three officially recognized sectors in the Mexico City area, is perhaps opposition as STERM's leader in the ruling PRI, organized labor the country's only major union (indeed, his critics accused him of has uniquely direct institutional links which has regularly enjoyed direct paternalism), internal union politics with the center of government rank-and-file election of all union featured active rank-and-file power. In addition, officers of major officers, vigorously contested participation, vigorous debate, and unions often serve as Senators or elections between incumbent and free criticism of leadership Deputies in the national Congress, opposition slates, and the periodic decisions. Like the SME leadership, thereby offering labor further unseating of incumbent officers. Its STERM's national officers were corporatist representation. Thus, to leaders, generally regarded as noted for their honesty and vigorous the superficial observer, organized among the more honest union pursuit of contract demands. In labor in Mexico does appear "strong officials in the nation, have secured 1960, leaders of the two electrical and vibrant," especially within the some of the highest working class workers' unions joined with several Latin American context. salaries in Mexico for their other left-of-center working class Unfortunately, it is highly membership. During the 1950s and leaders in an abortive attempt to questionable how well union early 1960s, the union actively create an alternative labor officials actually represent their opposed the CTM's hierarchy, federation to the CTM. More so membership. The prime requisite for spoke out against charrismo, and than the SME, STERM saw itself as holding office is not rank-and-file offered aid and comfort to several a center of anti-charro activity support but, rather, connections dissident union movements. In throughout the labor movement. A final example of nontraditional and his failure to secure decent Even under a more liberal President union leadership emerged in the contracts. Dissidents within the such as Lopez Mateos, however, all 1950s out of the union of elementary union charged that the railroad union leaders must accept and secondary schoolteachers. workers' real income had fallen an government guidelines or face the During that period, Marxist militants average of 40 percent from 1948 to consequences. were elected to leadership posts in 1958.~~In the closing months of Mexico City and several other 1958 and in early 1959, disgruntled Though insurgents have rarely been important urban locals. Their insurgents gained control of various able to oust charms at the national tactics-wildcat strikes, sit-ins at locals in the nation's south and level, through the 1960s there were the Ministry of Education-were southeast. Several railroads were hit a number of successful local more aggressive than those of the by a series of wildcat strikes. Finally, movements. Members of unions SME or STERM, and were highly in a rather unusual development, the representing telegraph operators, unconventional by Mexican national government sought to petroleum workers, miners, radio union norms. Like Rafael Galvan, the restore labor peace by holding station employees, and auto tire workers tried, with varying degrees radical teachers' union leaders saw democratic elections for national of success, to remove oligarchical or their mission as extending beyond officers. The charro incumbents corrupt leaders. Similarly, their own ranks. They took an active were swept out of office pro-Vallejo forces continued to role in protest marches and related and Demetrio Vallejo, an insurgent exercise influence in certain railroad manifestations of support for leader who had risen out of the rank- locals even after the vallejistas had rank-and-file insurgency and-file, was overwhelmingly been removed by the government movements in other labor elected Secretary General. organizations.25 from control of the national union. In addition, many Mexican workers Unions such as these were atypical Once in office, Vallejo and his fellow are only organized into unions and have remained so. During the Marxist-leaning colleagues refused encompassing a single firm rather late 1950s through the 1960s, to abide by the traditional "rules of than the entire industry. During the however, various outbreaks of rank- the game" set for the unions by the 1960s and early 1970s, more militant and-file discontent disturbed the Mexican government. Insisting that leaders were elected in a number of surface of oligarchic union the contracts already received from textile mills in Cuernavaca, at auto government. For one thing, the long some railroads must be extended to tire plants, the Volkswagen plant period of decline in the real income all railroad workers, and that near Puebla, Adams Chiclets, and of the working class began to take workers fired in previous wildcat the Automex plant. During