A Preliminary Work on Causative in Hindi

Rafiya Begum, Dipti Misra Sharma Language Technologies Research Centre, IIIT. [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract Causative verbs are differently realized in dif- ferent languages. These verbs have been an in- teresting area of study. The study of causative This paper introduces a preliminary constructions is important as it involves the in- work on Hindi causative verbs: their teraction of various components such as seman- classification, a linguistic model for tics, and morphology (Comrie, 1981). their classification and their This paper presents the preliminary work on frames. The main objective of this work Hindi causative verbs. is to come up with a classification of the Hindi causative verbs. In the classifica- 2 Causative Verbs tion we show how different types of Hindi verbs have different types of Causative verbs mean that some actor makes causative forms. It will be a linguistic somebody else do something or causes him to be resource for Hindi causative verbs in a certain state (Agnihotri, 2007). The causal which can be used in various NLP ap- verb indicates the causing of another to do plications. This resource enriches the al- something, instead of doing it oneself (Greaves, ready available linguistic resource on 1983). Semantically causative verbs refer to a Hindi verb frames (Begum et al., causative situation which has two components: 2008b). This resource will be helpful in (a) the causing situation or the antecedent; (b) getting proper insight into Hindi verbs. the caused situation or the consequent. These In this paper, we present the morpholo- two combine to make a causative situation (Ne- gy, and syntax of the causa- dyalkov and Silnitsky, 1973). There are differ- tive verbs. The morphology is captured ent ways in which causation is indicated in dif- by the word generation process; seman- ferent languages. There are three types of causa- tics is captured by the linguistic model tives: Morphological causatives, Periphrastic followed for classifying the verbs and causatives and Lexical causatives (Comrie, the syntax has been captured by the verb 1981). frames using relations given by Panini. Morphological Causatives indicate causa- tion with the help of verbal affixes. , 1 Introduction Hindi/Urdu, Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, Japanese, Khmer and Finnish languages have morpholog- Verbs play a major role in expressing the mean- ical causatives. Periphrastic causatives indi- ing of a sentence and its syntactic behavior. cate causation with the help of a verb which They decide the number of participants that will occurs along with the main verb. For example, participate in the action. Semantically verbs are in English in a sentence such as: classified into action verbs, state verbs and process verbs. Syntactically they are classified (1) John made the child drink milk. into intransitives, transitives and ditransitives. The morphological, semantic and syntactic In the above example the verb make is ex- properties of verbs play an important role in pressing causation which is occurring along deeper level analysis such as parsing. with the verb drink which in turn is expressing

120 Proceedings of the 8th Workshop on Asian Language Resources, pages 120–128, Beijing, China, 21-22 August 2010. c 2010 Asian Federation for Natural Language Processing the main action. English, German and French becomes the patient and the are some of the languages which have periph- agent of the affective transitive verbs becomes rastic causatives. Lexical causatives are those the recipient in the first causal and they both in which there is no morphological similarity will take a ko postpositon (Hindi case marker). between the base verb root and the causative Effective verbs and ditransitive verbs have only verb form. A different lexical item is used to one causal form. The agent of the effective verb indicate causation. For example, the causative and ditransitive verb becomes the causative of English eat is feed. English and Japanese agent in the first causal. So this causative agent have lexical causatives. English has both pe- in the first causal takes a se ‘with’ postposition riphrastic and lexical causatives. (Hindi case marker). Verbs belonging to karnaa ‘to do’ class come under the effective verbs. 3 Causative verbs in Hindi The major studies in Hindi causatives: Kach- ru (1966), Kachru (1980), Kachru (2006), Causatives in Hindi are realized through a mor- McGregor (1995), Greaves (1983), Kellogg phological process. In Hindi, a base verb root (1972), Agnihotri (2007), Sahaay (2004), Sa- changes to a causative verb when affixed by haay (2007), Singh (1997) and Tripathi (1986). either an ‘-aa’ or a ‘-vaa’ suffix. Kachru (1966) has given the classification of

Hindi verbs based on their causativization beha- Base verb First causal Second causal vior. The others have mostly talked about the so sul-aa sul-vaa derivation process of the causative verbs. ‘sleep’ ‘put to sleep’ ‘cause to put to However the classification of causative verbs sleep’ in Hindi remains an issue of discussion. Since

they are morphologically related, the decision of In each step of causative derivation there is what is the base verb form of these verbs re- an increase in the valency of the verb (Kachru, mains a point of discussion. There are two ap- 2006; Comrie, 1981) proaches which are followed in deciding the

base verb: (1) causative formation based only (2) baccaa soyaa on morphology, (2) causative formation based child sleep.Pst on morphology and semantics. ‘The child slept.’

