Foreign Terrorist Attacks by the Islamic State, 2002-2016
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Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
Bowl Round 10 Bowl Round 10 First Quarter
NHBB B-Set Bowl 2015-2016 Bowl Round 10 Bowl Round 10 First Quarter (1) This country was the birthplace of the starting shortstop and first baseman for the 2015 Chicago White Sox, Alexei Ramirez and Jose Abreu. The names of players like Yunel Escobar and Yoenis Cespedes, begin with \Y," as inspired by this country's former ties with diplomats like Yuri Pavlov. For ten points, name this country from which Aroldis Chapman and Yasiel Puig defected, leaving behind the only Communist government in Latin America. ANSWER: Cuba (2) Potential violations of this law are considered using the \rule of reason" doctrine. The Danbury Hatters court case applied this law to labor unions, but it did not apply to manufacturing after the government failed in their suit against the E.C. Knight Company. The Standard Oil Company was broken up using, for ten points, what 1890 antitrust law, named for an Ohio senator and later modified by the Clayton Antitrust Act? ANSWER: Sherman Antitrust Act (3) This party engaged in frequent violent clashes against the Inkatha Freedom Party, and one leader defected from this party to form the Economic Freedom Fighters. This party's armed division, Umkhonto we Sizwe, was established in response to the Sharpeville massacre. This party first rose to power in 1994, defeating F.W. De Klerk's National Party. Jacob Zuma is the current leader of, for ten points, what anti-apartheid party in South Africa? ANSWER: African National Congress (accept Umkhonto we Sizwe before mentioned) (4) This artistic style dominates Frederick the Great's summer palace at Sanssouci. -
ABSTRACT Title of Document: ROBOTICS and the FUTURE OF
ABSTRACT Title of Document: ROBOTICS AND THE FUTURE OF INTERNATIONAL ASYMMETRIC WARFARE Nicholas Grossman, Doctor of Philosophy, 2013 Directed By: Professor George Quester, Department of Government and Politics In the post-Cold War world, the world's most powerful states have cooperated or avoided conflict with each other, easily defeated smaller state governments, engaged in protracted conflicts against insurgencies and resistance networks, and lost civilians to terrorist attacks. This dissertation explores various explanations for this pattern, proposing that some non-state networks adapt to major international transitions more quickly than bureaucratic states. Networks have taken advantage of the information technology revolution to enhance their capabilities, but states have begun to adjust, producing robotic systems with the potential to grant them an advantage in asymmetric warfare. ROBOTICS AND THE FUTURE OF ASYMMETRIC WARFARE By Nicholas Grossman Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2013 Advisory Committee: Professor George Quester, Chair Professor Paul Huth Professor Shibley Telhami Professor Piotr Swistak Professor William Nolte Professor Keith Olson © Copyright by Nicholas Grossman 2013 Dedication To Marc and Tracy Grossman, who made this all possible, and to Alyssa Prorok, who made it all worth it. ii Acknowledgements Thank you to my dissertation committee for all the advice and support, Anne Marie Clark and Cissy Roberts for making everything run smoothly, Jacob Aronson and Rabih Helou for the comments and encouragement, Alyssa Prorok for invaluable help, and especially to George Quester for years of mentorship. -
Charlie Hebdo
N° 01 | 2015 + LE MAGAZINE DES MÉDIAS Panorama des innovations dans CHARLIE HEBDO: l’information récit et points de vue Comment les nouvelles technologies et la quête de nouveaux Notre suivi du traitement médiatique financements du drame; quelles leçons en tirer pour font naître des projets la liberté d’expression et la déontologie? novateurs. Französisch | 80 cm x 250 cm ACTUALITÉ EDITORIAL E Publicité Les limites Nous voulons plus et incertaines maintenant! DITO est bien sûr en deuil. Ecœurement, hommage aux victimes, soutien à la rédac- tion décimée de Charlie Hebdo. Pour EDITO, nous sommes tous Charlie parce qu’il Alain Maillard, faut défendre la liberté d’expression quoi qu’on pense de l’usage qui en est fait. Ce qui Rédacteur en chef ne doit pas nous empêcher d’en débattre. Au contraire, un mois après le drame, la E réflexion sur ce qui peut