DOCSLIB.ORG

Russian Oil After YUKOS: Implications for the United States Ariel Cohen, Ph.D

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Russian Oil After YUKOS: Implications for the United States Ariel Cohen, Ph.D No. 961 February 28, 2005 Russian Oil After YUKOS: Implications for the United States Ariel Cohen, Ph.D. The Russian oil and gas sector’s new paradigm The Kremlin, not the private sector, has become can be summarized in two words: “state domina- the key decision maker in licensing oil fields, deter- tion.” The free-market paradigm has been aban- mining the location of pipelines, and approving doned. In December 2004, the tax authorities consortia for production and transportation. The bankrupted YUKOS, a major oil company, for biggest problems in the post-YUKOS Russian oil alleged tax arrears and sold its main production sector are the intrusive role of the state, overregula- unit, Yuganskneftegaz, to the state-owned oil tion, the violation of property rights, opaque trans- company Rosneft, using a straw company as an actions, and xenophobia toward foreign investors. intermediary. Chinese state Exxon and Total, a French firm, banks apparently financed the recently announced that they purchase with $6 billion in • The Russian oil and gas sector’s new would scale down involvement in paradigm can be summarized as “state loans. To top it off, Rosneft is domination.” Russia’s oil markets, and capital merging with state-owned Gaz- • The combined Gazpromneft will be a flight from Russia has increased prom, the largest natural gas major global company that will also from $2.9 billion in 2003 to $9 company in the world. become an instrument of Russian for- billion–$12 billion in 2004. eign policy in the region and around The Bush Administration and the world. Vladimir Putin’s economic U.S. oil companies need to rec- adviser Andrey Illarionov called ognize that the Russian energy the sale of Yuganskneftegaz the sector is now operating on a new model of state “swindle of the year” and warned that Russia is on domination and control. Successful U.S.–Russian its way to joining the Third World economically. energy cooperation depends on the U.S. and Rus- While Illarionov was demoted for his candor, he sia arriving at a framework agreement during was not fired. Clearly, the Russian elite is deeply President George W. Bush’s visit to Russia in May divided over energy policy. to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Allies’ Global Ambitions. The Kremlin wants to play a victory in Europe. Washington should condition major role in Russia’s domestic and global energy U.S. agreement to Russia’s entry into the World markets while keeping foreign investors at bay. The Trade Organization (WTO) on the creation of transparent rules and investment protection for U.S. companies that invest in Russia. President This paper, in its entirety, can be found at: Bush should specifically request that U.S. compa- www.heritage.org/research/russiaandeurasia/em961.cfm Produced by the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for nies participate in construction of the Murmansk Foreign Policy Studies pipeline and the Shtokman natural gas projects in Published by The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE the Barents Sea. Washington, DC 20002–4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. No. 961 February 28, 2005 government-owned Gazpromneft (the combined state domination and control. All future deal- Gazprom and Rosneft) will be a major global com- ings in Russia must receive full Kremlin bless- pany, bigger than Petroleas de Venezuela (PVDSA) ings. If the U.S. wishes to maintain an interest and comparable to Saudi Arabia’s Aramco (both in Russian oil, the U.S. government must state monopolies), and will become an instrument become a participant in assuring the viability of of Russian foreign policy throughout the region future deals. and around the world. • Arrive at a framework agreement on U.S.–Rus- With anti-Americanism on the rise in Moscow, sian energy cooperation. The U.S. should insist Russia wants to use its energy muscle to develop a that such a framework include a key role for the more robust presence in the Commonwealth of private sector in developing Russian energy Independent States, Europe, and Asia. It is buying resources and infrastructure. Investment stabil- up strategic infrastructure companies, such as pipe- ity and recognition of Western investors’ prop- lines, refineries, electric grids, and ports in Georgia, erty rights need to be acknowledged at the Hungary, and Ukraine. Russian officials have highest level. implied that 20 percent of Yuganskneftegaz would • Condition U.S. agreement to Russia’s entry be sold to China. Moscow is enticing Japan to pay for into the WTO on the creation of transparent the Nakhodka pipeline—cooperation that could rules and investment protection for U.S. com- create competition between China and Japan in the panies that invest in Russia. Far East. There are hopes in some quarters that Rus- sia’s energy, supplemented by Iran and Venezuela, • Request that U.S. companies participate in can power a global coalition with China and the construction of the Murmansk pipeline and Muslim world to offset U.S. hegemony. the Shtokman natural gas projects in the Bar- ents Sea. After September 11, 2001, it was hoped that Rus- sia and Eurasia could provide a welcome addition, if Conclusion. U.S. and Russia are still “energy not an alternative, to Middle East oil, but this hope compatible.” One is an importer and the other, an seems to have been premature. Russia’s real chal- exporter. But recent events, by diminishing the lenges, beyond government renationalization, are the attractiveness of Russia’s energy investment oppor- antiquated pipeline network, which is a government tunities, will adversely affect the country’s eco- monopoly, and high production and transportation nomic development in the medium and long terms. costs. In December 2004, the Russian government In addition, Russia’s decision-making elite is split committed to building the Taishet–Nakhodka pipe- between those who view the takedown of YUKOS line, a gargantuan 4,300 kilometer project that will as a heavy-handed operation that caused unaccept- cost $12 billion and is designed to provide 80 million able collateral damage and those who believe that tons of oil per year to the Asian Pacific market, the end justified the means. Statism and