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Common Core Document of the Federal Republic of Germany
Common Core Document of the Federal Republic of Germany (as per: 15 May 2009) II Contents CONTENTS.........................................................................................................................................................III A. GENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY................................ 1 I. GEOGRAPHICAL , HISTORICAL , DEMOGRAPHIC , SOCIAL , CULTURAL , ECONOMIC AND JUDICIAL CHARACTERISTICS .. 1 1. Geographical category................................................................................................................................ 1 2. Historical background................................................................................................................................. 1 3. Demographic characteristics....................................................................................................................... 3 a. General information.................................................................................................................................................. 3 b. Shares of the population with foreign nationality........................................................................................................ 5 c. Religious affiliation .................................................................................................................................................. 6 4. Social and cultural characteristics.............................................................................................................. -
Sharing Competences: the Impact of Local Institutional Settings on Voter Turnout
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Michelsen, Claus; Bönisch, Peter; Rosenfeld, Martin T. W. Working Paper Sharing Competences: The Impact of Local Institutional Settings on Voter Turnout IWH Discussion Papers, No. 21/2010 Provided in Cooperation with: Halle Institute for Economic Research (IWH) – Member of the Leibniz Association Suggested Citation: Michelsen, Claus; Bönisch, Peter; Rosenfeld, Martin T. W. (2010) : Sharing Competences: The Impact of Local Institutional Settings on Voter Turnout, IWH Discussion Papers, No. 21/2010, Leibniz-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung Halle (IWH), Halle (Saale), http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:101:1-201011242790 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/45915 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. -
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Origins, Motives, and Structures of Citizens' Initiatives (October 27, 1973)
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Origins, Motives, and Structures of Citizens' Initiatives (October 27, 1973) When local politicians started making controversial decisions that harmed citizens’ quality of life – like building super-highways through residential neighborhoods – citizens began to form single-issue protest movements in the hopes of forcing politicians to abandon misguided urban development projects. The Citizens Strike Back. Participation or: The only Alternative? Citizens’ Initiatives and the Hamburg Example “The citizens triumphed over the authorities” was the headline of a morning paper in Hamburg this summer. It was about an inner-city highway, a so-called feeder road to the prospective western freeway bypass around Hamburg, which also includes the new tunnel under the Elbe. The route for a connection with the urban road network would had to have been cut through the densely built-up residential area of Ottensen. There had been protests for a long time. Resistance to the intentions of local politicians was ultimately modeled on other citizens’ initiatives. In the end, the success of this local protest movement was not limited to the planned route alignment and not even to urban traffic planning in general. The feeder will not be built as planned. There is still no substitute for it – although the western freeway bypass is already far along. Nevertheless, this is not merely a matter of the authorities capitulating. Ottensen, a district built in the early twentieth century, with narrow streets, mostly poor building materials, and a relatively large amount of industry, is an urban redevelopment area. In addition to not building the feeder road, the building authority approved the appointment of a redevelopment commissioner, corresponding to the wishes of the relevant district assembly. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
A Pathological Normalcy? a Study of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Germany
Right-Wing Populist Parties – A Pathological Normalcy? A Study of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Germany ABSTRACT This chapter challenges the common explanation for the success or failure of right-wing populism, conducting a theory-testing analysis. Right-wing populist parties are often viewed as a temporary phenomenon, caused by some form of a crisis that weakened society. Cas Mudde offered an alternative explanation, claiming that the core sentiments of right-wing populism are rooted in society. Three concepts – authoritarianism, nativism and populism – are assumed to form the basis of right-wing populism. Examining party programmes, public statements and secondary literature on the German parties Die Republikaner, Schill-Partei and Alternative für Deutschland, this chapter identifies to what extent the three notions are reflected in the parties’ ideologies. Next, the chapter looks at public opinion surveys in order to detect those sentiments within the German society. The analysis reveals that the three notions are not only part of the parties’ ideologies, but are also consistently present in the German public opinion. The findings furthermore indicate that the success or failure of right-wing populist parties depends on their ability to deal with organisational struggles, to broaden their agenda and to provide a charismatic leader. As a consequence, this study of right-wing populism shows that explaining the surge of such parties based on the occurrence of crisis might be a convenient argument by those who neglect that the problem goes deeper. Anne Christin Hausknecht1 1 Anne Christin Hausknecht received a bachelor degree in European Studies at Maastricht University. She is currently enrolled for a Master in International Human Rights Law and International Criminal Law at Bangor University. -
