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©2015 Assaf Harel ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ©2015 Assaf Harel ALL RIGHTS RESERVED “THE ETERNAL NATION DOES NOT FEAR A LONG ROAD”: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF JEWISH SETTLERS IN ISRAEL/PALESTINE By ASSAF HAREL A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Anthropology Written under the direction of Daniel M. Goldstein And approved by ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October 2015 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “The Eternal Nation Does Not Fear A Long Road”: An Ethnography Of Jewish Settlers In Israel/Palestine By ASSAF HAREL Dissertation Director: Daniel M. Goldstein This is an ethnography of Jewish settlers in Israel/Palestine. Studies of religiously motivated settlers in the occupied territories indicate the intricate ties between settlement practices and a Jewish theology about the advent of redemption. This messianic theology binds future redemption with the maintenance of a physical union between Jews and the “Land of Israel.” However, among settlers themselves, the dominance of this messianic theology has been undermined by postmodernity and most notably by a series of Israeli territorial withdrawals that have contradicted the promise of redemption. These days, the religiously motivated settler population is divided among theological and ideological lines that pertain, among others issues, to the meaning of redemption and its relation to the state of Israel. ii This dissertation begins with an investigation of the impact of the 2005 Israeli unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip upon settlers and proceeds to compare three groups of religiously motivated settlers in the West Bank: an elite Religious Zionist settlement, settlers who engage in peacemaking activities with Palestinians, and settlers who act violently against Palestinians. Through a comparison of these different groups, this dissertation demonstrates that while messianism remains a central force in the realities of Jewish settlements and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it exists these days in more diversified forms than before. In addition, this ethnography illustrates how religion both underlies and undermines differences between Israelis and Palestinians and argues that local communities and religious leaders should be included in peace processes. Finally, by examining how messianic conceptions of time among different groups of Jewish settlers connect to their settlement practices, this study reveals the Israeli- Palestinian conflict to be as much about time as it is about space. Accordingly, this dissertation has broader implications for understanding the contemporary role of religion and time within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the political struggles of the Middle East. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of this dissertation was made possible by the generous support of the Mellon/ACLS Dissertation Completion Fellowship from the American Council of Learned Societies, 2014 – 2015. The material contained herein is based on work supported by the National Science Foundation Dissertation Development Improvement Grant, under award No. 1061319, as well as by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program. Any findings, opinions, conclusions and recommendations expressed in this dissertation are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Council of Learned Societies or the National Science Foundation. This research was also supported by the Bigel Endowment Award for Graduate Research in Anthropology and the Pre-Dissertation Special Study (“Waterman”) Award at Rutgers University. The data contained in chapter 1 is based on fieldwork that I carried out as an anthropology undergraduate in 2005 with the support of UC Berkeley’s Summer Undergraduate Research Fellowship. Some of the findings of chapter 1 appear in my Anthropology Senior Honor Thesis, entitled “When a Jew Expels a Jew: An Israeli Exception to the Rule” (Harel 2006), supervised by Prof. Lawrence Cohen and Prof. Charles Hirschkind. In addition, parts of chapter 6 have appeared before in Anthropology Now Website (Harel 2011), Journal of Contemporary Anthropology (Harel 2012), and Footnote, Research Driven Insights into Israel/Palestine (Harel 2013). Likewise, a small section of the conclusion appeared before in the Journal of Contemporary Anthropology (Harel 2012). iv I am deeply grateful for the support of my committee members: my advisor, Daniel Goldstein, who, with patience, dedication, and sharp critiques, guided me from the early stages of my research until its conclusion; Fran Mascia-Lees, a teacher who understood my intellectual intentions, dilemmas and anxieties even when these were not clear to me; David Hughes, for his inspiring creativity and insights, which encouraged me to expand the frontiers of my investigation; Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi, whose ethnographic genius and anthropological passion enriched and motivated my own work; and, Hillel Cohen, a latecomer to my committee, who in addition