opacity including up to 30 million tons to China. The Rus- conceal corruption; and nationalist rhetoric covers sian government seems to have lost interest in the up protectionism, backwardness, greed, and graft. pipeline from Western Siberia to Murmansk—the As a WTO candidate and G–8 member, Russia can- easiest way to export oil to the United States. not afford any of these. The U.S. Response. The Bush Administration —Ariel Cohen, Ph.D., is Senior Research Fellow in and U.S. companies need to push energy coopera- Russian and Eurasian Studies in the Douglas and tion issues at the highest level, beginning at the Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a divi- Bush–Putin Summits in Moscow in May and fol- sion of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute lowing up at the G–8 Summit in Scotland in July. for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation. Specifically, the Administration should: • Recognize that the Russian energy sector is operating on a new model predicated on total page 2.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Uncorrected Transcript
    PUTIN-2012/03/07 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PUTIN’S REELECTION: IMPLICATIONS FOR RUSSIA AND THE WORLD Washington, D.C. Wednesday, March 7, 2012 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: FIONA HILL Senior Fellow and Director, Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution Panelists: CLIFFORD GADDY Senior Fellow The Brookings Institution STEVEN PIFER Senior Fellow The Brookings Institution FIONA HILL Senior Fellow and Director, Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PUTIN-2012/03/07 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MS. HILL: I’d just like to welcome everybody here today for our session on the Russian elections, and I’m a little nervous that nobody’s sitting at the front. Do you all know something that we don’t know? You know, talking about the subject can make one a little paranoid, so I’m a little confused as to why no one’s coming -- is it reserved? There’s no assigned seating, so if anybody would like to come down and sit at the front to make us feel less nervous, we’d be thrilled. Also, with faded eyesight, you know, we’ll be looking towards the back there to figure out who to engage in questions. I’m Fiona Hill, the director of the Center on the United States and Europe here at Brookings into which Russia falls. So, Russia is part of Europe as far as Brookings is concerned.
    [Show full text]
  • CUWS Outreach Journal #1107
    USAF Center for Unconventional Weapons Studies (CUWS) Outreach Journal Issue No. 1107, 21 March 2014 Welcome to the CUWS Outreach Journal! As part of the CUWS’ mission to develop Air Force, DoD, and other USG leaders to advance the state of knowledge, policy, and practices within strategic defense issues involving nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, we offer the government and civilian community a source of contemporary discussions on unconventional weapons. These discussions include news articles, papers, and other information sources that address issues pertinent to the U.S. national security community. It is our hope that this information resources will help enhance the overall awareness of these important national security issues and lead to the further discussion of options for dealing with the potential use of unconventional weapons. The CUWS is seeking submissions for its annual General Charles A. Horner award, which honors the best original writing on issues relating to Air Force counter-WMD and nuclear enterprise operations. The deadline for submissions is March 31, 2014. For more information, please visit our web-site. The following news articles, papers, and other information sources do not necessarily reflect official endorsement of the Air University, U.S. Air Force, or Department of Defense. Reproduction for private use or commercial gain is subject to original copyright restrictions. All rights are reserved. FEATURED ITEM: “Nonstrategic Nuclear Weapons”. By Amy F. Woolf, Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy; January 3, 2014. Published by Congressional Research Service; 39 pages. http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/219954.pdf The FY2013 Defense Authorization Act (H.R. 4310, Section 1037) indicates that it is the sense of Congress that “the United States should pursue negotiations with the Russian Federation aimed at the reduction of Russian deployed and nondeployed nonstrategic nuclear forces.” The United States and Russia have not included limits on these weapons in past arms control agreements.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's March 2008 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications
    Russia’s March 2008 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications name redacted Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs March 13, 2008 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RS22831 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Russia’s March 2008 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Summary This report discusses the campaign and results of Russia’s March 2, 2008, presidential election and implications for Russia and U.S. interests. Popular outgoing President Vladimir Putin endorsed his First Deputy Prime Minister, Dmitriy Medvedev, who easily won an election viewed by some observers as not free and fair. This report will not be updated. Related products include CRS Report RL33407, Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests, by (name redacted); and CRS Report RS22770, Russia’s December 2007 Legislative Election: Outcome and Implications, by (name redacted). For more background and prospects, see CRS Report RL34392, Russia’s 2008 Presidential Succession, by (name redacted). Congressional Research Service Russia’s March 2008 Presidential Election: Outcome and Implications Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................1 The Campaign.............................................................................................................................1 Results and Assessments .............................................................................................................2
    [Show full text]
  • Russia-Georgia Conflict in August 2008
