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The Humanities: What Now? What Next? David Laurence This Working

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The Humanities: What Now? What Next? David Laurence This Working The Humanities: What Now? What Next? David Laurence For Doug Steward (1970-2020) This working paper is intended to serve as background for our 11 February event. By making the paper available in advance, I hope we can give the bulk of our time to questions, conversation, and discussion. The paper is meant to browse around in rather than to be read in detail. (I would of course be pleased should anyone find the paper of sufficient interest to read it through from start to finish.) The paper explores three much-discussed problems: (1) the problem of adjunct labor and PhD employment; (2) the flight of undergraduates out of humanities’ baccalaureate programs since 2012; and (3) the problem curriculum and (as I term it) “the knowledge base.” The discussion of the first problem draws on systematic national data from the U. S. Department of Education on the growth in student enrollment since the 1950s and the changing balance of tenure-track and full- and part-time non-tenure-track faculty members in U. S. higher education, especially since 1995. This part of the paper gives special attention to the large degree of variance in how tenure is embedded institution-by-institution across the 4,000+ institutions that make up U. S. higher education. The discussion of trends in baccalaureate degree completions examines trends in bachelor’s degree completions since 2001. In addition to trends in the aggregate number of degrees in humanities, the discussion includes information specific to languages other than English about the number of institutions conferring degrees in various languages and the number of different languages in which institutions are conferring those degrees. Using the picture of the higher education and humanities landscape that emerges from these data explorations, the last section pursues a speculative argument about the consequences for the humanities of what Louis Menand has called “post-disciplinarity.” The paper concludes with what are intended to be provocative thoughts about interventions to address the three-fold crisis of the humanities—the shrinking tenured and tenure-track faculty, the expanding faculty precariat, and the flight of undergraduate majors. Contents Introduction 1 I. The Landscape of United States Higher Education: A Quick Overview 3 II. Tenure, PhD Career Paths, and the Rise of a Majority Contingent Academic Workforce 8 III. The Decline in Humanities Majors 38 IV. The Problem of Curriculum and the Disciplinary Knowledge Base 60 The section on degree completions in languages other than English begins on page 46. This work is licensed under Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International The Humanities. What Now? What Next? Short answer: I don’t know. In place of an answer, some questions for discussion: What educated guesses might we, as individuals and as a community, reasonably project? What are some possible futures the humanities community might want for itself and the wider society? And how might we get from where we think we are to where we think we want to be? “Looking for a place to live. Looking for a job. You begin to doubt your judgment, you begin to doubt everything. You become imprecise. And that’s when you’re beginning to go under. You’ve been beaten, and it’s been deliberate. The whole society has decided to make you nothing. And they don’t even know they’re doing it.” James Baldwin, The Paris Review, Spring 1984 https://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/2994/the-art-of-fiction-no-78-james-baldwin David Laurence This work is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 I’d like to explore three problems. All three are well known. All three are of long-standing—arguably, through chronic longueurs and sudden shocks of acute crisis, since the 1970s, and that’s half a century. All three have been much discussed. All three have proven exceptionally difficult for either the humanities or the broader academic community to address with any sustained success. But let’s see if, together, we might surprise ourselves and think our way to something like a path forward—a position of measured, knowledgeable, yet undepressed and realistic hope and aspiration. Not happy talk. But not doom-saying either. 1 So—three problems. (1) There’s the adjunct labor and PhD employment problem. (2) There’s the enrollment and decline in majors problem. And (3) there’s the problem of curriculum and the disciplinary knowledge base. Behind them loom long-standing public policy arguments and choices concerning higher education— its reach, costs, benefits, purposes, revenue streams, funding models, educational aims, and character as a setting for learning, teaching, inquiry, scholarship, and basic research. As I put it in a presentation to the annual meeting of the College English Association almost two decades ago, in 2002: There is a widespread sense that established assumptions, values, and practices are being challenged by change and challenged to change. It seems clear beyond dispute that there has in fact been a consequential change in the way society finances higher education, especially public higher education. Public policy takes a different view of the bachelor’s degree today than it did ten or fifteen years ago. Formerly seen as a public good, the degree is now viewed as a benefit primarily to the individuals who receive it rather than to the society that confers it. Partly as a consequence of this shift and partly as a cause of it, an increased share of costs formerly socialized through direct state support have been shifted to students and their families in the form of tuition or its proxies, student loans or institutional financial aid. At the same time, many members of our community join other observers of higher education in noting an increased emphasis on the immediate, demonstrable utility of educational programs, often expressed as skepticism if not outright hostility to the liberal arts and especially to study in the humanities. Such pressure can come from students and parents, from governmental officials, or from institutional administrators. 2 Students and parents ask for a clear connection between academic programs and remunerative employment secured quickly after graduation—the more so in an environment of increased costs and ever-higher levels of student loan debt. Governmental officials judge higher education in terms of its responsiveness to state needs and priorities, whether those needs be formulated in economic or educational terms. And the contributions departments make to an institution's ability to attract students and the funding it needs to sustain itself financially are among the measures institutional administrators use to judge programs. Developments since have given me only too many reasons to think that, eighteen years later, the conditions I saw in 2002 have become only more urgent. I. The Landscape of United States Higher Education: A Quick Overview In 2018—pre-Covid—the U. S. Department of Education counted some 4,000 degree-granting colleges and universities in the universe of postsecondary educational institutions it tracks through the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (or IPEDS). This universe is not in any real sense a “system” but rather a scattered collection of institutions, each operating with considerable autonomy and distributed across six sectors: public (4-year and 2-year), private nonprofit (4-year and 2-year), and private for-profit (4-year and 2-year). As shown in figure 1, private nonprofit colleges and universities outnumber public institutions two to one among the four-year institutions; among the two-year colleges, it is the public institutions that outnumber their private counterparts 3 similarly. The left-hand column of figure 1 gives the numerical splits, the right- hand column the percentage equivalents. Fig. 1 U. S. Degree-Granting Institutions of Higher Education, 2018 by Sector of Institution Title IV-Participating Institutions in the Fifty States and the District of Columbia 4,042 100.0 100.0% 384 9.5 Private for-profit two-year 90.0% 87 2.2 2-year insts 80.0% 868 21.5 Private nonprofit two-year 70.0% 358 8.9 60.0% Public two-year 50.0% Private for-profit four-year 40.0% 1,577 39.0 4-year insts 30.0% Private nonprofit four-year 20.0% 10.0% 768 19.0 Public four-year 0.0% Number Percent Source: IPEDS 2018 Institutional Characteristics data file The Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education further differentiates the universe according to institutions’ differing emphasis on undergraduate education or postbaccalaureate study and research. Initiated in 1971 by the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, the classification is updated at regular intervals, most recently in 2018. As shown in Table 1, Carnegie doctorate- granting universities make up only 10% of the universe of 4,042 institutions; Master’s and Baccalaureate institutions claim just over 16% each. The Associate’s (mostly two-year) colleges claim the plurality, with 34.0% of the universe, and Special Focus institutions (schools of law, art and design, engineering, health 4 sciences, or divinity) 20.8%. Figures 2 and 3 represent the splits shown in table 1 in chart form. Table 1 Institutional Sector Private nonprofit Private for-profit Private nonprofit Private for-profit Grand Total Public four-year Public two-year Carnegie Classification four-year four-year two-year two-year Doctoral/Research Number 212 182 10 404 Percentage of row 52.5% 45.0% 2.5% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100.0% Percentage of column 27.6% 11.5% 2.8% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 10.0% Percentage of grand total 5.2% 4.5%
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