to kindly offering invaluable help in a time of great intellectual need, serves as a model of an engaged public intellectual. My heartfelt thanks go to my close friends and peers who assisted my development as a scholar and cared for me throughout the years: Inga Veksler, Kartikeya Saboo, Meghana Joshi, Leena Woodhouse, Siad Dawish and Dillon Mahoney. I am also indebted to Meira Weiss, my dear mentor and friend; Carmel Schrire, for affection, encouragement and advice; Laura Ahearn, Rick Black and Mellie, for making me feel at home away from home; Yael Even Or, for helping me “jump start” the writing process; and, especially, to Tamar Latzman, who was there to accompany and support me during some of the most challenging moments. Special thanks go to David Landes for care and guidance; Yitz Landes for friendship and teachings; Noah Feldman for generosity and kindness; and, Jonathan Boyarin, Joyce Dalsheim and Lawrence Cohen, for teaching me anthropology and more. Importantly, my deep gratitude goes to all of the people I met during fieldwork, who opened their hearts and homes to me. I hope this work portrays them in honest and respectful ways, even when it is done in a critical manner. v Finally, I wish to extend my love and gratitude to my dear friends back home — Alon Idan, Asaf Waserman, Or Gabay, Sharon Salman and Tami Weiss — and to my family, Moshe, Ruty, Noga and Michal, who accompanied and supported me throughout this long journey. For their unconditional love, I am forever grateful. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract . Page ii Acknowledgments . Page iv List of illustrations . Page viii Introduction . Page 1 Chapter One: THE DISENGAGEMENT PLAN: ON STATES OF EXCEPTION, SACRED VIOLENCE AND MIRACLES IN THE GAZA STRIP . Page 67 Chapter Two: “UTOPIA! FORGET ABOUT IT”: ON GUSH ETZION AND THE RISE OF AN ELITE RELIGIOUS ZIONIST SETTLEMENT . Page 121 Chapter Three: “A BLESSED DEVIATION”: REDEMPTION AND THE ISRAELI STATE . Page 164 Chapter Four: “INVISIBLE ARABS”: SEEING PALESTINIANS WITHOUT SEEING THEM . Page 198 Chapter Five: “GO TO PHARAOH”: ON RABBI FROMAN, ERETZ SHALOM AND THE ROLE OF JEWISH MYSTICISM IN RELIGIOUS PEACEMAKING ATTEMPTS BETWEEN SETTLERS AND PALESTINIANS . Page 247 Chapter Six: “BREAKING THE SHELL”: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE AND ANTI-STATIST POSITIONS AMONG SETTLERS . Page 300 Conclusion . Page 354 Works Cited . Page 380 vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Figure 1: Map of Israeli Settlements in the Gaza Strip . Page 68 1. Figure 2: "Human-Chain" . Page 82 1. Figure 3: Morning at the Camp Site outside Kfar Maimon. Page 85 1. Figure 4: The March to Kfar Maimon, a “Human Shield" of Soldiers . Page 88 1. Figure 5: Kfar Maimon . Page 91 1. Figure 6: Showing ID to Soldiers at One of the Newly Constructed Checkpoints Page . Page 94 1. Figure 7: Anti-Disengagement Rally Page . Page 103 1. Figure 8: "I am an American in Distress". Page 104 1. Figure 9: The Israeli Destruction of the Settlements . Page 115 2. Figure 10: Alon Shvut, View from the South . Page 122 2. Figure 11: My Bedroom Page . Page 126 2. Figure 12: Map of Alon Shvut and its Immediate Vicinities . Page 135 2. Figure 13: The Old Synagogue Page . Page 154 2. Figure 14: Lost and Found. The Old Synagogue Page . Page 155 2. Figure 15: Yeshivat Har Etzion Page . Page 159 3. Figure 16: Celebrating Independence Day 2011 . Page 186 4. Figure 17: The Old Fence and the Hole . Page 198 5. Figure 18: Kabbalah Lesson with Rabbi Froman Page . Page 270 5. Figure 19: The Football Game Page . Page 294 6. Figure 20: Price Tag, Halhul . Page 304 6. Figure 21: Support Rally, Migron . Page 329 viii 6. Figure 22: Rabbi Froman In Qusra. Page 337 6. Figure 23: Rabbi Ginsburgh, Od Yosef Chai Yeshiva, Yitzhar . Page 343 7. Figure 24: The Last Night of Rabbi Froman . Page 377 ix 1 Introduction This is an ethnographic account of Jewish settlers in the Occupied Territories of Israel/Palestine, a population whose major force expands beyond the political boundaries of the region, yet one that remains little understood outside of its own communities. My research with religiously motivated settlers therefore addresses three interconnected questions: Who are the settlers? What motivates them? And how do they make sense of life in the midst of a violent conflict? In exploring these questions, this dissertation opens up an ethnographic window onto settlers and, in doing so, tells a wider anthropological tale about being Israeli and Jewish in the Holy Land during the 21st century. Amid a never-ending chain of global events, one small place continuously attracts disproportionate attention: the Biblical Holy Land, known today as Israel and Palestine. The land hosts 13 million souls in less than 11,000 square miles, an area not much larger than the state of New Jersey. The size of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the main territories under dispute, is about 2,200 square miles. Fewer than 3 million people live there: 2.5 million Palestinians and about 500,000 Israelis, including close to 200,000 in East Jerusalem (CIA 2014a).
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