    = :88.&8*47,.&=43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a= 439*=9=&3)=251.(&9.438=+47=_ _=39*7*898= .2=.(-41= 5*(.&1.89=.3= :88.&3=&3)=:7&8.&3=++&.78= &7(-=-`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.0+2= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress :88.&8*47,.&= 43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a=439*=9=&3)= 251.(&9.438=+47=__= 39*7*898= = :22&7>= In the early 1990s, Georgia and its breakaway South Ossetia region had agreed to a Russian- mediated ceasefire that provided for Russian “peacekeepers” to be stationed in the region. Moscow extended citizenship and passports to most ethnic Ossetians. Simmering long-time tensions escalated on the evening of August 7, 2008, when South Ossetia and Georgia accused each other of launching intense artillery barrages against each other. Georgia claims that South Ossetian forces did not respond to a ceasefire appeal but intensified their shelling, “forcing” Georgia to send in troops. On August 8, Russia launched air attacks throughout Georgia and Russian troops engaged Georgian forces in South Ossetia. By the morning of August 10, Russian troops had occupied the bulk of South Ossetia, reached its border with the rest of Georgia, and were shelling areas across the border. Russian troops occupied several Georgian cities. Russian warships landed troops in Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia region and took up positions off Georgia’s Black Sea coast. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, serving as the president of the European Union (EU), was instrumental in getting Georgia and Russia to agree to a peace plan on August 15-16.
    [Show full text]
  • What Does Russia Think?
    WHAT DOES RUSSia THINK? Edited by Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over one hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets twice a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris and Sofia. In the future ECFR plans to open offices in Rome, Warsaw and Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgian Lessons Georgian Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests
    Georgian Lessons Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Janusz Bugajski E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Bugajski November 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-606-3 CSIS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066063zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies author Janusz Bugajski November 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Reform Failures and Putin's Future Challenges
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Havlik, Peter Research Report Russia's Reform Failures and Putin's Future Challenges Policy Notes and Reports, No. 20 Provided in Cooperation with: The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (wiiw) - Wiener Institut für Internationale Wirtschaftsvergleiche (wiiw) Suggested Citation: Havlik, Peter (2018) : Russia's Reform Failures and Putin's Future Challenges, Policy Notes and Reports, No. 20, The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (wiiw), Vienna This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/204263 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Scissors: Between Internal Weakness and External Dependence
    Ukraine's Scissors: between Internal Weakness and External Dependence James Sherr March 2006 Research Program Russia/NIS IFRI is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, IFRI is a state-approved organization. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. Research Programme Russia/NIS ©Ifri, 2006 – www.ifri.org Institut Français des Relations Internationales 27 rue de la Procession – 75740 Paris cedex 15 – France tél. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Russie.Nei.Visions “Russie.Nei.Visions” is an electronic collection dedicated to Russia and new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan). Written up in a brief format by key experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic and political issues as well as economic issues. This collection guarantees IFRI's quality standards (editing and anonymous peer-review). If you wish to be notified of upcoming publications, please send an e-mail to: [email protected] James Sherr is a Fellow of the Conflict Studies Research Centre, UK Defence Academy, and Lecturer in International Relations at Lincoln College, Oxford. He is a consultant for NATO and the EU on Ukraine and a former Specialist Advisor to the House of Commons Defence Committee. In Ukraine, where he has made almost 100 trips, he advises a number of official bodies and NGOs on Euro-Atlantic integration and security and defence reform.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: Transition to a Medvedev Presidency?
    Russia: Transition To A Medvedev Presidency? Dr Mark A Smith Conflict Studies Research Centre Uk Defence Academy 06/07 Ferbruary 2006 Key Points * Vladimir Putin dominates the Russian political system. His position is unassailable. * The system of “managed democracy” is becoming more authoritarian. * Putin is unlikely to be a third term president. He will probably step down in 2008. * The personnel reshuffle of November 2005 may mark the first moves in anointing a successor. The two new deputy prime ministers are both possible presidential contenders: Sergey Ivanov and Dmitry Medvedev. * Medvedev may now be first choice because of his background in Gazprom, as Russia’s importance as an energy supplier grows. Putin may well replace him as head of Gazprom. Gazprom is the key to controlling Russia. * An orange revolution is unlikely. The Putin leadership does not face the problems of the Kuchma leadership in Ukraine in 2004. The most likely opponent to the Kremlin in the 2008 election is former prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov. * The electorate is likely to opt for the Kremlin candidate. The Kremlin is unlikely to allow itself to be defeated under any circumstances. 1 Putin’s Domination of The Political System Vladimir Putin dominates the political system. His position is unassailable. The Duma and Federation Council are largely docile. He enjoys the support of a large and well- organised party, Yedinaya Rossiya (which has 307 out of 450 Duma seats), and the main opposition, the communist CPRF poses no real threat. Control over regional governors has been enhanced by the 2004 decision to end their elections, and instead have them appointed by the president (then to be confirmed by the regional legislature).