The Politics and Culture of FC St. Pauli
This article was downloaded by: [University College Dublin] On: 29 April 2013, At: 11:46 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Soccer & Society Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsas20 The Politics and Culture of FC St. Pauli: from leftism, through anti- establishment, to commercialization Petra Daniel a & Christos Kassimeris a a European University Cyprus, Egkomi, Cyprus Published online: 25 Mar 2013. To cite this article: Petra Daniel & Christos Kassimeris (2013): The Politics and Culture of FC St. Pauli: from leftism, through anti-establishment, to commercialization, Soccer & Society, DOI:10.1080/14660970.2013.776466 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2013.776466 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
The Hamburg Rathaus Seat of the Hamburg State Parliament and the Hamburg State Administration
Hun bixêr hatin Mirë se erdhët Te aven Baxtale Welcome Bienvenue Willkommen THE HAMBURG RATHAUS SEAT OF THE HAMBURG STATE PARLIAMENT AND THE HAMBURG STATE ADMINISTRATION Kalender Englisch Umschlag U1-U4.indd 1 06.06.17 20:56 The Hamburg Rathaus Kalender Englisch Umschlag U1-U4.indd 2 06.06.17 20:57 The Hamburg Rathaus Seat of the state parliament and state administration Welcome to Hamburg! We hope that you will Hygieia and the dragon symbolize the conque- state parliament and the Hamburg state ad- settle in well and that Hamburg will become ring of the Hamburg cholera epidemic of 1892. minstration. your second home. With this brochure, we’d In Hamburg, the state parliament is called the like to introduce you to the Hamburg Rathaus, Bürgerschaft and the state administration is the city hall. It is the seat of Hamburg’s state called the Senat. parliament and administration. Perhaps it It is at the Rathaus where issues important is comparable to similar buildings in your to you are debated and resolutions made – countries, in which the state administration housing and health issues, education issues, or state parliament have their seats. and economic issues, for example. The Rathaus is in the middle of the city, and Please take the time to accompany us through was built more than 100 years ago, between the Hamburg Rathaus on the following pages, 1884 and 1897. With its richly decorated and learn about the work and the responsibili- commons.wikimedia.org/Brüning (gr.); Rademacher Jens Photos: façade, its width of 111 meters, its 112-meter ties of the Senat and the Bürgerschaft. -
Introduction
introDUCTION During Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach’s tenure almost 40 pastors were elected and installed in their new positions in Hamburg. This large number results from two historic facts: the five Hamburg main churches—St. Petri, St. Nicolai, St. Catharinen, St. Jacobi, and St. Michaelis—employed not only a main pastor, but up to four deacons; and the Ministerium, the highest board of the Ham- burg clergy, was responsible for a large number of additional congregations in and outside the walls of the city.1 These included the churches of St. Johannis, St. Maria Magdalena, Heilig-Geist (Holy Spirit), Heilige Dreieinigkeitskirche (Holy Trinity), St. Pauli auf dem Hamburgerberge; the churches associated with St. Hiob Hospital, the Waisenhaus (orphanage), the Zuchthaus (correc- tional institute), the Pesthof, the Spinnhaus-Kirche; and, as a relic of the Han- seatic League, the guard ship on the Elbe River. Furthermore the churches in Eppendorf, Hamm und Horn, Billwerder an der Bille, Moorfleet, Allermöhe, Ochsenwerder, Moorburg, Ritzebüttel, Groden, Döse, and Altenwalde were in Hamburg territory (though up to 80 miles away from the city), whereas the churches in Bergedorf, Altengamme, Neuengamme, Kirchwerder, Curslack, and Geesthacht were overseen jointly by the Hamburg and Lübeck clergy.2 Fi- nally, some German congregations abroad recruited pastors from Hamburg, most notably London and Arkhangelsk (on the Russian coast of the White Sea).3 1. The single most important source is Janssen. See also Jensen, Bruhn, and Enßlin/Wolf 2007. 2. The following congregations were supervised by the HamburgMinisterium , although no new pastors were installed there between 1768 and 1788: Maria Magdalena (within the city walls), Eppendorf, Hamm und Horn, Bergedorf, and Neuengamme. -
Bowler, Mcelroy and Müller Electoral Studies 2017 Old
Voter preferences and party loyalty under cumulative voting: political behaviour after electoral reform in Bremen and Hamburg Shaun Bowlera,*, Gail McElroy b, Stefan Müllerb Accepted for publication in Electoral Studies a Department of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, USA b Department of Political Science, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland * Corresponding author. Department of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, CA 92521, USA. E-mail address: [email protected] (S. Bowler) Abstract Many electoral systems constrain voters to one or two votes at election time. Reformers often see this as a failing because voters’ preferences are both broader and more varied than the number of choices allowed. New electoral systems therefore often permit more preferences to be expressed. In this paper we examine what happens when cumulative voting is introduced in two German states. Even when we allow for tactical considerations, we find that the principle of unconstrained choice is not widely embraced by voters, although in practice, too, many seem to have preferences for more than just one party. This finding has implications for arguments relating to electoral reform as well as how to conceive of party affiliations in multi-party systems. Keywords: electoral reform; cumulative voting; propensity to vote; Germany; state elections Acknowledgements: We thank Volker Best, Michael Jankowski, Tom Louwerse, the editor, and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments and suggestions. A previous version of the paper was presented at the annual general conference of the European Political Science Association Conference in Milan, 22–24 June 2017. 1 1. Introduction What happens when voters are given the opportunity to express numerous preferences? Many electoral systems allow voters only a limited amount of choice. -
