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Patterns of Linguistic Variation Among Glaswegian Adolescent Males Robert George Lawson

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Patterns of Linguistic Variation Among Glaswegian Adolescent Males Robert George Lawson Patterns of Linguistic Variation among Glaswegian Adolescent Males Robert George Lawson To cite this version: Robert George Lawson. Patterns of Linguistic Variation among Glaswegian Adolescent Males. Journal of Sociolinguistics, Wiley, 2011, 15 (2), pp.226. 10.1111/j.1467-9841.2011.00477.x. hal-00634007 HAL Id: hal-00634007 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00634007 Submitted on 20 Oct 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Journal of Sociolinguistics Patterns of Linguistic Variation among Glaswegian Adolescent Males Journal: Journal of Sociolinguistics Manuscript ID: JSLX-10-106.R2 Manuscript Type: Article Adolescent male language use, Glaswegian, Community of Practice, Keywords: Vocalic analysis, Ethnography For review only. Confidential. Should not be cited. Page 2 of 44 Journal of Sociolinguistics 1 1 2 Title: Patterns of Linguistic Variation among Glaswegian Adolescent Males 3 4 Running Title: Variation among Teenage Males in Glasgow 5 6 7 Word Count: 9700 8 9 Abstract 10 11 12 13 This article presents the results of an ethnographically informed sociolinguistic investigation of 14 15 Glaswegian Vernacular and examines the intersection between language and identity using data 16 17 collected from a group of working-class adolescent males over the course of three years from a high 18 19 20 school in the south side of Glasgow, Scotland called Banister Academy. Through the fine-grained 21 22 acoustic analysis of the phonetic variable CAT (equivalent to the TRAP /BATH /PALM set, Johnston 23 24 25 1997), coupled with ethnographic observations, this article shows how patterns of variation are 26 27 related to Community of Practice membership, how the members of the Communities of Practice in 28 29 Banister Academy use linguistic and social resources to differentiate themselves from one another, 30 31 32 and how certain patterns of variation acquire social meaning within the peer-group. This article 33 34 contributes to the under-researched area of adolescent male language use and offers one of the first 35 36 ethnographically supported accounts of linguistic variation in Glasgow. 37 38 39 40 Key Words: Adolescent Male Language Use, Glaswegian, Community of Practice, Vocalic 41 42 Analysis, Ethnography 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 For review only. Confidential. Should not be cited. Journal of Sociolinguistics Page 3 of 44 1 2 1. Introduction 3 4 5 6 Since the early 1970s, the city of Glasgow, Scotland has been a major site for sociolinguistic 7 8 research in the U.K. (Macaulay 1977; Macafee 1983; Iacuaniello 1992; Lawson and Stuart-Smith 9 10 1999; Stuart-Smith 2003; Eremeeva and Stuart-Smith 2003; Stuart-Smith, Timmins and Tweedie 11 12 13 2006). Over the past forty years, studies of Glaswegian have focused on issues of language attitudes 14 15 (Cheyne 1970; Macafee 1989; Torrance 2003), and lexical erosion and decay (Macafee 1994), 16 17 while others have examined the nature of language variation and change (Stuart-Smith 1999a), 18 19 20 lexical innovation and new developments in the quotative system of Glaswegian adolescents 21 22 (Macaulay 2006), the relationship between local identity and phonological variation (Braber and 23 24 25 Butterfint 2008), and the impact of the media on language change in Glasgow (Stuart-Smith 2006). 26 27 Few studies, however, have focused on the social meanings carried by different varieties of 28 29 Glaswegian, and since working-class Glaswegian Vernacular carries distinct, and often socially 30 31 32 damaging, meanings, including ‘harsh’, ‘rough’ and ‘slovenly’ (Pollner 1987), as well as 33 34 ‘aggressive’ (Stuart-Smith 1999b: 211), it seems necessary to investigate the processes which lead 35 36 to these kinds of social meanings and bridge the gap between linguistic form and social function. 37 38 39 Working within a ‘third wave’ sociolinguistic framework (where language is viewed not as 40 41 an ‘institution’ but as a ‘practice which unfolds with respect to that institution’, Eckert 2005: 16), 42 43 44 this article focuses on how linguistic variants are assigned (or obtain) social meaning through the 45 46 accretion of locally significant and culturally salient material within four all-male Communities of 47 48 Practice in a high school in the south side of Glasgow named Banister Academy (all names in the 49 50 51 fieldwork are pseudonyms). Although the CofP approach has been used in many studies which have 52 53 analysed the speech of female speakers (cf. Moore 2003; Alam 2007; Mendoza-Denton 2008), the 54 55 research presented in this article is one of the few projects to use the framework in an analysis of 56 57 58 exclusively male speakers. 