5194/21 MS/Eb 1 RELEX.1.C Delegations Will Find Enclosed the Report of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security
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The New Eu Foreign Policy Architecture
THE NEW EU FOREIGN POLICY ARCHITECTURE REVIEWING THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF THE EEAS NIKLAS HELWIG PAUL IVAN HRANT KOSTANYAN CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES (CEPS) BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. The views expressed in this book are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated or to the European Union. Niklas Helwig is a Marie Curie Researcher of the EXACT network at the University of Edinburgh and Cologne and focuses on the institutional development of EU foreign policy. He worked for the Centre for European Policy Studies and the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Paul Ivan is a Romanian diplomat. Previously, he worked as a researcher for the Centre for European Policy Studies, where he focused on EU political and institutional issues and the European External Action Service. Hrant Kostanyan is an associate research fellow at CEPS and a PhD candidate at the Centre for EU Studies at Ghent University. He worked as an external expert for International Alert, based in London, in the Eastern Europe and South Caucasus research project. He also worked as an expert on a European Commission-funded project on the EU’s relations with Russia and the Eastern Partnership at the EU Neighbourhood Info Centre. The authors thank Piotr Maciej Kaczyński for his comments on an earlier draft. ISBN 978-94-6138-262-7 © Copyright 2013, Centre for European Policy Studies and the authors. -
The Evolution of a Common EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy
Chronology: The Evolution of a Common EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy March 1948: Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the UK sign the Brussels Treaty of mutual defence. April 1949: The US, Canada and ten West European countries sign the North Atlantic Treaty . May 1952: The European Defence Community treaty is agreed by the six ECSC member states. It would have created a common European army, and permitted West Germany’s rearmament. In August 1954, the French National Assembly rejects the treaty. October 1954: The Western European Union (WEU) is created on the basis of the Brussels Treaty, and expanded to include Italy and West Germany. West Germany joins NATO. December 1969: At their summit in The Hague , the EC heads of state or government ask the foreign ministers to study ways to achieve progress in political unification. October 1970: The foreign ministers approve the Luxembourg Report , setting up European Political Cooperation. They will meet every six months, to coordinate their positions on international problems and agree common actions. They will be aided by a committee of the directors of political affairs (the Political Committee ). July 1973: The foreign ministers agree to improve EPC procedures in the Copenhagen Report . They will meet at least four times a year; the Political Committee can meet as often as necessary. European Correspondents and working groups will help prepare the Political Committee’s work. The Commission can contribute its views to proceedings. October 1981: Measures approved in the London Report include the crisis consultation mechanism: any three foreign ministers can convene an emergency EPC meeting within 48 hours. -
Speaker Biographies
2021 High-level Meeting of the Development Cooperation Forum Development cooperation for the Decade of Action: Reduce risk. Enable recovery. Build resilience. (6-7 May 2021, virtual) Speaker biographies . Opening of the 2021 DCF From old debates to a new Decade of Action: the future of development cooperation H.E. Mr. Munir Akram is currently the President of ECOSOC, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations. Ambassador Akram previously served as Pakistan’s Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York for six years between 2002 and 2008, after serving as Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva for seven years from 1995 to 2002. During his term at the United Nations, Ambassador Munir Akram served twice as President of the Security Council; President of the Economic and Social Council; Chairman of the Group of 77 and China (developing countries), and Facilitator on UN Administrative Reform. Ambassador Akram joined the Foreign Service of Pakistan in 1967, holding various positions in the Foreign Ministry as Additional Foreign Secretary and Director-General dealing with the United Nations. He obtained a Bachelor’s degree in Law and a Master’s degree in Political Science from the University of Karachi. Mr. Liu Zhenmin is the Under Secretary-General for the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Prior to his appointment, Mr. Liu was Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of China. Among his various diplomatic assignments, he served as Ambassador and Permanent Representative, Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations Office at Geneva and Other International Organizations in Switzerland. -
The European Union Challenge As an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management
AIR & SPACE POWER JOURNAL en Español 4th Trimester 2018 The European Union Challenge as an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management MAJOR MANUEL LOPEZ-LAGO, SPANISH AIR FORCE fter an apparently easy victory in the Afghan war by American troops in October 2001, Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) had reached a crossroad by the time Obama en- tered office. In his campaign for the presidency during 2008, he had claimed that Ame- rican Armed Forces were losing the war in Afghanistan. Regretfully, the International ASecurity Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) mission, led by NATO, had failed to fulfill the political goal of stabilizing the country, “the graveyard of the empires,” and the European Union (EU) itself did not actively fight. To make things worse, NATO troops had to work within a lot of caveats, which kept them from implementing many military operations. Consequently, nations less burdened with caveats like theUnited States, the United Kingdom and Australia, had to take most of the burden of the military operations. On December 1, 2009, President Barack Obama announced in a national televised address at the Military Academy in West Point that he was ordering a surge of 30,000 troops in Afghanistan. Despite Obama’s decision, the process to approve the surge required a great deal of “pulling and hauling” by the major actors who had access to and influence on the president.1 Consequently, the plan for the surge included a date of withdrawal, which gave a clear message to military com- manders that the time to achieve political ends had a deadline. -
