Rethinking Nasserism

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Rethinking Nasserism Rethinking Nasserism Copyright 2004 by Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler. This work is li- censed under a modified Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommer- cial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You are free to electronically copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute authorship. However, all printing rights are reserved by the University Press of Florida (http://www.upf.com). Please con- tact UPF for information about how to obtain copies of the work for print distribution. You must attribute the work in the manner speci- fied by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribu- tion, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission from the University Press of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or re- stricts the author’s moral rights. Florida A&M University, Tallahassee Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee University of Central Florida, Orlando University of Florida, Gainesville University of North Florida, Jacksonville University of South Florida, Tampa University of West Florida, Pensacola Gamal Abd al-Nasser greets a little girl. From Al-Musawwar, Cairo, 1959. Rethinking Nasserism Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt edited by Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler University Press of Florida Gainesville · Tallahassee · Tampa · Boca Raton Pensacola · Orlando · Miami · Jacksonville · Ft. Myers Copyright 2004 by Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler Printed in the United States of America on recycled, acid-free paper All rights reserved 09 08 07 06 05 04 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rethinking Nasserism : revolution and historical memory in modern Egypt / edited by Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8130-2704-7 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Egypt—History—Revolution, 1952. 2. Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 1918–1970. 3. Egypt—Politics and government— 1952–1970. 4. Arab nationalism—Egypt. I. Podeh, Elie. II. Winckler, Onn. DT107.83.R45 2004 962.05'2—dc22 2003070525 The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University, Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University, Florida International University, Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida. University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville, FL 32611-2079 http://www.upf.com Contents List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Foreword by Gabriel Ben-Dor ix Preface and Acknowledgments xiii List of Abbreviations xvii Introduction: Nasserism as a Form of Populism 1 Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler Part I. Images of Nasserism 1. Gamal Abd al-Nasser: Iconology, Ideology, and Demonology 45 Leonard Binder 2. Demonizing the Other: Israeli Perceptions of Nasser and Nasserism 72 Elie Podeh 3. History, Politics, and Collective Memory: The Nasserist Legacy in Mubarak’s Egypt 100 Meir Hatina Part II. Political and Social Aspects of Nasserism 4. Nasserism’s Legal Legacy: Accessibility, Accountability, and Authoritarianism 127 Nathan J. Brown 5. Sports, Society, and Revolution: Egypt in the Early Nasserite Period 144 Yoav Di-Capua 6. Nasserist and Post-Nasserist Elites in an Official Biographical Lexicon 163 Uri M. Kupferschmidt Part III. Nasser’s Foreign Policy 7. Abd al-Nasser’s Regional Politics: A Reassessment 179 Avraham Sela 8. Abd al-Nasser and the United States: Enemy or Friend? 205 David W. Lesch 9. Nasser and the Soviets: A Reassessment 230 Rami Ginat Part IV. Nasser’s Socioeconomic Policies and Achievements 10. An Assessment of Egypt’s Development Strategy, 1952–1970 253 M. Riad El-Ghonemy 11. Nasser’s Egypt and Park’s Korea: A Comparison of Their Economic Achievements 264 Paul Rivlin 12. Nasser’s Family Planning Policy in Perspective 282 Gad G. Gilbar and Onn Winckler Part V. Cultural Aspects of Nasserism 13. The Nightingale and the Rais: Abd al-Halim Hafiz and Nasserist Longings 307 Joel Gordon 14. Nasser and Nasserism as Perceived in Modern Egyptian Literature through Allusions to Songs 324 Gabriel M. Rosenbaum Selected Bibliography 343 List of Contributors 355 Index 359 Tables 10.1. Shares of Consumption, Savings, and Investment in GDP, 1950 and 1970 258 10.2. Investment, GDP Growth, Inequality, and Poverty Estimates in Agriculture, 1952–1970 260 11.1. Population, Total GDP, and GDP per Capita in Egypt and South Korea, 1960–1998 (current prices) 265 11.2. Primary Educational Enrollment Ratio in Egypt and South Korea, 1960–1997 267 11.3. Literacy Rates in Egypt and South Korea, 1960–1997 268 