59 60 Through the presentation of the results of an acoustic analysis of conversational data collected from four CofPs of working-class adolescent males during a three year longitudinal For review only. Confidential. Should not be cited. Page 4 of 44 Journal of Sociolinguistics 1 2 ethnographic investigation, I show that patterns of variation are correlated with particular CofPs, 3 4 that linguistic variation is used as a resource for the construction of social identities (Eckert 2000), 5 6 7 and that linguistic variants obtain social meaning when used during specific discursive acts 8 9 (Kiesling 2005). I also discuss the extent to which speakers explicitly distance themselves from 10 11 12 particular social practices and identities (Bucholtz 1999) and how this distancing contributes to how 13 14 speakers construct their social identity (Stuart-Smith, Timmins and Tweedie 2007). 15 16 The concept of social distancing is an important one to consider, especially in the context of 17 18 19 Banister Academy and Glasgow. Adolescent males are often viewed with suspicion in Glaswegian 20 21 society (and the U.K. more generally, Margo and Stevens 2008: 5), usually mediated through the 22 23 assumption that working-class adolescent males are more likely to be involved in gang-related 24 25 26 activity (Bannister 2010). This perception is particularly acute in working-class areas of the city, 27 28 where ‘residents of such areas are more likely to be directly affected by youth crime, and certainly 29 30 to feel that it is all around them’ (Anderson and Dobbie 2008: 45). This is not to say, however, that 31 32 33 all perceptions of adolescent males are necessarily negative. Indeed, the Scottish Social Attitudes 34 35 Survey (published in 2008 but based on data collected in 2006) reports that ‘there is certainly a great 36 37 38 deal of concern about “young people today”, but there is also much concern and sympathy for 39 40 young people in the face of the difficulties of contemporary society’ (Anderson and Dobbie 2008: 41 42 5). In a similar vein, it is hoped that the research presented in this article contributes to a better 43 44 45 understanding of the linguistic and social practices of adolescent male speakers in Glasgow and 46 47 helps unpacks some of the ideologies surrounding language use in the city. 48 49 The first part of the article describes the social background of Glasgow, briefly discussing 50 51 52 the factors which led to widespread social segregation of the city in to working-class and middle- 53 54 class areas and the effect this has had on the ideology of Glaswegian Vernacular. I then move on to 55 56 CAT 57 present a description of the fieldwork site, Banister Academy, before outlining the variable . A 58 59 quantitative analysis of the data follows, integrating the ethnographic fieldwork to illuminate the 60 For review only. Confidential. Should not be cited. Journal of Sociolinguistics Page 5 of 44 1 2 social role the variable has. I conclude with some general observations on the contribution this 3 4 research makes to our understanding of the role of sociolinguistic variation in Glasgow. 5 6 7 8 2. Social Background 9 10 11 12 Located on the west coast of Scotland, Glasgow is Scotland’s largest city, with a population of 13 14 approximately 600,000 inhabitants. The city has been a major social and economic hub since the 15 16 14 th century, exporting a wide variety of products, services, and knowledge throughout the world. 17 18 19 Alongside London and Edinburgh, Glasgow currently has one of the largest economies in the U.K. 20 21 (Yeandle 2010) and is a major provider of call centre employment and technical support (Bristow, 22 23 Munday and Gripaios 2000: 527 – 528). The development of Glasgow’s economic fortune was 24 25 26 closely tied to two major developments (both now greatly reduced in scope): merchant trade and 27 28 heavy industry (Gibb 1983: 36). These industries, however, led to massive overcrowding in the city 29 30 centre, ultimately resulting in a reduction in the quality of life for the residents. Part of Glasgow 31 32 33 City Council’s solution to reduce this overcrowding was to relocate families (especially working- 34 35 class families) to tenement blocks located at the outer edges of the city (Pacione 1995: 159). The 36 37 38 second part of the redevelopment plan involved the construction of peripheral ‘New Towns’ to 39 40 which mainly middle-class and skilled workers moved (Seo 2002: 113).
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