that its toll. For 18 years (and 3 strikes be reinstated, the vallejistas period, as the nation's university administrations) workers had been called an escalating series of strikes campuses were increasingly forced to tighten their belts so that in open defiance of presidential radicalized, leftist students began capital investment could be authority. These strikes culminated working closely with dissident union in a total shutdown of rail service intensified. Eventually, many began groups. In some cases, university during Holy Week, stranding to wonder when they would reap graduates joined the staffs of the thousands of holiday tourists. The some of the rewards of industrial more progressive unions (such as vallejistas' actions challenged the growth. Second, the election of the STERM) or were elected to President's right to set limits on Adolfo Lopez Mateos as President leadership posts in militant locals. union activities and broke the tacit (1958-1964) gave anti-charro labor Not surprisingly, the union of ban on strikes that would paralyze forces hope for more government university custodians and workers the nation's economy. President support. Lopez, the most liberal was closely associated with the Lopez called in the armed forces, Mexican President since Cardenas, radical student movement and was fired hundreds of striking workers, came to the nation's top office after one of Mexico's most militant had many others jailed, and charged serving as Minister of Labor in the unions. previous administration. In that Vallejo and his closest colleague position he had become known as a with sabotage and conspiracy. The The STERM Jurisdictional Dispute: friend of the working man and an two were eventually sentenced to 16 Antecedents of the Tendencia associate of progressive labor years in prison. Thus, the railroad Democriitica leaders such as Rafael Galvan. workers' insurgency illustrated both The roots of the Tendencia the possibilities and limits of labor Democrgtica -the backbone of the The most dramatic rank-and-file union dissent. On the one hand, "Los Pinos" sit-in described at the union revolt during the Lopez given sufficient rank-and-file start of this Report- emanate from Mateos administration took place in support and a progressive a somewhat different type of labor the railroad workers union (the presidential administration (Lopez struggle. Rather than a rank-and- STERM). The union's long-time Mateos; Echeverrfa, 1970-1976; and, file revolt against charro officials, it Secretary General, ~fazde Leon, possibly, current President Lopez involved a jurisdictional dispute had alienated much of the mem- Portillo), dissident leaders can between Rafael Galvgn's STERM bership through his dictatorial rule occasionally oust oligarchic officers. and a competing union. Since the 1940s, the STERM's administration of President outside the union, doubted the position (or, more precisely, the ~cheverr(athrough a series of willingness of SNE leaders to face position of the FNTIE, STERM's "Demonstrations for Union honest elections in 1976. predecessor) had been threatened Democracyf'-marches in cities As for Galvan and his associates, by the rapid growth of the throughout the country conducted their decision to merge STERM with competing National Electrical by STERM workers and their the larger SNE was motivated by Workers Union (SNE). As the supporters. From December 1971 both resignation and faith. On the national government's Federal through July 1972some 100,000 one hand, given the government's Electric Commission (CFE) persons allegedly participated in overwhelming authority in a union expanded Mexico's electrical these demonstrations. Dissident jurisdictional dispute, and given the network outside Mexico City, it workers in the petroleum, teachers, CFE's clear preference for dealing consistently recognized the university custodial, and steel with the SNE, STERM leaders felt government-sponsored SNE as the unions all offered support. Finally, that their demonstrations had bargaining agent for workers in the reacting to STERM's moderate, yet secured them the best deal they newly constructed power plants. By effective, pressure techniques, the could get. Nor were they fatalistic 1965, the SNE had about 30,000 CFE announced in September 1972 about the merger. For one thing, members, 4 times the size of that a merger would be effected they had secured 50 percent of all STERM. From the perspective of its between the STERM and SNE. Two local union offices even though the critics, the SNE was a subservient months later, erstwhile enemies SNE was much larger. More company union. Its dictatorial leader Rafael Galvan and Francisco Perez important, Galvan indicated to me (for 32 years), Francisco Perez Rios, Rios announced that their unions that he was optimistic about his was almost always accompanied by would merge over a period of four ability to carry the 1976 