12.1. Egypt’s Rates of Natural Increase, 1907–1998 283 12.2. Demographic Variables for Egypt and Several Middle Eastern, Asian, and Latin American Countries, 1960–1998 288 12.3. Selected Socioeconomic Data for Egypt and Tunisia, 1960 and 1998 295 Figures 11.1. Total Population and GDP per Capita in Egypt and South Korea, 1960–1998 265 12.1. Egypt’s Crude Birth and Death Rates, 1907–1998 284 Foreword Gamal Abd al-Nasser appears to some pundits as a towering giant but to others as a leader who may have been a good manipulator and a successful demagogue and nothing more. These conflicting assessments are the result of the difficulty entailed in adopting a proper perspective on the study of political leaders just a few decades after they have passed from the scene. This foreword attempts to present a balanced review of Nasser’s achieve- ments and failures. An analysis of these leads to some tentative conclusions, indicating that Nasser should indeed be credited with great accomplish- ments that can be understood only in the context of his own time. His fail- ures, though, are also characteristic of the legacy he left. Nasser, therefore, has been a towering figure, and it is difficult to think of anyone else to compete with his stature and impact. Hence a study of his politics and socio- economic policies yields useful insights toward a better understanding of Arab and Middle Eastern political issues and systems. Looking back upon the age and deeds of Nasser, even in retrospect of three decades, evokes very strong emotions. It was impossible to be indifferent toward Nasser. One either loved him or hated him. Nasser belongs to the category of distin- guished names and figures. He tried to do great things for his country and the Arab world, and his successes were as resounding as his failures. Nasser strove to bring about massive change in both domestic politics and international relations. This unity of his actions came late, ultimately resulting from his practical experience in the rough and tumble of the politi- cal arena. Nasser was not, by nature, an ideologue, despite his rhetoric, which often seemed to indicate otherwise. Rather, he was a true pragmatist who believed in trial and error and who changed ideologies not exactly rapidly or easily but without too many strong attachments or qualms. In this, he may be representative of a broad spectrum of leaders who seemed ideological but who came to ideology late in their careers, mixing and changing all the while. However, he was not great in building political insti- tutions, which was one reason for his difficulties in forging a viable political party. He did not enjoy the kinds of political activities in which party ap- paratchiks excel. At the same time, by way of contrast—great leaders are often men of great x | Foreword contrasts!—Nasser was an eloquent speaker and a supreme charmer as well. In fact, theoreticians quote him as a prototype of charismatic leadership not only for his generation but in a broader sense as well. Even now, it is hard to pin down what made him so “charismatic.” But clearly it was a combination of general personality, phenomenal rhetorical ability, physical appearance, and sensitivity to the nature and needs of the constituency. While this list may be only partial in its explanatory power, in any case we do not really know what makes a charismatic leader “charismatic.” In fact, it does not even make much sense to speak of charisma as if it were a personal attribute of the leader in question. Rather, it is better to speak of a charismatic rela- tionship between leaders and followers. It is no coincidence that so many of us speak of the age of Nasser, of the generation of Nasser and so on, including Nasserism and Nasserist ways of thinking and approaches to politics. Nasser did dominate and define the politics of an entire generation. He was able to evoke their enthusiasm, their loyalty, and their obsessive devotion. He managed to speak to the masses of Arabs in other countries, even going over the heads of their own leaders. This is something that no other Arab leader has been able to accomplish on any considerable scale. Since everything that Nasser did was so very per- sonal, it was just as difficult, if not outright impossible, to imitate him. What this means is that while Nasser left behind him an impressive legacy, it is not one that can be coherently transferred as a system. It had to do with the man at the center of it all, and once that man was gone, the entire “system” no longer made sense and therefore had to change drastically. Because so much of what Nasser did was really a matter of political psychology, many of his achievements were precisely in this realm.
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