Archaeology and the Evidence for the Prehistoric Development of Eskimo Culture: an Assessment

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Archaeology and the Evidence for the Prehistoric Development of Eskimo Culture: an Assessment ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE EVIDENCE FOR THE PREHISTORIC DEVELOPMENT OF ESKIMO CULTURE: AN ASSESSMENT DOUGLAS D. ANDERSON ABSTRACT Differing views of scholars concerning given and the interrelations of various Eskimo origins and the prehistoric develop­develop- arctic traditions discussed. Population ment of Eskimo culture are presented,presented~ and an and linguistic interpretations are dif­dif- attempt is made to assess the degree to which ferentiated from technological ones and the artifactural evidence fits each parti-parti­ indications given as to what kind of in­in- cular view. With this <::tim,aim, an outline of ferences justly can be drawn from the the archaeological complexes in question is evidence we have. INTRODUCTION interpreting the entire span of arctic pre­pre- history. Still others content themselves to The prehistoricprehi~toric developmentnevelopmen~ o~of EskimoE~kimo cul­cul- mR.kemake only r-u1culturalturR.1 interpretations of arti­arti- ture has been a subject of continuing interest factualf actual materials, thereby precluding the for years. Each decade of archaeological ex­ex- opportunity of saying anything definitive cavation has brought to light new discoveries, about the origins of a population or a and our understanding of local sequences language from archaeological data except throughout the Arctic is steadily growing. We under some isolated.isolated, rigorously defined con­con- are at the point where we no longer need to ditions thR.tthat occur very rarely. One who rely on linking archaeological assemblages or accepts the premise that artifact styles-­styles - artifact styles through time and space by the regardless of antiquity--areantiquity - are markers of once common appeal to "cultural survivals" linguistically and racially identifiable or correspondences in widely separated areas, populations will make different conclusions and instead can now usually find contempo­contempo- from one who rejects such a premise. raneous counterparts in neighboring archaeo­archaeo- In the following outline of the current logical sequences. Despite these advances, thinking on the prehistoric development of disagreement continues on even the most basic Eskimo culture, I present views of scholars outline ufof Eskimo cultural development. Much representing several types of theoretical of this disagreement, I believe, is a result stances. I shall attempt to assess the degree of the investigators'investigators1 different theoretical to which the artifactual evidence fits each viewpoints which temper the kinds of analyses particular view (i.e., the particular they attempt andand. the conclusions they pro­pro- metaphormetaphor), ) , e.g., population movement,movement , pound. It sccmsseems to me that most of the con­con- linguistic spread, diffusion of ideas, that flicting views, where theyLhey are basedbaseu on the archaeologist has chosen as a means of detailed data, cannot be disproved by those presenting his data. who accept the premises on which they were founded; rather, they can only be countered by those who accept another set of premises. THETEE SEQUENCES For example, in reviewing the writings by arctic archaeologists of the last two decades, Summarized below and in Fig. 1 is a brief I find that several influential scholars feel outline of the archaeological complexes in comfortable in utilizing archaeological data question. Fig. 1 itself is a distillation of to make conclusions about racial (population) the vA.riousvarious interpretive sr-hemesschemes as presented history; others see no apparent logical in­in- by those archaeologists who have been most consistencies in utilizing present day active in the region, and includes my own linguistic distinctions as a framework furfor interpretation of the archaeological Arctic Anthropology XVI-XVI-1, 1, 1979 16 Anderson: Prehistoric E'skimoEskimo Culture 17 ... ~ 1000 .1-.-.. -.,-1T!u . .. ~ ..... ., ,.. t':"~_'~'~'~r,nhk ~i"" I1rnlr"'~~~~'!l''J.nUI.!!''~/77/Tj~ ~ ISO!) '" •••• .::' ---- Iplllt.Jtl; [/:0 lutna • vo 0 ...... I--r-l ./' /h)ed --..--.... "'\' <f.// . ,'-. t .t' Norton '000 ·····f /// ~~ .t7;~ ~ "'!,. ~ 0(/7C/,~~~ ~it:f . i~"':Z,/ v':;'(,' ~(. {t.: t.:.;. 1 ?~ V~ -j/ V /// ~~. y.:~ '.", ......, ... ~I"..t.'!" ••... 'y"~"b,c:d !' ~ ] t. Aldp" .. I h.d•• 60,. 7000 ",00_ -n..n;1I1 <000. Fig. 1. Chronological Chart for the Western American Arctic (Based on Radiocarbon Dated Sequences) . 