Michael Feige. Settling in the Hearts: Jewish in the Occupied Territories. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2009. 328 S. $54.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8143-2750-0.

Motti Inbari. Jewish Fundamentalism and the : Who Will Build the ?. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009. 211 S. $24.95, paper, ISBN 978-1-4384-2624-2.

Nurit Stadler. Fundamentalism: Piety, Gender, and Resistance in the Ultra- Orthodox World. New York: New York University Press, 2009. 196 S. $39.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8147-4049-1.

Reviewed by Peter Lintl

Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (October, 2009)

This year as many as three monographs on gious . Finally Nurit Stadler, in “Yeshiva “Jewish fundamentalism” have been published, Fundamentalism,” concentrates on shifts of piety yet all three of them focus on diferent move‐ within the ultraorthodox world. ments. Whereas Michael Feige, in “Settling in the Compared to the numerous studies already Hearts,” deals with the religious Zionist settle‐ published on the subject, Michael Feige’s book ment movement, Motti Inbari, in “Jewish Funda‐ “Settling in the Hearts” difers in methodology as mentalism and the Temple Mount,” focuses on well content. Almost all of the previous works groups that are located on the periphery of reli‐ H-Net Reviews dealt either with the political-religious agenda of connection to the land and the attempts and the settlers, the impact on Israeli and Palestinian methods of proving their authenticity (chapter 4), societies and/or the ramifcations for the Peace the role of the Palestinians (chapter 5), and the in‐ Process. Feige however chooses to answer the fuence of the Intifadas not only on their daily life, question: “how does a radical fundamentalist but also on the whole construction of reality movement go about settling in the hearts of peo‐ (chapter 6). ple?” (Feige, p. 4) Among many good chapters, the second might In order to answer this question Feige’s re‐ be in respect to the leading question the book’s search does not focus on the history or politics of most outstanding one. It shows most clearly the the movement as others did before, but – and this diferences of legitimation between secular and is in wide part a new approach to research on the religious Zionists and their concept of time and subject – he concentrates on anthropological con‐ history. While both use the bible as a point of ref‐ cepts of the settlers’ lifeworld, such as time, space erence, the secular Zionists exploit it to prove and memory, semiotics and semantics, or the per‐ their historical right of return, whereas religious ception of themselves vis-à-vis others. In doing so, Zionists refer to the ahistorical connection of Jews he always contrasts the settler’s view to the logic to the land promised to them by God. This is em‐ of the non-settler Israeli society and thereby phatically articulated, when Feige quotes Gush comes back to his actual task of analyzing to what Emunim founding member Hanan Porat: "The extent the settlers succeed in incorporating their historical reason, in its literal sense, is not rele‐ narrative into the wider Israeli narrative. vant. If two millennia ago there were Jews here – As an anthropologist Feige research was con‐ does that give us any rights? Will the Vikings ducted via several years of participant observa‐ come and demand rights to Scandinavia or Eng‐ tion, a method which he applied also for previous land? […] The uniqueness of the Jewish people is works on the same subject. Therefore it is not sur‐ that their connection to the land is metahistorical. prising that he is a former student of Gideon They create history and are not just derived from Aran, who applied this method also in his ground‐ it.” (Feige, p. 44) breaking study on . In what can be seen as the second part of the The book can be divided in three parts. The book (Chapters 7 through 9) Feige switches from frst part connects the central question of the describing the inner logic of the religious settlers’ book with the general logic and lifeworld of the world view to a portrayal of three settlements: religious settlers. Here Feige explains how the set‐ , Gush Etzion and . In line with the ar‐ tlers construct their reality, how they interpret gument of the book, Feige chose these settlements and apply Jewish religious tradition to the world because each one of them takes a diferent stand around them, how they react to developments in trying to incorporate into the public’s narrative: their environment and to what extent their narra‐ Hebron calls upon Jewish and history, tive is compatible with the Israeli narrative be‐ Gush Etzion appeals to the Zionist pre-state ideals, yond the green line. and Ofra pledges to the Israeli society that there are ‚reasonable‘ and normal religious settlements In order to give the reader an idea of the set‐ – not fundamentally distinct from communities tlers’ everyday life, Feige explains its signifcant within the green line. features. He explains their concept of time, space and history (chapter 2), their self perception of The third part of the book (chapters 10-12) living in settlements, as well as the outreach of looks at very diferent developments, all of them the image of a settlement (chapter 3), the settlers’ with a certain potential to distress the settlers’