I.Based on Morphology aayaa ne bacce ko sulaayaa (3) maid Erg. child Acc. sleep.Caus.Pst Base verb First causal Second causal ‘The maid put the child to sleep.’ (Intransitive) (Transitive) (Causative) khul khol khulvaa (4) maa.N ne aayaa se bacce ko ‘open’ ‘open’ ‘cause to open’ mother Erg. maid by child Acc. sulvaayaa II. Based on Morphology and Semantics

sleep.Caus.Pst ‘Mother caused the maid to put the child to Intransitive Base verb Second causal sleep.’ (Intransitive) (Transitive) (Causative) khul khol khulvaa Hindi verbs are divided into two groups ‘open’ ‘open’ ‘cause to open’ based on their behaviour in causative sentences: affective verbs and effective verbs (Kachru, In I, khul ‘open’ is taken as the base verb and 2006). The action of affective verbs benefits or khol ‘open’ and khulvaa ‘cause to open’ are de- affects the agent. Affective verbs will have both rived from it by adding suffix ‘-aa’ and ‘-vaa’ first and second causal forms. Verbs such as respectively to the base verb (Kachru, 1966; ronaa ‘to cry’ and dau.Dnaa ‘to run’ are affec- Kachru, 1980). The arrow denotes the direction tive intransitive verbs. Only verbs belonging to khaanaa ‘to eat’ class come under affective of derivation from base verb. Here, the forward arrow denotes the increment of the argument transitive verbs. The agent of the affective in- from base to the causal forms. On the other

121 hand, in II, khol ‘open’ is taken as the base verb. door open.Pst Here, other than morphology, the semantics of ‘Door opened.’ the verbs is also taken into consideration. Here khul ‘open’ and khulvaa ‘cause to open’ are de- (6) raam ne darvaazaa kholaa rived from the base verb khol ‘open’. khulvaa ram Erg. door open.Pst ‘cause to open’ is a causative verb which is de- ‘Ram opened the door.’ rived from the base verb by adding suffix ‘-vaa’ to it. khul ‘open’ is a derived intransitive form. (7) maiM ne raam se darvaazaa The agent of the base verb khol ‘open’ is not I Erg. ram by door realized on the surface level of the derived in- khulvaayaa transitive verb khul ‘open’ though it is implied open.Caus.Pst semantically. Here there is both forward and ‘I made Ram open the door.’ backward derivation. From base verb to the de- rived intransitive it is a backward derivation When we come to the causatives, the notion which means there is a reduction of one argu- of prayojak karta ‘causer’, prayojya karta ment from base verb to the derived intransitive ‘causee’ and madhyastha karta ‘mediator verb (Tripathi, 1986; Reinhart, 2005). causer’ are introduced. prayojak karta ‘causer’ In this paper, we motivate our work by pre- is the initiator of the action. prayojya karta senting our approach for classifying the causa- ‘causee’ is the one who is made to do the action tive verbs in Hindi. by the prayojak karta ‘causer’. madhyasta karta ‘mediator causer’ is the causative agent of the 4 Our Approach action. The karta of the base verb becomes the prayojya karta of the causative verb and the 4.1 Linguistic Model for Classifying Caus- prayojak karta of the first causative becomes ative verbs the madhyasta karta of the second causative. We have followed Paninian Grammatical This model takes both semantics and framework in this model as the theoretical basis morphology into consideration. for our approach. The meaning of every verbal root (dhaatu) consists of: (a) activity (vyaapaa- 4.1.1 Semantics ra) and; (b) result (phala). Activity denotes the (8) caabii ne taalaa kholaa actions carried out by the various participants key Erg lock open.Pst (karakas) involved in the action. Result denotes ‘The key opened the lock.’ the state that is reached, when the action is completed (Bharati et al., 1995). The partici- (9)* raam ne caabii se taalaa khulvaayaa pants of the action expressed by the verb root ram Erg. key by lock open.Caus.Pst are called karakas. There are six basic karakas, ‘Ram caused the key to open the lock.’ namely; adhikarana ‘location’, apaadaan ‘source’, sampradaan ‘recipient’, karana ‘in- (10)raam ne mohan dvaaraa caabii se taalaa strument’, karma ‘theme’ and karta ‘agent’ ram Erg. mohan by key with lock (Begum et al., 2008a). Here the mapping be- khulvaayaa tween karakas and theta roles is a rough map- open.Caus.Pst. ping. ‘Ram made Mohan open the lock with the The karta karaka is the locus of the activity. key.’ Similarly karma karaka is the locus of the re- sult. The locus of the activity implied by the In (8), caabii ‘key’ is the karta of the transi- verbal root can be animate or inanimate. Sen- tive verb khol ‘open’. caabii ‘key’ is an inani- tence (2) given above, is the example where the mate karta so this sentence can’t be causati- locus of the activity is animate. Sentence (5) vized. (8) has been tried to causativize in (9) given below, is the example where the locus of which is unacceptable. (9) is actually interpreted the activity is inanimate. as (10) where an inanimate noun with a se ‘with’ postposition acts as an instrument and not (5) darvaazaa khulaa as a prayojya karta ‘causee’. So in (10), caabii