election. armed guards and permitted no years. Unification would first take Perez Rios was aged and in poor rank-and-file influence. While place at the local level. In each city health. Moreover, since the SNE amassing a personal fortune, he with a STERM and SNE local had never conducted rank-and-file signed contracts with the CFE that (preceding in alphabetical order of elections, Galvan felt he would be gave his union's membership lower the states), a single local would be supported as enthusiastically in a wages than SME or STERM formed. Regardless of the size of the free election by former SNE workers workers. Galvan and his supporters previously existing locals, the united as by old STERM rank-and-file?8 on the left felt the government was local would be temporarily governed out to crush the STERM, long a by a board consisting of 50 percent In order to protect themselves voice of labor dissent, in favor of the STERM officers and 50 percent SNE against Perez Rios forces charm-run SNE. officials. During the four year within SUTERM, former STERM interim period, the new union-to leaders sought to mobilize the same The conflict between the two be called SUTERM-would be kind of worker demonstrations that unions reached a head during the headed by Perez Rios (leader of the had helped bring about merger. In late 1960s when the CFE called for far larger SNE) with Galvan holding the STERM's last convention the creation of a single bargaining the second spot. In 1976, with the (October 19731, Galvan and his agent for electrical workers outside merger of locals complete, followers announced the formation Mexico Then, on October democratic elections would be held of the Revolutionary Union 16, 1971, the Mexican government for both local and national office. Movement (MSR). Its stated struck a potential death blow to the The Aftermath of Merger objective was quite ambitious: to STERM. The Federal Board of create a national federation of Not all of STERM's militants shared Arbitration and Conciliation industrial and rural workers which Galvan's conviction that the (Mexico's all-powerful labor would ultimately challenge the creation of SUTERM had been a relations board) announced that it CTM. Beyond its goal of creating a victory. The most vocal opposition was recognizing the SNE as the sole broad-based, truly democratic labor to the merger came from the bargaining agent for electrical union movement, the MSR STERM local in the city of Puebla. workers outside the capital. Shortly expected eventually to be a force for Throughout 1973, the Puebla local thereafter, the Federal Electric socialist change in Mexico. Commission informed the STERM printed manifestos in the nation's that it was no longer a legally major newspapers denouncing the The movement's publication, recognized union. The event November agreement. Since there Solidaridad (Solidarity), claimed STERM's leadership had long feared had been no SNE local of broad support for the MSR among was now at hand - the replacement consequence in Puebla, the STERM the nation's working class. Such of their militant union by a pro- militants there had no intention of claims tended to be couched in government, "company union." sharing power with the "charro vague terms with little supporting union." Instead, they demanded evidence. However, impartial In order to prevent their union's immediate direct elections of local observers agreed that the MSR had demise, STERM's officers decided officials. Other STERM the sympathy of more politicized to apply public pressure on the sympathizers, both within and and militant workers in a number of Rafael Galvan (center)and Tendencia Democratica leaders. unions: university workers, terms. The following month workers themselves to an expanded teachers, some textile firms, at General Electric of Mexico, mobilization for union democracy. vallejista railroad workers, telephone working with the TD, also rejected a Out of the Guadalajara conference operators, steel workers, petroleum SUTERM-endorsed contract and came a new political organization, workers, brewery workers, and went out on strike. the Nation Front of Popular Action employees of the Volkswagen plant. (FNAP). Established in early 1976, Yet, the core of MSR support clearly By late 1974 it was clear that the FNAP was designed to bring lay among former STERM electrical SUTERM's merger honeymoon had together university students, workers. These activists never started. Galvan and the intellectuals and other sympathetic (presumably along with some SNE Tendencia Democr5tica were at war leftists into a support group for the sympathizers) formed a movement with the old SNE leaders. But even MSR and the Tendencia, which within SUTERM called the with Perez Rios fatally ill at this claimed to speak for the former Tendencia Democratica (TD).While point, Galvan and his supporters STERM rank-and-file. But the sharing the MSR's long-term goals, found