2 H-Net Reviews cause. Chapter 10 deals with the ramifcations of It is a pity that Feige draws no connection at the evacuation of Sinai for the settler’s relation‐ all between diferent attitudes characterized in ship with society, which is in their view a kind of the book and the political diferences within the an original sin of the state. Chapter 11 deals with religious settler community, as they erupt pretty the challenges of feminism for a fundamentalist much along the debate, if ‚settling the hearts‘ or movement, and chapter 12 focuses on the frst ‚settling the land‘ is of higher importance. But be‐ born generation, which displays com‐ sides these minor points of critique Feige’s book is pared to their parents a very diferent, dismissive defnitely a very valuable and knowledgeable attitude towards Israeli society. This chapter is es‐ contribution to the study of the religious settlers pecially interesting, as it is (to the best of my in particular and to the understanding of reli‐ knowledge) the frst scholarly, non-Hebrew publi‐ gious movements in today’s world more generally. cation to deal with the so called “Hilltop Youth”. One consequence of the settlers’ failed at‐ In the concluding chapter 13 Feige answers tempt to establish their narrative as part of the the question if the settlers have ‚settled in the mainstream is a fragmentation and radicalisation hearts‘ negatively and he explains why. On the of ’s orthodoxy. That is exactly the topic Mot‐ one hand the settlers did succeed establishing a ti Inbari’s work “Jewish Fundamentalism and the settlement complex in the , Temple Mount” devotes its attention to. His book which has assumed such vast proportions that it deals with the radical fringes of the Jewish reli‐ is probably the single-most important obstacle to gious scene – Inbari relates to them as “small, ex‐ the peace process. On the other hand Feige can tremist and semi-clandestine groups.” (Inbari, p. demonstrate that the settlers failed to incorporate 15) In doing so, he provides the reader with an in‐ their view into the general Israeli narrative, by sight to a topic, which was by and large neglected pointing out to diferent events. The most obvious by scholarship so far. display of failure was visible throughout the Correlating to the fact that the book touches protests against the disengagement in Gaza. While in wide parts on new aspects, Inbari’s research the mobilization of the religious Zionist camp was has been conducted mainly with primary sources, close to total, almost no one else joined in. being written materials by the various groups, in‐ Feige’s insight that the settlers did not man‐ terviews as well as participant observations in age to ingrain their essentialist account of the their gatherings and ceremonies. West Bank into the Israeli narrative might be sur‐ Common to all of them is an experience of prising to some, but it is nevertheless correct. disappointed messianic expectations, which led Polls have indicated for a long time that for the them to take a more activist stance towards the majority of Israelis, the reason for remaining in fulfllment of redemption. This activism focuses in the West Bank are more related to economics and one way or another around the rebuilding of the security (however justifed that may be), but hard‐ Third Temple, and is normally accompanied by a ly to a spiritual connection to the land in the set‐ political doctrine to erect a state. Both are tlers’ sense. essential features of the Jewish belief of redemp‐ But the greatest merits of the book lie else‐ tion. where, namely in delivering an anthropological Two of the book’s chapters deal explicitly study of the lifeworld of the religious settlers, with post-Zionist or anti-Zionist and anti-statist which permits the reader both, a very broad but movements, openly supportive of the use of vio‐ also in depth understanding of the logic of this lence, and for whom the establishment of the movement. Third Temple is just a feature (albeit an impor‐