122 ‘key’ is an inanimate noun and takes se ‘with’ khilaayaa postposition so caabii se ‘with the key’ acts as eat.Caus.Pst instrument and mohan ‘Mohan’ acts as the ‘Sita fed Ram an apple.’ prayojya karta ‘causee’ (Kachru, 1966). It seems that only those verbs can be causativized (13)maa.N ne(pk1) siitaa se(mk1) raam ko(jk1) which take an animate karta. mother Erg. sita by ram Acc. Out of the above two given approaches, we seb(k2) khilvaayaa are following approach II where both morphol- apple eat.Caus.Pst. ogy and semantics are considered. In our ap- ‘Mother caused Sita to feed Ram an apple.’ proach we are saying that only those base verbs can be causativized which take an animate karta (14) naukar ne(k1) kaam(k2) kiyaa and it should also have volitionality (Tripathi, servant Erg. work do.Pst 1986; Reinhart, 2005). Those base verbs which ‘The servant did the work.’ take an inanimate karta can’t be causativized. So in our approach the prayojya karta ‘causee’ (15) maalik ne(pk1) naukar se(mk1) kaam(k2) in the causative sentence is always animate as master Erg. servant by work the karta of the base verb becomes the prayojya karvaayaa karta ‘causee’ in the causative sentences. In our do.Caus.Pst approach we have the notion of karmakartri ‘The master caused Ram to do the job.’ which says an intransitive can be derived out of a basic transitive verb and the karma of the ba- (16) raam ne(k1) siitaa ko(k4) kitaab (k2) dii sic transitive verb becomes the karta of the de- ram Erg. sita Dat. book give.Pst rived . So the karta of the de- ‘Ram gave a book to Sita.’ rived intransitive verb is called karmakartri. The derived intransitive verbs are like unaccusa- (17) mohan ne(pk1) raam se(jk1) siitaa ko(k4) tive verbs of English. mohan Erg. ram by sita Dat. Whereas in approach I, the intransitive base kitaab(k2) dilaaii verbs that take both animate and inanimate kar- book give.Caus.Pst ta can be causativized. But in case of transitives, ‘Mohan made Ram give a book to Sita.’ base verbs which take only animate karta can be causativized. Ditransitives can also be causati- (18) mujhko(k4a) chaa.Nd(k1) dikhaa vized. (Kachru 1966; Kachru 1980) I.Dat. moon appear.Pst We follow the dependency tagging scheme ‘The moon became visible to me.’ proposed by Begum et al. (2008a) for the devel- opment of a dependency annotation for Indian (19) maiM ne(k1) chaa.Nd(k2) dekhaa Languages. In this scheme prayojak karta I Erg. moon see.Pst ‘causer’, prayojya karta ‘causee’ and madhyas- ‘I saw the moon.’ tha karta ‘mediator causer’ are represented as pk1, jk1 and mk1 respectively. (20) maiM ne(pk1) raam ko(jk1) chaa.Nd(k2) Some of the base verb forms and their causa- mother Erg. ram Dat. moon tive sentences are given below with dependency dikhaayaa relations marked in the brackets for the appro- see.Caus.Pst priate arguments: ‘Mother showed moon to Ram.’