that TD and MSR proliferation of organizations the TD's most immediate task was demonstrations were not adequate created by the old STERM to protect rank-and-file rights in to guarantee their survival in leadership was more a sign of SUTERM and to mobilize support SUTERM. Neither CTM chief Fidel weakness than of strength. Internal for the Galvan faction in the 1976 Velazquez nor Perez Rios' divisions within the Mexican left and election. lieutenants had any intention of lack of real rank-and-file seeing their old critics and commitment outside the electrical Conflicts between the Tendencia adversaries from STERM take over workers membership crippled both and Perez Rios' SUTERM allies the electrical union. In March 1975, the MSR and FNAP. Neither ever developed quickly, centering around at a special union convention, amounted to much more than paper two labor contracts. In May 1974, Galvan and all of STERM's former fronts.29 Thus the Tendencia workers at the Kelvinator electric national officers were expelled from Democratica locals in SUTERM equipment plant rejected a contract the SUTERM. that had been endorsed by Perez were forced to rely on their own Rios. With TD support, they staged In the wake of their expulsion, TD resources, such as they were. a four-week wildcat strike which and MSR met in the city of Following a series of TD eventually won them more favorable Guadalajara and committed demonstrations against SUTERM's officers, the movement's Protests and walkouts by the spokesmen announced plans to electrical workers merely led to 30 strike all the plants it controlled in additional suspensions at the close July 1976. The plan was a desperate of the year. Finally, in January 1978, move by Tendencia leaders since a the Federal Electric Commission and work stoppage would violate the the SUTERM announced they had government's clearly expressed agreed to close the entire prohibition on power strikes. installation. Shortly thereafter, two President Echeverrfa and the Federal smaller plants (both organized by Electric Commission left no doubt the TD) at Colina and Rosetilla were that they would not tolerate a work also shut down, allegedly depriving stoppage. On July 12, the 5,000 peasant families (farming announced date of the strike, 75,000 hectares of the best farmland federal troops moved into the power in Chihuahua) of badly needed plants to escort workers to their irrigation. On February 8, a 7-hour places. Galvan and his colleagues, electrical outage in Chihuahua realizing that their position was (attributed to the plant closings) untenable, announced that the forced 3,000 miners in a neighboring strike had been cancelled. In the mine to flee from the pits when their aftermath of the abortive strike, air pumps ceased functioning.30 however, 150 Tendencia sympathizers in the Mexicali power Following the CFE action at La plant were dismissed from their Boquilla, 120 former plant workers jobs. In addition, several hundred and their families staged a sit-in at workers hired on a day-to-day basis the electrical installation. Local (eventuates), who were known to be peasant families brought them food TD sympathizers, were not rehired. and clothing. On March 5, 1978, Mexican soldiers occupied the It was these dismissals that installation and forcibly removed the prompted the September 1977 sit-in workers and their families. As a by the Tendencia Democr5tica at result of CFE allegations that they "Los Pinos." The protesters were were agitators, five high school permitted to camp outside the teachers were fired and the local presidential residence for 38 days, school (serving 150 students) was but were finally ousted by police also closed. Students and workers when their capacity to continue the then blocked a CFE bus taking sit-in was already waning. None of SUTERM electrical workers to the protesting workers was rehired. maintain nearby power lines. In an Indeed, in an effort to avert further emotional mass meeting held in the dismissals of their supporters in town two days after the sit-ins were SUTERM, Tendencia leaders terminated, Galvan announced that announced their movement was the MSR would continue the fight being dissolved though "the battle to regain the workers their jobs. But, would continue through the MSR." at the time of this writing, the While Galvan insisted this was dismissed electrical workers, like purely a tactical move, it clearly their colleagues at Mexicali, had not represented a defeat for his forces. been rehired. Nor did the TD's dissolution Signs of Unrest in Other succeed in removing government Labor Unions and SUTERM pressure against its As leaders of the Revolutionary supporters. Former STERM Union Movement (MSR) fully militants in various plants were realize, their hopes for challenging threatened with dismissal. The most the CTM's hierarchy rest on dramatic action took place at the expanding the movement beyond CFE's plant