3 H-Net Reviews tant) in the course of the founding of a theocratic ing people. As Inbari explains, praying at the Tem‐ kingdom. ple Mount and the eventual erecting of the Third One of them is Yehuda Etzion (chapter 3) and Temple appear as trigger facts in Elboim’s his Movement for Redemption. Etzion is most fa‐ thoughts for a return of the Jewish People to God mous (or better infamous) for his participation in – which is one of the key elements of the redemp‐ the Jewish Underground, who planned to blow up tion. This is remarkable for an ultraorthodox the Temple Mount. Inbari depicts his theology, point of view, as it is in several ways contrary to resting massively on the former Lechi veteran the common habits of the Haredim: Elboim takes Shabbatai Ben Dov, as a plan to transform Israel an activist messianic stance, which is seen as into a theocracy. Etzion follows Ben Dov in his at‐ strictly forbidden, he enters the Temple Mount, titude towards democracy, being acceptable “only which is seen as strictly forbidden and he issues as a potential factor to be exploited.” (Inbari, p. new halachic rulings, a matter restricted to the so- 64) called poskim, a handful of senior rabbis. There‐ fore it is not surprising that the movement sufers The other person who is very anti-democratic under reprisals in the stern Haredi community. and anti-statist is Yitzhak Ginzburg, who is de‐ Especially Elboim himself is targeted. So was he scribed in chapter 6. Ginzburg, best known for his banned from the bus line taking him to work, he apologetic writings of the mass murderer Baruch was forbidden to enter the minyan (Jewish prayer Goldstein, is particularly interesting for a political quorum), and posters denouncing him have been scientist, as he gets as close to the idea of religious placarded on Mea Shearim’s walls. totalitarian state as one can get it in today’s Ju‐ daism. A sketch of his political ideas might be tak‐ Reading “Jewish Fundamentalism and the en from a theory of religious totalitarianism: (1) a Temple Mount” a few points can be criticized. state exclusively according to the laws of the First, an elaboration on the actual potential of Torah, in which the individual will has to be sup‐ some of the groups (especially Etzion’s and pressed until everyone realizes that his will and Ginzburg’s) to conduct violent actions in order to the teachings of the Torah are one; (2) thus the re‐ fulfl their theocratic vision would have been in‐ turn of everyone to the active faith in God (~par‐ teresting. In that course one also wonders where ticipation); (3) eventually the use of “holy terror”; the remnants of /Kahane (“a fst in the face of and (4) a racist doctrine, which states that Jews a Gentile is Kiddush HaShem”) are to be located, are a fundamentally diferent species than other as they are in the book only connected to the as humans and therefore two diferent laws are re‐ peacefully depicted group of Elboim. Secondly, a quired. few more words could have been lost on the legal status of the Temple Mount, e.g. who is currently Other groups, like Israel Ariel’s Temple Mount allowed to pray, how access is managed and so on. Institute (chapter 2) or Gershon Salomon’s Temple Mount Faithul (chapter 4), focus more on the re‐ But otherwise the book is well done. First it building of the Temple itself. Yet, the most inter‐ sheds light on movements hardly discussed be‐ esting chapter of the book is on Yosef Elboim and fore. Second it sets these movements in connec‐ the Movement for Establishment of the Temple tion to each other and brings therefore some or‐ (chapter 5). This movement is neither pro-vio‐ der in the ever more fragmented Jewish religious lence nor anti-statist and even more remarkable, scene. Third, locating them at the (right-wing) pe‐ it is an ultraorthodox movement. Its founder riphery of enables Inbari to Yosef Elboim does still believe in a state according show that these movements are in contact with to the Torah, but he puts his emphasis on convinc‐

4 H-Net Reviews some major fgures of the Israeli religious move‐ First of all the fnancial situation of most Haredim ments. is worsening and poverty is an essential threat. Turning to Nurit Stadler’s “Yeshiva Funda‐ Second the guiding ideal of this milieu, to become mentalism” also means shifting to another sort of an outstanding Torah scholar, seems to become “Jewish Fundamentalism,” namely to ultra ortho‐ more and more unrealistic for most of the stu‐ doxy. The aim of the book is to demonstrate a shift dents, as the total number of students virtually ex‐ within the Haredi ideal of piety from an other- ploded due to an average birth rate of approxi‐ worldly to a this-worldly belief. In concrete terms mately eight children per family. she tries to show that the hitherto ideal life, in Thus the students criticize the authorities for which Torah studies alone were regarded as cru‐ not opening up new possibilities and allowing cial, has shown cracks and new ideals derived new ways to go, what is very graphically illustrat‐ from the secular Israeli society have poured in. ed by Stadler. She quotes her interviewees por‐ This assumption is the product of quite an im‐ traying the rabbinical authorities of being afraid pressive research. Stadler states that she conduct‐ of the outside world and changes in general. ed more than 60 in-depth interviews with young Therefore it is not surprising that the young yeshiva boys (aged 18-28) and read hundreds of students look for new ideals of piety and mas‐ guides and manuals concerning the correct code culinity, and where else should they derive it of behaviour within the ultraorthodox world. from, if not Israeli society. Stadler highlights two The most important part of the book might be developments: The idealization of the soldier the one, in which Stadler elaborates on the (chapter 5) and the forming of an ultraorthodox change taking place regarding the approach to emergency response team, ZAKA (chapter 7). Torah studies, which has been so far the very The army is traditionally depicted by the rab‐ defning criterion of this milieu (chapter 3). The binical authorities as realm of sin, with the capac‐ ideal of Torah as vocation (tora omnuto) forms the ity of leading the young Haredim, who are ex‐ basis for what has been termed the ‚society of empted from military service, astray. But in spite scholars;‘ a society in which every male is meant of the warnings of the rabbinic authorities, mili‐ to study Torah most of his life. Consequently most tary fantasies have poured into visions of the of Haredi men do not work to earn their liveli‐ Haredim, as Stadler demonstrates. She does not hood and hence they are, in spite of enormous only describe how military jargon has been in‐ state funding, the poorest segment in Israeli soci‐ cluded into the regular yeshiva life (the scholar is ety. a soldier in a war between good and evil), but also Nevertheless, the ofcial teaching of the rab‐ the yearning not only for spiritual, but physical binical establishment denounces work as a dis‐ excellence. Thus the image of the God fearing, ul‐ tracting activity that endangers the scholar of sin‐ traorthodox IDF soldier has become wide spread. ning. Furthermore they call upon the young schol‐ This becomes especially evident on Purim – a reli‐ ars to have faith in God supplying them with ev‐ gious feast, on which kids dress up – when the erything. As Stadler puts it: “As it was of old, so favourite costume is the IDF soldier. shall it now be: each Torah scholar will be the Another manifestation of the searching for worthy recipient of the miraculous if he dedicates new ideals is ZAKA, an ultraorthodox organiza‐ his life strictly to Torah related activities.” tion which collects body parts after terror attacks (Stadler, p. 81) or accidents. Through this organisation some But this world view is harshly criticized by young Haredim do actually manage to incorpo‐ Stadler’s interviewees, especially for two reasons. rate both, religious (as the body has to be com‐