    [Show full text]
  • Annexation of Crimea – Seizure of Territories Without a Declaration of War
    Annexation of Crimea – seizure of territories without a declaration of war. Realities of the 21st century. BACHELOR THESIS Author: Rimma Levina LL. B 2017/2018-year student Student number B017079 SUPERVISOR: Marika Laizāne- Jurkāne Dr. sc. pol. DECLARATION OF HONOUR: I declare that this thesis is my own work, and that all references to, or quotations from, the work of others are fully and correctly cited. (Signed)………………….. RIGA, 2020 ABSTRACT The thesis focuses on the main international legal aspects of the annexation by one State, namely the Russian Federation, of a part of another sovereign State, Ukraine. The annexation of the Crimean Peninsula is the first forced border shift of a State in Europe. The invading State justifies these actions by referring to the ethnic and historical ties between Russia and Crimea, basing its aggression on the right of peoples to self-determination. The peaceful coexistence of States and various nationalities within the European Union, the United States, Asia and the Middle East is now under threat. This Bachelor thesis aims to study the issue of the forcible seizure of the Crimean Peninsula, the internal and external causes of this crisis, as well as possible measures to stabilize the situation and prevent such situations in the near future in the context of existing mechanisms of international law. The aim of this work is also to analyse the legal norms that legitimize the Crimean annexation by Russia, and international legal acts that confirm the fact that Russia violated most of the fundamental international documents. 2 SUMMARY The thesis analyses the internal reasons of Ukraine that led to the possibility of annexation of part of its sovereign territory by another State, as well as external reasons that contributed to the aggressor country to seize part of its independent territory.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing the Military Posture of Nato Forces with That of Russian
    COMPARING THE MILITARY POSTURE OF NATO FORCES WITH THAT OF RUSSIAN FORCES IN AND AROUND THE BALTIC REGION AUTHOR-PATRICK BURNS, USAF Disclaimer: "Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency." With the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania regained their independence for the first time since 1945. Less than 14 years later all three nations were formally admitted into the NATO alliance and the European Union in 2004. To Russia, the expansion of NATO and the EU to their western border is viewed as nothing less than a direct threat. Russia does not trust the West and holds nothing but contempt for the independence of the Baltic states. Over the past 12 years we have seen a resurgent Russia act out to prevent further Western expansion towards its borders when they invaded Georgia in 2008 and annexed Crimea and initiated a separatist conflict in eastern Ukraine in 2014. Moscow has shown it is prepared to use military force as an instrument of policy and the Baltic nations might be in their crosshairs next. Although there are many facets to the threat that Russia poses with information operations, cyber-attacks, and hybrid warfare, a traditional invasion is by far the worst-case scenario. The U.S. and NATO are not currently postured to defend the Baltics from a Russian invasion and responding to such risks escalating a regional conflict into a potential nuclear confrontation.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's 'New Warfare'
    MAY 2014 PUTIN’S “NEW WARFARE” By John R. Haines John Haines is a Senior Fellow and Trustee of FPRI, and Executive Director of FPRI’s Princeton Committee. He is also a private investor and entrepreneur. The author is responsible for the translation of Russian language source material and the transliteration of Russian text unless otherwise noted. The selection of lines from Thucydides’ “The Civil War at Corcyra” and their literary translation is also the author’s own. “War proves a rough master. Words change their ordinary meaning. Reckless audacity becomes courage; prudent hesitation, cowardice. Frantic violence becomes bravery. The advocate of extreme measures is always trustworthy; his opponent, a man to be suspected. Promises of reconciliation hold only so long as no other weapon is at hand. Meanwhile, moderate citizens perish between the two sides, either for not joining in the quarrel or from malice.” “Revolution runs its course from city to city, and the places which it arrived at last, from having heard what had been done before, carried to a still greater excess the atrocity of their reprisals.” from Thucydides, “The Civil War at Corcyra,” III:10. The real end of the history of the 20th century, argues Vladimir Pastukhov, was marked by Russia’s annexation of Crimea c.2014. As the new century dawns, Russia and the West are “at war with each other,” a condition each “all but openly declares.”1 Compared to this self-assessment, Ukraine’s lot is less auspicious. Its misfortune, Pastukhov writes, was to be born in the wrong place at the wrong time.
    [Show full text]