(11) raam ne(k1) seb(k2) khaayaa (21) maiM ne(pk1) mohan se(mk1) ram Erg. apple eat.Pst I Erg. mohan by ‘Ram ate an apple.’ raam ko(jk1) chaa.Nd(k2) dikhlaayaa ram Dat. moon see.Caus.Pst (12) siitaa ne(pk1) raam ko(jk1) seb(k2) ‘Mother made Mohan show moon to Ram.’ sita Erg. ram Acc. apple

123 4.1.2 Morphology pii pi-l-aa pi-l-vaa ‘drink’ ‘make someone drink’ ‘cause to make In this section we have given the derivation someone drink’ process of the Hindi causative verbs. We have studied 160 Hindi verbs and have come up with 4.1.2.3 Type-3 and its causative forms: certain number of rules for the derivation process of causative verbs. Suffix ‘-vaa’ is added to the verb root to form When causative affixes are added to the base the first causal. verb roots then some of the base verb roots change in form and some don’t. Various causal No Change in the Root: affixes are added to each verb type to form khariid khariid-vaa causatives. An example of affix addition for ‘buy’ ‘cause to buy’ each verb type is discussed below. The affixes that are added are given in bold. The changes in Change in the Root: the base verb root are underlined and made bold  aa  a in both root form and the causal form.

gaa ga-vaa 4.1.2.1 Type-1 and its causative forms: ‘sing’ ‘cause to sing’

Suffix ‘-aa’ is added to the verb root to form the 4.1.2.4 Type-4 and its causative forms: first causal and ‘-vaa’ to form the second causal. Suffix ‘-aa/-vaa’ is added to the verb root to

No Change in the Root: form the first causal.

Chip Chip-aa Chip-vaa No Change in the Root: ‘hide’ ‘hide’ ‘cause to hide’ paros paros-vaa

‘serve’ ‘cause to serve’ Change in the Root:  aa a Change in the root:  e  i; In addition, 'l' is naach nach-aa nach-vaa inserted here between the root and ‘dance’ ‘make someone dance’ ‘cause to make the causative suffix. someone dance’ de di-l-aa /di-l-vaa 4.1.2.2 Type-2 and its causative forms: ‘give’ ‘cause to give’

Suffix ‘-aa’ is added to the verb root to form the In case type-5 and type-6 verbs, we can de- first causal and ‘-vaa’ to form the second rive intransitive verbs out of transitive verbs. causal. Here we have two types of word formations:

No Change in the Root:  causative formation, likh likh-aa likh-vaa  Derived intransitive verb formation ‘write’ ‘dictate’ ‘cause to dictate’

Change in the root: Causative derivation is the forward deriva- tion and intransitive derivation is backward de-  aa, ii  i;In addition, 'l' is rivation. inserted here between the root and

the causative suffix. 4.1.2.5 Type-5 and its causative forms: khaa khi-l-aa khi-l-vaa Suffix ‘-aa’ is added to the verb root to form the ‘eat’ ‘feed’ ‘cause to feed’ first causal and ‘vaa’ to form the second causal. In this verb type there is no example where the

124 verb root form doesn’t change. all causative verbs the following information is marked; causative root, base root, verb type and Causative Formation: Change in the root causative suffix. In (i), the information of base  e  i verb root from which the causative root is de- rived is missing which is captured in (ii). In the dekh dikh-aa dikh-vaa above mentioned two ways the latter gives more ‘see’ ‘show’ ‘cause to show’ detailed information than the former.