5 H-Net Reviews plete for burial) and physical ideals. Furthermore traorthodoxy and because of the rising impor‐ it is source of pride for the participating Haredim, tance of the Haredim, of Israel in general. as it enables them to contribute to Israeli society As concluding remarks some words should and thus refutes to some extent the predominant said about the notion of “Fundamentalism”, picture of being parasitic. which is the common topic of all three books. Summa summarum, Stadler provides the Even though above mentioned authors refer to reader with an excellent account of the changes the crucial studies in fundamentalist theories (Al‐ within the Haredi youth. Some of these changes mond et al., Eisenstadt, Riesebrodt, and so forth) have been topics of recent essays by herself and the term fundamentalism is at times used as a self others (like Jacob Lupu or Eyal Ben Ari), but the enforcing attribute, whose explanatory function is book allows the reader to get an overview to the at least unclear. But that is more of a general current situation. Furthermore the topic becomes problem of fundamentalist theories than really not only for the scholar of religion, but also for restricted to these books. the scholars of Israel and the Middle East in gen‐ Two problems stand out in this respect. First, eral interesting, as latest data has shown that ca. it is not clear if fundamentalism denotes necessar‐ 25% of Israel’s frst graders are enrolled in ultra‐ ily political activism or not. Thus, when Inbari de‐ orthodox schools. The future course of the Haredi fnes fundamentalism as “religious movements community will very likely play a major role in Is‐ that […] seek to manifest their religious faith in raeli politics. the political arena,” (Inbari, p. 11) one fnds a de‐ Yet her major assumption, the shift from oth‐ scription ftting the groups in his book. On the er worldly piety to this worldly piety, has to be other hand, in Stadler’s view, the four prevalent seen critically in one, but important respect. She features of fundamentalism are antimodernism, writes, that “Yeshiva students, the core of Haredi scripturalism, massive institution building and fundamentalism, are acting as the agents of refor‐ separatism. (Stadler, pp. 6-10) Thus there is no no‐ mation.” (Stadler, p. 160) The problem is (which tion of a compulsory political activity, as the she admits) that this change has hardly material‐ Haredim do not view politics as religious means. ized (with exceptions like ZAKA) and certainly not But this is just a problem on the surface. The been institutionalized. The socio-moral grip of the other problem is more basic. The common fea‐ leadership is still strong enough to detain the ture, in which all theories of fundamentalism overwhelming majority to look for jobs outside agree, is its hostility towards elements of moder‐ their milieu or enlist in the army. Thus one has to nity, such as enlightenment and secularization. wait how the opinions of the youth will translate, Yet one still might ask, if the “Formations of the once they gain leadership positions. Secular” (to use Talal Asad’s phrase) are not a con‐ Also her critique on previous works (especial‐ stituting fact of modernity itself. To answer the ly on Friedman) appears at times a bit harsh, all question which elements of modernity fundamen‐ the more as Friedman himself has pointed out talists are coming out against, and which they in‐ that patterns within the ultraorthodox communi‐ corporate by just engaging with the outside world, ty are very likely to be changing, considering their we still need to integrate the ongoing debate of enormous growth and economical dependency on the last two decades about the role of “the secular the state (cf. e.g. Friedman’s essay “The Family- in the modern” into the wider frame of funda‐ Community Model in Haredi Society”). mentalist theories. But despite these minor critiques, this book is a must read for the scholar interested in Israeli ul‐

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If there is additional discussion of this review, you may access it through the network, at http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/

Citation: Peter Lintl. Review of Feige, Michael. Settling in the Hearts: Jewish Fundamentalism in the Occupied Territories. ; Inbari, Motti. Jewish Fundamentalism and the Temple Mount: Who Will Build the Third Temple?. ; Stadler, Nurit. Yeshiva Fundamentalism: Piety, Gender, and Resistance in the Ultra- Orthodox World. H-Soz-u-Kult, H-Net Reviews. October, 2009.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=26055

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

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