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Monitoring Xenophobic Political Discourses. a Pilot Study in Catalonia

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Monitoring #2 xenophobic political discourses A pilot study in Catalonia Ricard Zapata‐Barrero Gema Rubio Carbonero GRITIM­UPF Policy Series April 2014 Monitoring xenophobic political discourses: a pilot study in Catalonia Ricard Zapata-Barrero Gema Rubio-Carbonero GRITIM-UPF Policy Series #2 – April 2014 Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Gema Rubio-Carbonero Edited by: Grup de Recerca Interdisciplinari sobre Immigració Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials Universitat Pompeu Fabra Carrer Ramon Trias-Fargas, 25-27 08005 – Barcelona (Spain) [email protected] www.upf.edu/gritim With the support of: Coordination of the publishing process and copy-editing: Núria Franco-Guillén Suggested citation: Zapata-Barrero, R. and Rubio-Carbonero, G. (2014) Monitoring xenophobic political discourses: a pilot study in Catalonia. Barcelona: GRITIM-UPF Policy Series, no. 2 [Free access: http://www.upf.edu/gritim/_pdf/gritimps2.pdf] Barcelona, April 2014 Acknowledgements Following the plan of the study, during the design, the information seeking and the interpretative process, we benefited from the comments and discussions of two main advisory boards: one international and academic, related to studies of racist and xenophobic discourse in Europe, and quantitative and qualitative analysis; another one, local with a social and political profile. We, then, thanks to all of them from their insightful comments. However, the authors of this report are the only ones fully responsible for the results of the pilot study. From the International Academic Board, we thank Mohamed-Ali Adraoui. Science Po. Association Graines de France. Jamie Bartlett. Centre for the Analysis of Social Media, Demos. Scott Blinder. Migration Observatory Compas. Sébastien Chauvin. Department of Sociology. University of Amsterdam. Regis Dandoy. Department of Political Science. University of Zurich. Catherine Fieshi. Counterpoint. Dirk Jacobs. Department of Sociology. Université Libre de Bruxelles. Nonna Mayer. CNRS. Centre of European Studies of Science Po. Anna Triandafyllidou. Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence. Teun A. van Dijk. Department of Translation and Language Sciences. Pompeu Fabra University. Ruth Wodak. Department of Linguistics. Lancaster University. From the Socio-political local board, we are grateful to: Carles Campuzano. President of ACSAR Foundation. Ghassan Saliba. President of CITE-CCOO in immigration. Anna Terrón. Exsecretary of the State of immigration. Daniel de Torres. Expert of Council of Europe in interculturality and Excommissioner of immigration in Barcelona City Council. i Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Gema Rubio-Carbonero Juan de Dios Ramírez Heredia. Lawyer and journalist. President of Unión Romani y exDeputy in the congress and European parliament. We also had the possibility to discuss some results in several meetings with the members of the project Diversidad, funded by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, which was also linked to this study. We would especially like to thank: Elena Sanchez, Blanca Garcés, Mercè Solè, Vicent Climent, Avi Astor, Mohammed El-Bachouti, Xavier Ferrer, Flora Burchianti and Juan Carlos Triviño. We are particularly in debt with Flora Burchianti, Juan Carlos Triviño and Francesco Pasetti, who also worked as coders by realizing the qualitative analysis during the first level of implementation of the framework. We also benefited from comments during the dissemination of a research-in-progress in several seminars and lectures such as the ones held by R. Zapata-Barrero: 8th, March, 2013: University of Ottawa. Special thanks to François Rocher, and all the attendants. 26th, April, 2013 at University of Toronto, Centre for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Toronto (Canada). Special thanks to Joe Carens, Carolina de Miguel Moye, and all the attendants. 3rd, May, 2013 at McGill University, CECD - Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship. Special thanks to Elisabeth Gidengil, Dietlind Stolle, Allisson Harrel, and all attendants. th 14 , March, 2014: Center for Transatlantic Relations (SAIS), University of Johns Hopkins (Washington). Special thanks to Leila Hadj-Abdou and Andrew Geddes, who shared the roundtable with Zapata Barrero. ii And the lectures held by G. Rubio-Carbonero: 13th, September, 2013: IPSA (International Political Science Association). University of Granada. Special thanks to Óscar Luengo, and all the attendants. 20th, December, 2014: Jornada desmuntant prejudicis. CITE-CCOO. Barcelona. In the framework of a project also financed by Open Society Foundations. Special thanks to Carles Bertrán, and all the attendants. And the final presentation, held the 11th. February 2014, hosted by the General Direction of Immigration of the Catalan Government (special thanks to Xavier Bosh and Orland Cardona), and the Fundació Acsar (sincere thanks to Carles Campuzano and Enric Royo). We are also grateful to all who attended the seminar and contributed with their comments; especially to Dani de Torres and Gemma Pinyol, from the antirumours project (financed also by Open Society Foundations). Finally, we are also thankful to Núria Franco-Guillén for her final revision and editing of this report. iii Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Gema Rubio-Carbonero Table of contents Preliminaries: the need of a “radar” against xenophobic political discourse 1 I. Introduction. Setting the problem 5 1. What is new and what is old in this European discursive trends? 12 2. What are the main current normative challenges? 