in La Boquilla in the the electrical workers. In addition to state of Chihuahua. During 1977, scattered rank-and-file insurgency two successive sets of efforts at individual company democratically elected union leaders unions, there have been two Francisco Hernandez Jusrez, Secretary- at that plant were suspended from significant anti-charro efforts in General of the Teleohone Workers the SUTERM and from their jobs. major national unions in recent years. Union. In April 1976, workers in the national Senator.G6mez Sada has faced no future. For one thing, most of the telephone operators union rejected electoral opposition since taking nation's working class-urban or a contract presented to them by office and is known as one of the rural-is still not unionized.^2 their officers and staged nation's more corrupt and heavy- Poorly educated, unskilled, and a spontaneous strike in 40 cities. handed union bosses. underemployed, these unorganized Alberto Vssquez, one of the In May 1978, workers at the workers are almost universally dissident leaders, was closely linked government-owned steel plants at lacking in political consciousness. to Rafael Galvan and the MSR. Las Truchas and at Altos Hornos Indeed, it was the Mexican urban When insurgent leaders indicated to voted to oust the oligarchical poor who first served as the model the national administration that they leaders of their union local. New for Oscar Lewis' "culture of were willing to accept the officers were elected who were poverty" - beaten down, powerless government's ground rules and to younger, more educated, and more and aware of their powerlessness, go back to work if democratic responsive to the insurgent workers. the urban poor in developing (or elections were held in their union, Not surprisingly, G6mez Sada "misdeveloped") capitalist government authorities ordered an suspended the new officers from economies such as Mexico's, Lewis election. The following month, the argued, retreat into fatalism, live for the union. Under ordinary Mexican Democratic Committee of labor procedure, this would have the present, and lack any sense of Telephone Workers (the insurgency class consciousness~3For most required the government to dismiss slate), headed by Francisco the dissident leaders from their jobs poorly paid or unemployed Mexican Hernandez Jusrez, a 28-year-old workers, flight across the border to (since there was a closed shop and student, swept the incumbent the United States is a more realistic these men were no longer officers out of power with 86 solution than fighting an entrenched recognized union members). percent of the 16,000 votes cast? political and economic system. However, a march of 5,000 steel Today, one in ten Mexicans lives workers in support of the ousted Once in office, Hernandez and his illegally in the United young, reformist colleagues sought leaders convinced government steel to increase worker input in both managers that dismissal would not Those workers who do belong to union government and plant be wise. Indeed, since the two unions and are regularly employed decision-making. One of their most plants jointly produce 40 percent of harbor few illusions about the interesting innovations has been the Mexico's steel, labor unrest or a quality of their union bosses. establishment of frequent strike would seriously damage the However, they are more likely to departmental meetings in which nation's economy. Thus, while the accept the inevitability of charro workers, union representatives, and dissident rank-and-file steel workers control than to mount a challenge to department supervisors discuss are not in a position to challenge or the establishment. As the Tendencia work conditions and worker replace their national union officials, workers of Mexicali and La Boquilla grievances. Yet, the new union they have forced the government to can testify, those who cause trouble leaders have learned that not even ignore G6mez Sada's wishes at the are likely to find themselves out of they can anticipate and satisfy all two steel plants and have, in effect, their union and out of a job. For grassroot discontent. In April 1978, been granted de facto recognition of those who are not easily deterred, women in the union (over half the their local leaders. there are goon squads and union membership) expressed A Look into the Future thugs. dissatisfaction over pension rights in Rank-and-file efforts to democratize Even if a more progressive Mexican a proposed new contract. While the unions and replace oligarchical Hernandez Ju5rez and his fellow president and his administration or corrupt leaders remain relatively wanted to democratize the labor officers were still trying to isolated efforts, certainly less movement-and there is no sign of renegotiate the contract, workers indicative of imminent working class such intentions at present-they staged a 16-hour wildcat strike. mobilization than either