Derived intransitive formation: Change in 4.2 Methodology of the Work the above root: For this work, 160 base verbs were taken, their  i e causative forms were given and were classified. Rules for deriving causative verb forms from dikh dekh their base forms were made. Verb frames for ‘appear’ ‘see’ base verbs and their causative forms were de- veloped. Based on the analysis of the base verbs 4.1.2.6 Type-6 and its causative forms: certain problem cases were logged and generali- zations regarding causativization were made. In Suffix ‘-aa/-vaa’ is added to the transitive verb this paper, we briefly discuss about all the root to form the first causal. points mentioned above.

Causative formation: No change in the root 4.3 Classification of Hindi Causative bhar bhar-vaa /bhar-aa Verbs ‘fill’ ‘cause someone to fill’ Here Hindi verbs have been classified into 6 types based on their causativization behavior: Derived intransitive formation: No change in the root  Type-1: Basic Intransitive verb bhar bhar

‘to fill’ ‘to fill’ Basic intransitive verb has two causal forms i.e., first causal and second causal form. First Causative formation: Change in the root causal of the basic intransitive verb functions as  o  In addition, 'l' is inserted u; a transitive verb. The subject of the basic intran- here between the root and the sitive verb becomes the object of the transitive causative suffix verb or the first causal form. The subject of the

first causal form becomes the causative agent of dho dhu-l-aa /dhu-l-vaa the second causal form. Sentence (2) is the ex- ‘wash’ ‘cause to wash’ ample of basic intransitive and sentences (3) and (4) are its causative forms. Derived intransitive formation: Change in the above root:  Type-2:  u o; In addition, 'l' is inserted at Basic Transitive verb type-I (which khaanaa ‘to eat’ verb type the end of the root is similar to giv- en by Kachru (1966)) dhu-l dho ‘be washed’ ‘cause to wash’  Type-3: Basic Transitive verb type-II (which is similar to karnaa ‘to eat’ verb In the implementation of the causative verbs, type given by Kachru (1966)) the causative feature of a verb is reflected in the morph analysis. There are two possible ways to Type-2 and type-3 are transitive verbs which implement causative information: (i) All the are divided into two types based on their causa- causative verb roots are included in the root dic- tivization behavior. Basic transitive verbs of tionary of the morph analyzer with an additional type-I, like khaanaa ‘to eat’ have two causal feature marking it a causative verb type. (ii) For forms. First causal of khaanaa ‘to eat’ type verb

125 also functions as ditransitive. Whereas transitive ‘give’ ‘cause to give’ verbs of type-II, like karnaa ‘to do’ have one causal form. First causal of karnaa ‘to eat’ type  Type-5 verb functions as causative. Sentences (11-13) Intransitive Base verb are examples for type-2 verb. Sentences (14-15) dikh dekh are examples for type-3 verb. ‘appear’ ‘see’

 Type-4: Basic Ditransitive verb Base verb First causal Second Causal dekh dikhaa dikhvaa Ditransitive verbs also have one causal form. ‘see’ ‘show’ ‘cause to Sentences (16-17) are examples for type-4 verb. show’  Type-6  Type-5: Basic Transitive verb type-I, out of Intransitive Base verb which intransitive verbs can be derived khul khol which takes a dative subject, ‘open’ ‘open’

 Type-6: Basic Transitive verb type-II, out Base verb First causal of which intransitive verbs can be derived. khol khulvaa ‘open’ ‘cause to open’ Type-5 and type-6 are transitive verbs which have causal forms depending on whether it is 5 Verb Frames type-I (khaanaa ‘to eat’) transitive or type-II In this section we list out the syntactic frames (karnaa ‘to do’) transitive and in addition both for all the causative types discussed in the pre- have a derived intransitive form. Type-5 takes a vious sections. Verb frame (Begum et al., dative subject in the base form. Sentences (18- 2008b) is given for the base form and for its 21) are examples for type-5 verb. Sentences (5- first and second causal form. For ease of exposi- 7) are examples for type-6 verb. Other than the tion, below we show only the relevant informa- 4 classes classified by Kachru (1966), we have tion of a verb frame. Components not necessary two more extra classes, i.e., type-5 and type-6. for the present discussion have been left out. An example for each verb type that goes into Here the structure of a verb frame is given in the classification is given below: terms of dependency relation, postposition (Hindi case marker) and TAM. We have taken  Type-1 past tense (yaa is the past tense marker) in the Base verb First causal Second Causal TAM. Refer the examples given above for each so sulaa sulvaa type of causatives for a better understanding of ‘sleep’ ‘put to sleep’ ‘cause to put to sleep’ the frames.