15 2.1. Diversity management, legal, not political 15 2.2. Limits of limiting diversity 17 2.3. Citizenship and national sustainability approach 17 II. Research design 20 1. The interpretative framework: the politics of discourse 20 1.1. The approach: discourse as politics 21 1.2. Conceptual tools. Re-active and pro-active politics of discourse 23 2. The interdisciplinary foundations: from theory to practice 32 2.1. Political perspective 33 2.2. Sociological perspective 37 2.3. Linguistic perspective 40 2.4. Discursive and political rhetoric 42 3. Concepts and measurements. Setting the standards 45 3.1. Preliminary clarifications and distinctions 45 3.2. The analytical framework 50 3.3. Kitemarking xenophobic discursive tendencies 56 iv 3.4. Framing xenophobic discursive tendencies 59 3.5. Benchmarking xenophobic rhetoric 65 4. The analytical framework: categorization system 71 4.1. Kitemarking xenophobic discursive tendencies 71 4.2. Framing xenophobic discursive tendencies 73 4.3. Benchmarking xenophobic discourse 76 III. Implementation of the framework: the pilot study 80 1. The context of Catalonia 80 1.1. General overview of the political parties considered 81 1.2. The Context of Catalan political discourse 84 2. Documentary sources: variables and framing 102 2.1. Variables considered 102 2.2. Framing documentary sources 104 3. Implementation of the framework 118 3.1. Level one: qualitative microanalysis 119 3.2. Level two: quantitative macroanalysis 120 3.3. Level three: final results 122 3.4. Level four: variables to consider 122 IV. Main findings 124 1. General questions regarding political cleavages and political systems 124 1.1. Can discourse be considered xenophobic? 125 1.2. Is there a difference between right and left wing parties? 126 1.3. Is there a difference between nationalist and Spanish state- based parties? 126 1.4. Is there a difference between parties in government and in opposition? 128 1.5. Is there a difference in electoral contexts? 130 2. Concrete questions regarding discourse construction 134 2.1. To whom is discourse mainly addressed? 136 2.2. Are national citizens and immigrants polarized? 138 v Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Gema Rubio-Carbonero 2.3. Is there a recurrent presence of local strategies that represent immigration negatively? 139 2.4. What countries are referred in negative contexts? 140 2.5. What religions are referred in negative contexts? 141 2.6. What languages are referred in negative contexts? 142 2.7. What values are associated with immigration? 143 2.8. How is immigration as a phenomenon conceptualized? 144 2.9. What policy areas and issues are more frequent? 145 2.10. What is the global representation of immigrants? 147 2.11. How is discursive rhetoric constructed? 149 2.12. How is political rhetoric constructed? 153 V. Policy recommendations and further research 155 VI. Bibliography 161 VII. Appendixes 173 1. Analysis template 1: Qualitative microanalysis 174 2. Analysis template 2: Quantitative macroanalysis 176 3. Analysis template 3: final results 178 4. Level 2: quantitative results 179 5. Level 3: general results 183 6. Charts: Kitemarking, framing and benchmarking 184 vi Preliminaries: the need of a “radar” against xenophobic political discourse Xenophobic political discourses are increasing their presence in Europe. It is even in the front door of several national governments and can even be the next headache of European institutions if they manage to win a parliamentary visibility in the next European Elections. At a time of economic crisis, political uncertainty and distrust of democratic institutions, migrants and ethnic minorities are particularly affected by unemployment and precarious working conditions. Economic downturn also creates fears among the general public that incite racist behavior, while it has led to financial public cuts to anti-racism activities in many countries. Some political parties are also interested in deviating public opinion attention to the crisis, by raising emotions and negative attitudes
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    SEMINARIO DE HISTORIA Dpto. de Hª Social y del Pensamiento Político, UNED Dpto. de Hª del Pensamiento y de los Movimientos Sociales y Políticos, UCM Fundación José Ortega y Gasset-Gregorio Marañón Curso 2015-2016 Documento de trabajo 2015/9 BRIDLED NATIVISM? ANTI-MUSLIM PREJUDICE IN SPANISH NORTH AFRICA AND IN CATALONIA Aitana Guía (Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute) SESIÓN: JUEVES, 17 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2015, 19 H. Lugar: Aula 11 Instituto Universitario de Investigación Ortega y Gasset c/ Fortuny 53, 28010 Madrid Contacto: [email protected] DRAFT – PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE WITHOUT PERMISSION Bridled nativism? Anti-Muslim prejudice in Spanish North Africa and in Catalonia - AITANA GUIA - Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, Italy - [email protected] Introduction The worrisome rise of xenophobia in Europe in the post-Cold War period is not in doubt any longer. If for the past couple of decades analysts considered that support for the French Front National, the Austrian Freedom Party, and people’s parties in Switzerland, Denmark, or the Netherlands was a temporary phenomenon that had reached its upper limits at around 20 percent of the electoral vote, by 2014 it is clear that populism and xenophobia are growing in all European countries and have surpassed the 20 percent electoral mark in Austria, Switzerland, United Kingdom, France, Denmark, Norway, and Hungary.1 Scholars trying to make sense of the resurgence of populism and xenophobia in Europe catalog these parties and movements as extreme-right or radical right populists.2 While I think this approach yields useful results in understanding the discourse, policies, and electoral success of xenophobic parties in Europe, it does not fully explain the widespread and growing appeal of these parties to so many Europeans.