The Future of the Benelux Defence Cooperation
The Future of the Benelux Defence Cooperation Sven Biscop Jo Coelmont Margriet Drent Dick Zandee About the authors Prof Dr Sven Biscop is Director of the Europe in the World Programme at the Egmont Institute. Brigadier General (Ret.) Jo Coelmont is Senior Associate Fellow at the Egmont Institute and Senior Fellow Royal High Institute for Defence Dr Margriet Drent is a Senior Research Fellow at the Research Department of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Dick Zandee, MA, is a Senior Research Fellow at the Research Department of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. About the report This report is based on input for a seminar on Benelux Defence Cooperation which took place on 9 April 2013 in Brussels. The seminar was jointly organised by the Egmont Institute and the Netherlands Institute for International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Civilian and military representatives from the three Benelux countries and armed forces plus representatives from the Belgian Federal Parliament, the European Defence Agency, the EU Military Staff and several think tanks participated in the seminar. Clingendael / Egmont Report – April 2013 Introduction The close cooperation between the Belgian and Netherlands Navies with an integrated command, common training and maintenance facilities for frigates and mine hunters (Benesam) has existed for quite some time. It has been promoted as a model for other countries. In the Benelux Declaration of the three Ministers of Defence signed in Brussels in April 2012 Benesam was also mentioned as the example for broadening and deepening defence cooperation. The growing gap between capability needs and available budgets was considered as the driving factor behind the Benelux Declaration. -
Outcome of the Council Meeting
Council of the EN European Union 6117/20 (OR. en) PROVISIONAL VERSION PRESSE 8 PR CO 8 OUTCOME OF THE COUNCIL MEETING 3747th Council meeting Foreign Affairs Brussels, 17 February 2020 President Josep Borrell High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy PRESS Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B – 1048 BRUSSELS Tel.: +32 (0)2 281 6319 Fax: +32 (0)2 281 8026 [email protected] http://www.consilium.europa.eu/press 6117/20 1 EN PROVISIONAL VERSION 17 February 2020 CONTENTS1 ITEMS DEBATED Current affairs ...................................................................................................................................... 4 EU-African Union relations ................................................................................................................. 4 Libya .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Working lunch on EU-India relations .................................................................................................. 5 OTHER ITEMS APPROVED FOREIGN AFFAIRS – Common Military List of the European Union ........................................................................................................ 6 – South Sudan restrictive measures: review ............................................................................................................... 6 – Solomon Islands to the EU-Pacific Interim Partnership Agreement ...................................................................... -
Joint Letter to the European Union Foreign Affairs Council Brussels, 13
Joint letter to the European Union Foreign Affairs Council Brussels, 13 May 2019 Ms Federica Mogherini High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Vice-President of the European Commission Dear European Union Foreign Ministers, Dear Ms Mogherini, As a coalition of 14 organisations, we are writing to express our deep concern about the proposal for a European Peace Facility (EPF) and specifically a component within it to train and equip third-country militaries, as well as regional and international organisations, including with the provision of weaponry. It is not clear to us how the EPF will support peace and human security on the ground. While we recognise the need to strengthen the EU’s ability to exert a positive influence in the world to prevent and end conflicts, we do not agree that granting weapons and ammunition as currently planned under the proposal, funding soldiers’ salaries, or strengthening the combat capabilities of third-country militaries, is the most effective way to do this. From our experience, the risks associated with this approach are high. Thus, we urge foreign ministers to take a step back first to discuss in-depth the political parameters and added value of the EPF proposal – particularly its ‘train and equip’ component – before the legal text is considered further at the working level. During its session on 14 May 2019, we recommend the Foreign Affairs Council to: Request the Political and Security Committee to prepare a new timeline to allow rigorous consultation and set -
Policy Briefs
Rethinking EU Crisis Management From Battlegroups to a European Legion? Niklas Nováky Summary June 2020 This paper discusses an idea to create a European Legion that has been put forward by Radoslaw Sikorski, MEP. This would be a new kind of EU military unit, made up of volunteers rather than national contingents contributed by the member states. The idea stems from Sikorski’s desire to reform the EU’s existing battlegroups, which have been operational for 15 years but have never been used, despite numerous opportunities. The paper argues that although the EU’s 2007 Lisbon Treaty imposes heavy restrictions on the Union’s ability to deploy military force, it does not rule out conducting operations with a volunteer force. At the same time, a volunteer-based European Legion force would have to be created initially by a group of member states outside the EU framework. These states could then make it available to the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy as, for example, a permanent battlegroup. An existing model would be the multinational Eurocorps. Keywords CSDP – Crisis management – Battlegroups – European Legion – European Council – Eurocorps 1 Introduction Since the EU’s Common (formerly European) Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP) became operational in 2003, the Union has launched a total of 13 military operations within its framework. Of these, eight have been executive in character, meaning that they were authorised to use force if this had been deemed necessary to fulfil their mandate. The most recent CSDP military operation is Operation IRINI in the Mediterranean, which the EU launched on 31 March 2020 to help enforce the UN’s arms embargo on Libya. -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Fifth Progress Report on the Implementation of the Common Set of Proposals Endorsed by EU and NATO Councils on 6 December 2016 and 5 December 2017