déclencher la haine nous paraît indispensable. Elle peut être grossière- Manif 7 mars 2015 ment résumée ainsi: dans quelle mesure la liberté d’expression inclut-elle la liberté de blasphé- mer? Se moquer des religions mais pas des personnes, est-ce une distinction limpide et sensée? Nous faisons attention aux mots que nous employons en parlant d’Israël, non parce que nous avons des pensées antisémites mais parce que nous savons que certains mots sont piégés, peuvent blesser ou être mal interprétés. Le faisons-nous autant en parlant de l’islam? Charlie Hebdo ne publiait pas n’importe quoi, loin de là. Sa couverture du 14 janvier Des conditions de travail est à nos yeux magnifiquement mesu- rée et tendre. -
Mcallister Bradley J 201105 P
REVOLUTIONARY NETWORKS? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by Bradley J. McAllister (Under the Direction of Sherry Lowrance) ABSTRACT This dissertation is simultaneously an exercise in theory testing and theory generation. Firstly, it is an empirical test of the means-oriented netwar theory, which asserts that distributed networks represent superior organizational designs for violent activists than do classic hierarchies. Secondly, this piece uses the ends-oriented theory of revolutionary terror to generate an alternative means-oriented theory of terrorist organization, which emphasizes the need of terrorist groups to centralize their operations. By focusing on the ends of terrorism, this study is able to generate a series of metrics of organizational performance against which the competing theories of organizational design can be measured. The findings show that terrorist groups that decentralize their operations continually lose ground, not only to government counter-terror and counter-insurgent campaigns, but also to rival organizations that are better able to take advantage of their respective operational environments. However, evidence also suggests that groups facing decline due to decentralization can offset their inability to perform complex tasks by emphasizing the material benefits of radical activism. INDEX WORDS: Terrorism, Organized Crime, Counter-Terrorism, Counter-Insurgency, Networks, Netwar, Revolution, al-Qaeda in Iraq, Mahdi Army, Abu Sayyaf, Iraq, Philippines REVOLUTIONARY NETWORK0S? AN ANALYSIS OF ORGANIZATIONAL DESIGN IN TERRORIST GROUPS by BRADLEY J MCALLISTER B.A., Southwestern University, 1999 M.A., The University of Leeds, United Kingdom, 2003 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY ATHENS, GA 2011 2011 Bradley J. -
April 11, 2021 Under Attack: Terrorism and International Trade in France
April 11, 2021 Under Attack: Terrorism and International Trade in France, 2014-16* Volker Nitsch Isabelle Rabaud Technische Universität Darmstadt Université d’Orléans, LEO, Abstract Terrorist events typically vary along many dimensions, making it difficult to identify their economic effects. This paper analyzes the impact of terrorism on international trade by examining a series of three large-scale terrorist incidents in France over the period from January 2015 to July 2016. Using firm-level data at monthly frequency, we document an immediate and lasting decline in cross-border trade after a mass terrorist attack. According to our estimates, France’s trade in goods, which accounts for about 70 percent of the country’s trade in goods and services, is reduced by more than 6 billion euros in the first six months after an attack. The reduction in trade mainly takes place along the intensive margin, with particularly strong effects for partner countries with low border barriers to France, for firms with less frequent trade activities and for homogeneous products. A possible explanation for these patterns is an increase in trade costs due to stricter security measures. JEL Classification Codes: F14; F52 Keywords: shock; insecurity; uncertainty; terrorism; international trade; France * We thank Béatrice Boulu-Reshef, Stefan Goldbach, Jérôme Héricourt, Laura Hering, Christophe Hurlin, Miren Lafourcade, Laura Lebastard, Daniel Mirza, Serge Pajak, Felipe Starosta de Waldemar, Patrick Villieu, three anonymous referees, and participants at presentations in Bern (European Trade Study Group), Darmstadt, Köln (Verein für Socialpolitik), Orléans (Association Française de Science Economique), Paris (Université Paris-Saclay, RITM, and Université Paris-Est, ERUDITE), and Poitiers for helpful comments. -