the MSR would be unlikely to take on the After receiving assurances from leadership or the Mexican left would CTM union hierarchy. Union union leaders that their demands like to believe. Still, they may be leaders such as Fidel Velaquez and would be met, the telephone important portents of change in Napoleon G6mez Sada are virtual operators returned to work. Mexican labor politics. feudal chiefs with enclaves of A second, more limited, example of In the decades since Mexico began baronial power within the PRI. Thus, recent rank-and-file insurgency its postwar industrial expansion, the while both Presidents L6pez Mateos occurred in the highly oligarchical nation's labor movement has not (1958-1964) and Echeveria union of miners and metal workers. been nearly as militant as the (1970-1976) showed some sympathy At the national level, the union has Chilean or Argentine working class. for efforts at union democracy, they been headed since 1960 by Nor is it likely, whatever Galvan and offered little concrete support. Napoleon Gomez Sada, currently his campus supporters may hope, Faced with the prospect of head of the Congress of Labor (the that dramatic changes will take opposing the CTM's powerful PRI labor section) and a PRI place in the labor front in the near leaders and then having to deal with Marxist-led insurgency movements, The characteristics of the typical workers filter into the Mexican labor Mexican presidents prefer to let dissident worker are also worth force, it is likely that they will be sleeping dogs lie. noting, especially in the context more politicized, conscious of their both of Mexico's population profile rights, and more insistent on rank- and projected industrial growth and-file participation than has been The 1959 vallejista victory in the made possible by increased true in the past. Moreover, as the railroad union, short-lived as it was, petroleum revenues. Union country becomes more urban, and the successful insurgency of insurgency tends to arise from traditional rural conservatism and telephone operators in 1974, among the more skilled, better-paid fatalism will also likely diminish. In nevertheless indicate that under workers in the more modern sectors short, labor dissent will undoubtedly special circumstances union rank- of the economy. Dissident workers continue and almost certainly grow. and-file can oust entrenched are generally below average in age The major question is, "how far and officials.These "successes," though and above average in education. at what rate?" limited, will not be forgotten. Thus, as younger, more educated (March 1979)

NOTES 1. Accounts of the sit-in and of The Politics of Developing Areas whether the working class' real income subsequent events were covered (Princeton: 1960). has continued to suffer an absolute extensively in the Mexico City daily, Uno decline. A recent economic survey of Mas Uno; see also, Siempre (Mexico 10. Rivera Marfn, op. cit., p. 263; Mexico indicates that since the 1950s J.Ash by, Organized Labor and the City) November 23,1977. the real income of the poorest 20 Mexican Revolution Under Lazar0 percent of the population has improved 2. See, Davis and de Miranda, "The Cardenas (Chapel Hill, 1967). very gradually (at a rate of 1.2% Working Class in Latin America," in R. annually) as opposed to a much greater Miliband (ed.), The Socialist Register 11. Indeed, Chile was one of the only 4.1 percent annual improvement for the (London: 1967). Cuba is excluded from countries in Latin America to develop an richest 20 percent. See, "Mexican these figures as a special case. independent, grassroots labor movement which was not dominated Economic Survey," The Economist 3. Moists Poblete Troncoso and Ben either by middle-class political parties or (April 22, 1978), p. 16. A serious Burnett, The Rise of the Latin American by the government. recession since Mexico's 1976 Labor Movement (New York: 1960), pp. devaluation may well have eroded some 97 and 107. 12. F. Myers, Party, Government and of those small gains. the Labor Movement in Mexico ( Los 4. For brief histories of the rise of Angeles: 1967), p. 142. 18. Moroetal., op. cit., p. 125. Mexican labor see: G. Rivera Marh, "El Movimiento Obrero" in Cincuenta Ahos 13. During this 30-year period, only the 19. For a discussion of the alleged de Revoluci6n (Mexico City: 1961); administration of Adolfo Lopez Mateos nonmilitancy of Latin American Marth Moro et al., Control y luchas del (1958-1964) deviated from the model migrants see: Richard Adams, "Political Movimiento Obrero (Mexico City: 1978). described here. Under his Power and Social Structures," and Eric administration, the volume of private Hobsbawm, "Peasant and Rural 5. For an excellent discussion of the investment grew at half the rate of the Migrants in Politics," both in C. Veliz Zapatista wing of the Revolution, see: preceding administration while public (ed.), The Politics of Conformity