18 Arctic Anthropology XVI-1 relationships in northwestern Alaska. Cook Inlet, and several (termed "periods") The most recent of the archaeological tra­tra- along Brooks River and Naknek River drainagcsdrainages dition::;;ditions has been termedl..ermed theLhe NorthernNor·l.henl MaritimeMarltllll€ on the northern side of theLhe Alaska Peninsula tradition (Collins 1964:91),1961+:9l) , characterized (Dumond 1911a).1971a). The earliest tradition to be primarily by culturescultures1 1 adapted to arctic sea discussed below, dated about 9000 to 10,000 mammal hunting in open water and, where years ago, is the American Paleo-Arctic,Paleo-Arctic , practicable, from fixed ice or an ice edge. originally defined from complexes in north-north­ Spanning the last two millennia, it contains western Alaska (Anderson 1910a1970a and b), but the archaeological complexes known as Okvlk,Okvik, now reported in several olherother regions of Old Bering Sea, Punuk, Birnirk, and ~hule,Thule, all Alaska (Dumond, Henn and ::ltuckenrathStuckenrath 1915).1975 )• of which exhibit rather clear relationships to each other. The next earlier tradition is the Arctic Small Tool tradition, defined by ESKIMOS AND THE NOKl'HERNNORTHERN Irving (1957, 1962) on the basis of his and MARITIME TRADITION Gldelings'Giddings1 collections of the Denbigh Flint complex in Alaska (Giddings 1949,19^9, 1967) and 'l'heThe distribution ot·of Eskimo language and contemporaneous complexes of Independence I culture from Greenland to ChukotkaChukot ka and from (Knuth 1954,195^, 1967) and Pre-Dorset (Taylor Labrador to the Pacific coast of Alaska 1962, 1968) in the eastern North American Peninsula and adjacent areas during the Arctic. Strictly spcaking,speaking, it is comprised of historic era has been characterized as re­re- only these three com1Jlexescomplexes (including Sarqaq, markably coincident: "No other·other primitive the Greenland variant orof Pre-Dorset), dating people anywhere in the world occupy so wide between about 4000UOOOand 3000 B.P. ± 200 years a territory and at the same time exhibit (Irving 1968).1968).' However, I favor the inclusion such remarkable uniformity of language, in the west~est of such complexes as Choris culture, and physical type" (Collins 1954:195^: (Giddings 1957), Norton (Giddings 1964)196U) and 12). Although few archaeologists seriously IpiutakIplutak (Larsen and Rainey 1940)19^-8) and treat question the "Eskimoness" of thelhe people each as a phase within the tradition. ::lomeSome responsible for the Northern Maritime tradi­tradi- archaeologists do not regard one or all three tion, particularly since the hypothesis re­re- as Arctic Small Tool tradition, and Dumond ceives substantial support from physical (Dumond, Henn and Stuckenrath, n.d.)n.d. ) views anthropology, there are enough exceptions in Norton as a separate tradition, derived from the historic period to make the link of the ArclicArctic Small Tool tradition. For eastern Eskimo race, language and culture of dubious Arctic North America 1I prefer to include all utility as a guiding principle for inter­inter- of the pre-Thule complexes--Independencecomplexes - Independence II, preting Arctic archaeology. For example, and Dorset as well as Independence I, Pre­Pre- where Eskimo and non-Eskimo (Indian) speakers Dorset, and Sarqaq--inSarqaq - in the Arctic Small Tool live along different parts of the same river tradition, based on the continuity of arti­arti- system there are commonly settlements in factual styles or types in successive complexes which a particular group is ethnically and in the same general region. Other archaeolo­archaeolo- linguistically one but materially the other gists, including some of those most active in (Townsend 1970). In other areas, even where the east consider the Arctic Small Tool there are more clear cut geographical boun-boun­ tradition to hebe distinct from Pre-Dorset and daries between ethnic groups, Eskimo material "anyany of the Dorset asscmblages,assemblages, a distinction culture is found as an important ingredient based on their assessment of the dirrer·encesdifferences of the material culture of non-Eskimo groups, in artifact complexes and styles (McGhee and vice versa (Morlan 1973, Clark 1974,197*1, 1976). Giddings 1952). These exceptions, of which Archaeological traditions in the southern there are many more, ought to Sf'rvf'serve as a part of AlaskaAla~ka (southwestern Alaska, the warning to any archaeologist who feels no Alaska Peninsula, and the AleutianAlcutian Islands) constraints about phrasing his archaeological include, first, the Aleut tradition, mostmosl findings in terms of such epiphenomena as thoroughly documented through the work of language change or populationpopUlation (racial) move­move- W. s.S. Laughlin (e.g., 1966).I966). Other early ment--especiallyment - especially when he is considering the traditions include Ocean Bay (Clark 1976) and archaeology of difff'rentdifferent ecological zones Kachemak (de Laguna 1934;193^; Clark 1971:26) on and of great time depths. Without physiologi­physiologi- the Pacific coast of the Alaska PeninGulaPeninsula and cal and ethnographic information
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