Policing Terrorism
Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel © 2009: The Police Foundation All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of The Police Foundation. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Police Foundation. Enquires concerning reproduction should be sent to The Police Foundation at the address below. ISBN: 0 947692 49 5 The Police Foundation First Floor Park Place 12 Lawn Lane London SW8 1UD Tel: 020 7582 3744 www.police-foundation.org.uk Acknowledgements This Review is indebted to the Barrow Cadbury Trust which provided the grant enabling the work to be conducted. The author also wishes to thank the academics, researchers, critics, police officers, security service officials, and civil servants who helped formulate the initial direction and content of this Review, and the staff at the Police Foundation for their help and support throughout. Thanks also to Tahir Abbas, David Bayley, Robert Beckley, Craig Denholm, Martin Innes and Bob Lambert for their insightful, constructive and supportive comments on various drafts of the Review. Any mistakes or inaccuracies are, of course, the author’s own. Darren Thiel, February 2009 Contents PAGE Executive Summary 1 Introduction 5 Chapter -
Freedom of Expression and Morality in the West
Online-ISSN 2411-2933, Print-ISSN 2411-3123 June 2015 Freedom Of Expression And Morality In The West Dr. Yusuf Dalhat (07067377531) Federal College of Education (FCE), Zaria Islamic Studies Department Email address: [email protected] Abstract This paper discusses the Freedom of Expression and Morality in the West with special reference to Charlie Hebdo attack and its implications. It highlights some of the reactions to the attack, with many western Scholars calling on Muslims to apologize. The paper has rather drawn their attention to the root cause of the attack which seems to have been ignored by them, being the attitude of the western society to Islam. Solution has been suggested for the attention of the Western Powers and other International Human Rights Organizations to set out Standards of respect for people’s faith for which one may be indicted for violating the moral laws. Introduction It was on Wednesday morning, 7th January 2015; two brothers from a Muslim Algerian family in France forced their way into the office of the French satirical weekly newspaper Charlie Hebdo in Paris killing about twelve people (Wilsher, 2015). Charlie Hebdo is a satirical magazine which features cartoons, reports, polemics and jokes. It is a secularist anti-religious newspaper, publishing articles which mock religions including the three major religions of the world, Islam, Judaism and Christianity. The newspaper also mocks various groups, whether in political arena or something of that nature. Such publications once appeared from 1962 to 1981, -
Tunisia Fragil Democracy
German Council on Foreign Relations No. 2 January 2020 – first published in REPORT December 2018 Edited Volume Tunisia’s Fragile Democracy Decentralization, Institution-Building and the Development of Marginalized Regions – Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe Edited by Dina Fakoussa and Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid 2 No. 2 | January 2020 – first published in December 2018 Tunisia’s Fragile Democracy REPORT The following papers were written by participants of the workshop “Promotion of Think Tank Work on the Development of Marginalized Regions and Institution-Building in Tunisia,” organized by the German Council on Foreign Relations’ Middle East and North Africa Program in the summer and fall of 2018 in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Tunis. The workshop is part of the program’s project on the promotion of think tank work in the Middle East and North Africa, which aims to strengthen the scientific and technical capacities of civil society actors in the region and the EU who are engaged in research and policy analysis and advice. It is realized with the support of the German Federal Foreign Office and the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations (ifa e.V.). The content of the papers does not reflect the opinion of the DGAP. Responsibility for the information and views expressed herein lies entirely with the authors. The editorial closing date was October 28, 2018. Authors: Aniseh Bassiri Tabrizi, Mohamed Lamine Bel Haj Amor, Arwa Ben Ahmed, Elhem Ben Aicha, Ahmed Ben Nejma, Laroussi Bettaieb, Zied Boussen, Giulia Cimini, Rim Dhaouadi, Jihene Ferchichi, Darius Görgen, Oumaima Jegham, Tahar Kechrid, Maha Kouas, Anne Martin, and Ragnar Weilandt Edited by Dina Fakoussa and Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid No. -