in Latin John Womack, Zapata and the Mexican investment (largely in social America (New York: 1967). For evidence Revolution (New York, Knopf: 1968). infrastructure) rose sharply. that workers born in the countryside are more conservative than urban-born 6. The oft-held, leftist myth that there is 14. Walt Rostow, The Stages of Mexican workers, see: Joseph Kahl, The a natural political bond between the Economic Growth, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Measurement of Modernism (Austin, oppressed peasantry and working class Cambridge University Press: 1971 ). Texas: 1968); and, Howard Handelman, in Latin America is criticized in Rodolfo "Determinants of Working-class Stavenhagen's brilliant "Seven 15. Richard Miller, "The Role of Labor Political Ideology: A Mexican Case Erroneous Theses on Latin America," in Organizations in a Developing Country: Study," Studies in Comparative I. Horowitz and others, Latin American The Case of Mexico" (Ithaca, New York: International Development ( Fall 1976). Radicalism (New York, Jonathan Cape: Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, 1966): M. 1969). Gollas and A. Garcia, "El Crecimiento Econ6mico Reciente de M6xico" 20. V. Padgett, The Mexican Political 7. Not until a decade later did Mao (Santa Monica, California: Paper to the System (Boston: 19661, pp. 93-94. Tse-tung develop a sophisticated IV International Congress of Mexican 21. Indeed, the AFL-CIO contributes to ideology and strategy for successful Studies, 1973). the training of antileftist Mexican labor radical agrarian revolutions. 16. Evelyn Stevens, "Mexico's PRI: The leaders at its "School for Labor" in 8. Rivera Marfn, op. cit., p. 278. The Institutionalization of Corporatism," Cuernavaca. Recent evidence seems to 1940 percentage of active work force in (Chicago: Paper to the APSA, 19741, p. support long-standing suspicions of the the labor movement was never 13. Mexican left that the school has CIA exceeded. links. 17. While the relative position of 9. See, Robert Scott, "Latin America" Mexico's lower half is clearly 22. Excelsior (Mexico City) March 4, in G. Almond and J. Coleman (eds.), deteriorating, experts disagree as to 1972. 23. El Universal (Mexico City ) 27. Since the CFE's jurisdiction at that 32. See, Pablo Gonzalez Casanova, September 20,1960.When I began time did not cover Mexico City, the SME Democracy in Mexico (New York: 1970) research on Mexican labor in 1973,l was was not affected. For a more detailed for data on the proportion of unionized half-jokingly warned by an American discussion of these events see, Howard workers. sociologist who had done work in the Handelman, "The Politics of Labor 33. While the characteristics of the field to "be careful you don't get Protest in Mexico," Journalof "culture of poverty" are most clearly knocked off." A leading Mexican Intepamerican Studies and World Affairs described in Lewis' La Vida (New York: sociologist offered me the depressing (August 1976). 1965) -a book describing Puerto reassurance that "labor bosses here 28. The succeeding pages are based Ricans- Lewis discussed the concept wouldn't shoot an American." primarily on interviews with Rafael earlier in Five Families (New York, Basic: 24. See: F. Gil, Los Ferrocarrileros Galvan conducted in June 1973 and 19591, a study of Mexican life. Lewis has (Mexico City: 1971 ), p. 150; Eveylyn June 1978; interviews with Rodolfo erroneously been accused of blaming Stevens, Protest and Response in Pefia, former editor of the STERM the poor for their poverty and of racism. Mexico (Cambridge, Massachusetts: journal Solidaridad, conducted in the In fact, in La Vida he clearly attributes 1974), pp. 104-107, for accounts of such same time period; and issues of the debilitating characteristics of the practices in the railroad union. Solidaridad, 1973-1978. "culture of poverty" to a political- economic system which denies the poor 25. There is obviously no inherent rule 29. Indeed, even Galvan admitted to me control over their own lives. He sees the that radical or militant labor leaders in that the FNAP was a failure, though he culture as endemic only to capitalist Mexico are more honest than most, or would not have said that of the MSR. countries and argues that such values that conservative union officials are 30. Accounts of the events in La disappeared in revolutionary Cuba. more corrupt. However, given the Boquilla can be found in Uno Mas Uno, nature of Mexican labor organization in 34. Excelsior (Mexico City): May 17, February 10,11, and 21, and March 6, recent years, leftist militants (who face a 1977; quoted from the New York Times. 1978. difficult and unpromising future) are more likely to be motivated by 31. See, Solidaridad: May 1978. ideological conviction than by material incentives. 26. Stevens, Protest, p. 108; M. Aroche Para, "A once afios de la derrota ferrocarrilera," Solidaridad (Mexico City): June 15, 1970.