The European Election in Germany
E-PAPER The European Election in Germany BY SEBASTIAN BUKOW Published by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, June 2019 The European Election in Germany By Sebastian Bukow Contents 1 Summary 3 2 Election result 5 2.1 Breakdown of votes 5 2.2 Distribution of seats and representation of women 8 3 Political mood before the election 11 3.1 Political mood regarding Europe before the election: interested, pro-European and concerned 11 3.2 Dynamics during the election campaign 15 4 Voting behaviour 18 4.1 Time of decision, motive, topics 18 4.2 Sociodemographic findings 19 4.3 Regional findings 22 The Author 24 Imprint 24 1 Summary Election result The European Election changed Germany's federal party-political landscape. For the first time in a nationwide election, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (the Greens) are in second place (20.5 per cent; +9.8 percentage points) and are placed in front of the SPD (the Social Democrats). The Greens' absolute number of votes also increased; almost 7.7 million votes were cast for the Greens compared to 4.2 million second votes (party votes) in the Federal Election or 3.1 million in the last European Election. Among voters under 60, the Greens are the strongest party. The CDU/CSU (Christian Democratic Union and its sister party, the Christian Social Union) and SPD scored their worst results ever in a European Election. Of the Union parties, the CDU lost significantly (22.6 per cent), while the CSU with their top candidate Weber scored slight gains (6.3 per cent). -
Online Appendix: E-Lections: Voting Behavior and the Internet
Online Appendix: E-lections: Voting Behavior and the Internet Oliver Falck, Robert Gold and Stephan Heblich Appendix A: Election Data Data on election outcomes are obtained from the statistical offices of the German states (election statistics). These are Statistikamt Nord for elections in Hamburg and Schleswig-Holstein; Statistisches Landesamt Sachsen-Anhalt for elections in Saxony-Anhalt; Amt fuer Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg for elections in Berlin and Brandenburg; Bayerisches Landesamt fuer Statistik und Datenverarbeitung for elections in Bavaria; Statistisches Landesamt Baden- Wuerttemberg for elections in Baden-Wuerttemberg; Hessisches Statistisches Landesamt for elections in Hesse; Statistisches Landesamt Rheinland-Pfalz for elections in Rhineland- Palatinate; Statistisches Amt Saarland for elections in Saarland; Landesbetrieb fuer Statistik und Kommunikationstechnologie Niedersachsen for elections in Lower Saxony; Landesbetrieb Information und Technik Nordrhein-Westfalen for elections in North Rhine-Westphalia; Statistisches Landesamt Bremen for elections in Bremen; Statistisches Landesamt des Freistaates Sachsen for elections in Saxony; Statistisches Amt Mecklenburg-Vorpommern for elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania; and Thueringer Landesamt fuer Statistik for elections in Thuringia. The election statistics report outcomes for federal elections (elections to the federal parliament), state elections (elections to the state parliaments), and local elections (elections to the district, municipal and city councils) on the municipality level. Both the federal parliament (Bundestag) and the state parliaments (Landtage/Buergerschaft/Abgeordnetenhaus) are legislative bodies consisting of one chamber. The usual election cycle lasts 4-5 years. The local councils (Kreistag/Gemeinderat/Stadtrat) are elected every 4-6 years. They do not have legislative powers but fulfill representative and executive tasks. The councils monitor the local administrations and have certain rights of proposal and participation. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN GERMANY 24th September 2017 European Germany: a fourth term in office for Angela Elections monitor Merkel? 1) Analysis : page 01 to 07 2) Results : page 08 to 10 Corinne Deloy In Germany elections come and go and also look very much like one another. Unlike the most recent European elections, from the 2016 British referendum, over the country’s exit of the EU, to the French presidential election and the general election in the Netherlands this year, the election in federal Germany on 24th September next appears to be a factor of stability. In one month’s Analysis time 61.5 million voters are being called to ballot in the German Republic to renew the Bundestag, the lower Chamber of Parliament. The battle will be between outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel (Christian-Democratic Union), who is running for a fourth term in office as head of the Germany government and the former President of the European Parliament (2012-2017) Martin Schulz (Social Democratic Party, SPD), who is running for the first time for the post of Chancellor. Angela Merkel is the main favourite in these general hard. But he lacks spark, the spirit. He is finding it elections. When she announced that she would be very difficult to position himself as an alternative running this year her adversary witnessed a sharp candidate to Angela Merkel,” we read in the rise in his popularity ratings and pushed voting weekly “Der Spiegel”. The only doubt that remains intentions for the SPD upwards – so that the party involves the political party (or parties) with whom achieved its highest results in the opinion polls for the outgoing Chancellor will decide to join forces to a very long time, even pulling ahead of the CDU 17 govern Germany over the next four years.