 Type-2 I.Frame of Type-1 and its Causative Forms: Base verb First causal Second Causal khaa khilaa khilvaa Relation-Postposition TAM ‘eat’ ‘feed’ ‘cause to feed’ (a)k1-0 yaa  Type-3 (b)pk1-ne jk1-ko yaa Base verb First causal (c)pk1-ne mk1-se jk1- ko yaa kar karaa/karvaa ‘do’ ‘cause to do’ II.Frame of Type-2 and its Causative Forms:

 Type-4 Relation-Postposition TAM Base verb First causal de dilaa/dilvaa (a)k1-ne k2-0 yaa (b)pk1-ne jk1-ko k2-0 yaa

126 (c)pk1-ne mk1-se jk1- ko k2-0 yaa er occur as manner adverbs of another motion verb can't be causativized. Natural process verbs III. Frame of Type-3 and its Causative like khil ‘blossom’, garajnaa ‘thunder’ and ug Forms: ‘rise’ also can’t be causativized. There are three types of the verb nikal Relation-Postposition TAM ‘leave’. All the three are used as intransitives.

(a)k1-ne k2-0 yaa  derived intransitive: sense  drain out (b)pk1-ne jk1-se k2-0 yaa paanii kamre se nikal gayaa (22) IV. Frame of Type-4 and its Causative water room from leave go.Pst. Forms: ‘Water drained out of the room.’

Relation-Postposition TAM  Baisc Intransitive: sense  walked out

(a) k1-ne k4-ko k2-0 yaa (23) raam kamre se baahar nikal gayaa (b) pk1-ne jk1-se k4-ko k2-0 yaa ram room from out leave go.Pst. ‘Ram walked out of the room.’ V. Frame of Type-5 and its Causative Forms:  Baisc Intransitive which involves natural Relation-Postposition TAM process.

(a)k4a-ko k1 aa (24) gangaa gangotrii se nikaltii (b)k1-ne k2-0 aa ganga gangotri from emerge.Impf. (c)pk1-ne jk1-ko k2-0 yaa hai (d)pk1-ne mk1-se jk1-ko k2-0 yaa be.Pres. ‘Ganga emerges from Gangotri.’ VI. Frame of Type-6 and its Causative Forms: The first type is a derived intransitive which is derived from the base transitive verb nikaal Relation-Postposition TAM ‘remove’. This base transitive verb root can be causativized. The second type is basic intransi- (a)k1-0 aa tive which can also be causativized. The third (b)k1-ne k2-0 aa type which is natural process can’t be causati- (c)pk1-ne jk1-se k2-0 yaa vized. This shows how important the property of animacy for making causatives is. 6 Issues and Observations 7 Conclusion and Future Work There are some verbs which can’t be causati- vized. Motion verbs like aa ‘come’ and jaa ‘go’ In this work we flesh out the linguistic devices can’ t be causativized. After analysing certain that work for causativization. In this paper we amount of corpus we have observed that not all have introduced a preliminary work on Hindi motion verbs behave like the above verbs . aa- causative verbs. We have given the classifica- naa ‘to come’ and jaanaa ‘to go’ verbs can't be tion of causative verbs and the linguistic model causativized because these verbs always occur followed for their classification. We have also as main verbs and take the following verbs as given the verb frames of the causative verbs. manner adverbs: chalnaa, bhaagnaa, daudnaa. These insights have been incorporated in the For instance, chalkar aayaa ‘came running’ and Hindi dependency treebank (Bhatt et al., 2009). daudkar gayaa ‘went running’. Those motion We also plan to use the verb frames in a Hindi verbs which occur as manner adverbs and modi- dependency parser (Bharati et al., 2009) to im- fy another motion verb can be causativized and prove its performance. those verbs which occur as main verbs and nev-

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