One Big #Lie from the Arab Spring to the Islamic State
One big #lie From the Arab Spring to the Islamic State. Post Arab Spring institutional failures causes frustration, leading up to expressions of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Master thesis by Beitske Meinema (s1910337) [email protected] MA International Relations: Global Conflict in the Modern Era Leiden University Supervisor: Dr. S. Bellucci 2018 ABSTRACT The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. -
Islamic Radicalization in the Uk: Index of Radicalization
ISLAMIC RADICALIZATION IN THE UK: INDEX OF RADICALIZATION Anna Wojtowicz, (Research Assistant, ICT) Sumer 2012 ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to analyze the process of radicalization amongst British Muslims in the United Kingdom. It begins with a review of the Muslim population, demographics and community structure. Further presenting several internal and external indicators that influenced and led to radicalization of Muslim youth in Britain. The paper concludes that there is no one certainty for what causes radicalization amongst Muslims in United Kingdom. However, it is certain that Islamic radicalization and the emergence of a homegrown threat is a growing trend that jeopardizes the countries security, peace and stability. Radicalization in the United Kingdom is an existing concern that needs to be addressed and acted upon immediately. Misunderstanding or underestimating the threat may lead to further and long term consequences. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 I. Introduction 4 II. Background 5 History of the Muslim Community in the United Kingdom 5 Population 7 Geographical Concentration of Muslims 8 Ethnic Background 10 Age Estimate 11 Occupation and Socio-Economic Conditions 11 Religious and Cultural Aspects 13 Multiculturalism 17 Islamophobia 20 Converts 21 Case Studies –London, Birmingham, Bradford, Leeds, Leicester 22 III. Organizations 28 Organizations within the United Kingdom 28 Mosques, Koranic Schools and Islamic Centers 34 Student Groups 40 Islamic Websites and TV 43 IV. Radicalization in Britain 43 Theoretical Background and Causes of Radicalization 43 Recruitment and Radicalization: Overlook 47 Radicalization Process 49 Forms of Financing 51 Radical Groups and Movements in the UK 53 Influential Leaders in the UK 60 Inspiration and Influence from Abroad 67 Sunni 67 Shia 70 3 V. -
Iraqi Red Crescent Organization
Iraqi Red Crescent Organization The Internally Displaced People in Iraq Update 30 27 January 2008 For additional information, please contact: In Iraq: 1. Iraqi Red Crescent Organization, President- Dr. Said Hakki, email: [email protected] 2. Iraqi Red Crescent Organization, Vice President- Dr. Jamal Karboli, email: [email protected] 3. International Relation Department manager [email protected]; Mobile phone: +964 7901669159; Telephone: +964 1 5372925/24/23 4. Disaster Management Department manager [email protected]; Mobile phone: +964 7703045043; Telephone: +964 1 5372925/24/23 In Jordan: Amman Coordination Office: [email protected]; Mobile phone (manager):+962 796484058; Mobile phone (deputy manager): +962 797180940 Also, visit the Iraqi Red Crescent Organization web site: iraqiredcrescent.org The Internally Displaced People in Iraq; update 30; 27 January 2008 Table of contents BACKGROUND..................................................................................................................................... 2 REFUGEES IN IRAQ................................................................................................................................ 2 RETURNEES FROM SYRIA ...................................................................................................................... 3 THE TURKISH BOMBARDMENT IN THE NORTH OF IRAQ .......................................................................... 3 THE INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE (IDP)........................................................................................