Fifth progress report on the implementation of the common set of proposals endorsed by EU and NATO Councils on 6 December 2016 and 5 December 2017 16 June 2020 On 6 December 2016 and on 5 December 2017, EU and NATO Councils endorsed, in parallel processes, a common set of 74 proposals for the implementation of the Joint Declaration signed in Warsaw on 8 July 2016 by the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission and the Secretary General of NATO. Responding to the taskings by the Ministers of both organizations, regular progress reports on implementation were submitted to the respective Councils in June and December 2017, in June 2018, as well as in June 2019. The present, fifth, report covers the period between June 2019 and June 2020. It elaborates on progress achieved in the implementation of the 74 common proposals by showcasing tangible deliverables in all areas of cooperation. In particular, the following elements can be highlighted: - Political dialogue has further intensified at all levels and settings, including in virtual formats, while maintaining the positive trend of mutual and reciprocal cross-briefings. It remains an essential and indispensable instrument for strengthening mutual understanding, building confidence and ensuring reciprocal transparency vis-à-vis the NATO Allies and the EU Member States, as well as their strong engagement. - The Structured Dialogue on military mobility at staff level continues to contribute to information sharing in the key areas of military requirements, transport infrastructure, transport of dangerous goods, customs and cross border movement permissions. - In the area of strategic communications, cooperation focused on strengthening mutual alerting on disinformation incidents and hostile information activities, as well as improving capacities related to detection, analysis and exposure to disinformation. -
THIRD COUNTRY PARTICIPATION in EU DEFENCE INTEGRATION INITIATIVES: How It Works and How It Is Viewed by EU Member States
THIRD COUNTRY PARTICIPATION IN EU DEFENCE INTEGRATION INITIATIVES: How it works and how it is viewed by EU member states 1 AUTORS Kinga Brudzińska, PhD, Head of Future of Europe Programme, GLOBSEC Policy Institute Marcin Zaborowski, PhD, Lecturer in International Relations at Lazarski University in Warsaw, Poland and a Senior Associate at Visegrad Insight Alena Kudzko, Director, GLOBSEC Policy Institute DATE October 2020 PROJECT This report is part of the project Enhanced European Opportunity Partners in the EU’s Defence and Security Initia- tives: Study case of Norway, funded by the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Defence. PROJECT DESCRIPTION Since 2014 European defence cooperation has made unprecedented and unexpected progress. The European Union (EU) has become more active in leveraging its tools to strengthen European defence cooperation. For example, through new EU defence initiatives such as Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), the European Defence Fund (EDF), Capability Development Plan (CDP) and Coordinated Annual Review of Defence (CARD). However, not all EU Member States have made up their mind, and their views in such areas as the third-party ac- cess of NATO-allies, defence industrial interests, etc. and still being shaped and negotiated. Therefore, if Norway wants to avoid being left out from the EU‘s defence integration dimension (for example from industrial arrange- ments, financial support mechanisms or intellectual property rights), it has to act now to secure itself a meaning- ful third-party access in the European Defence initiatives. The goal of this project to understand the potential risks and opportunities in the area of defence for Europe and the its implications for Norwegian security and defence policy. -
From Plaything to Player: How Europe Can Stand up for Itself in the Next Five Years
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN SOVEREIGNTY STRATEGIC RELATIONS ecfr.eu FROM PLAYTHING TO PLAYER: HOW EUROPE CAN STAND UP FOR ITSELF IN THE NEXT FIVE YEARS Mark Leonard and Carl Bildt The last five years have not been kind to the European Union’s foreign policy. The EU has been less relevant, less SUMMARY active, and less united than was hoped in the heady days after the Lisbon Treaty came into force in 2010. The next • The EU’s foreign policy is inadequate to the task five years might be harder still: the world is well on its way of keeping Europe safe in today’s world. towards a new order based on geopolitical competition and • Over the last five years, trust between Brussels the weaponisation of global economic, cultural, and even and member states dwindled, and policy came climate linkages. As the international situation descends to reflect the lowest common denominator of into a miasma of geopolitical competition, Europeans are in popular opinion. danger of becoming hapless playthings in a tussle for pre- • The coming five years herald acute pressure on eminence between China, Russia, and the United States. Europe, as Russia, China, and the US undermine multilateral institutions and treat trade, finance There is nothing inevitable about this scenario. Europeans data, and security guarantees as instruments of have the power to take their destiny into their own hands. power rather than global public goods. Collectively, the EU’s member states have: the biggest • The new high representative should move single market in the world; higher defence spending than to rewire European foreign policymaking to any power but the US; the world’s largest diplomatic exercise strategic sovereignty.