Midnight Rulemaking: Background and Options for Congress
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Application of the Congressional Review Act to Recent Trump Administration Rulemakings
The Application of the Congressional Review Act to Recent Trump Administration Rulemakings Last updated January 29, 2021 Congress can fast-track reversal of rulemakings from the Trump Administration under the Congressional Review Act. However, only certain rules are eligible for this process, and Congress has a narrow window to use it. Moreover, the Congressional Review Act includes a prohibition on the promulgation of rules that are substantially similar to those that are overturned through the Congressional Review Act process. Therefore, whether to deploy the Congressional Review Act in any individual case calls for careful consideration. History of the CRA The Congressional Review Act (CRA) was enacted in 1996 as a component of the Small Business Regulatory Enforcement Fairness Act. Under the CRA, agencies are required to submit to Congress and the Government Accountability Office (GAO) notice of a finalized rule. Once notified, Congress has the option of passing a joint resolution of disapproval (JROD) to overturn the rule. If the JROD passes both chambers of Congress and is signed into law by the President, the rule is immediately overturned and has no effect both proactively and retroactively. Importantly, the JROD need only pass by a simple majority in both chambers. Since its enactment, the CRA has been used by Congress to overturn 17 rules total: one in 2001 (107th Congress) and 16 in 2017 (115th Congress). In the 107th Congress (under Republican control and with President George W. Bush in office), the CRA was used to reverse a Clinton Administration rule issued by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to implement ergonomic standards to reduce workplace injuries. -
Why Congress Should Repeal the Congressional Review Act
April 2020 Why Congress Should Repeal the Congressional Review Act By Kevin Chen, JD 2020 I. Introduction The Congressional Review Act (CRA) provides expedited congressional procedures for reviewing and repealing certain agency rules. Under the CRA, Congress may pass a joint resolution of disapproval by a simple majority in both Houses. If the President signs the resolution into law, the rule cannot take effect or continue in effect, and the agency may not reissue a rule that is “substantially the same” as the disapproved rule. A little-used statute during its first two decades of existence, the CRA has experienced both revival and transformation during the Trump Administration. The CRA’s usage exploded after January 2017, as the total number of joint resolutions signed under the CRA rose from one to seventeen within a little over a year. Further, Congress and President Trump have used the CRA in novel and previously unanticipated ways, expanding the CRA’s reach to years-old informal guidance documents. Given these developments, how should a Democratic Congress treat the CRA after President Trump leaves office? Congress originally passed the CRA through a bipartisan effort to increase congressional oversight of executive agencies, arguably promoting democratic values by in effect returning some rulemaking authority to elected officials. Ultimately, however, the CRA has emerged as a threat to sound administrative governance by expert agencies and should be repealed for five principal reasons. First, the CRA is a hazard to future regulation. The meaning of the phrase “substantially the same” remains ambiguous, as neither the CRA’s text nor its legislative history provides clear guidance on the matter, and the phrase has never been tested in court. -
Background on the Congressional Review
MEMORANDUM November 17, 2016 Subject: “Major” Obama Administration Rules Potentially Eligible to be Overturned under the Congressional Review Act in the 115th Congress From: Maeve P. Carey, Specialist in Government Organization and Management (7-7775) Christopher M. Davis, Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process (7-0656) Casey Burgat, Research Assistant (7-7109) This memorandum was prepared to enable distribution to more than one congressional office. This memorandum lists “major” rules issued by federal agencies under the Obama Administration that are potentially subject to consideration under the procedures of the Congressional Review Act (CRA) in the 115th Congress. Background on the Congressional Review Act The CRA is a tool that Congress may use to overturn a rule issued by a federal agency, including, in some cases, rules issued in a previous session of Congress and by a previous President.1 The CRA requires agencies to report on their rulemaking activities to Congress and provides Congress with a special set of procedures under which to consider legislation to overturn those rules. The CRA, which was enacted in 1996, was largely intended to assert control over agency rulemaking by establishing a special set of expedited or “fast track” legislative procedures for this purpose, primarily in the Senate.2 Of the approximately 72,000 final rules that have been submitted to Congress since the legislation was enacted in 1996, the CRA has been used to disapprove one rule: the Occupational Safety and Health Administration’s November 2000 final rule on ergonomics, which was overturned using the CRA in March 2001.3 The primary reason the CRA has overturned one rule in the 20 years since its enactment is that under most circumstances, it is likely that a President would veto such a resolution in order to protect rules developed under his own administration, and it may also be difficult for Congress to muster the two- thirds vote in both houses needed to overturn the veto. -
NATO's Deterrence Review
Transatlantic Defense Troubles Richard Weitz In his last major policy speech as Secretary of Defense, Robert Gates on June 10 made his most public rebuke ever of Europe‘s failure to provide adequate defense resources in international missions. Before a meeting of the influential Security and Defense Agenda in Brussels, Gates complained that NATO had finally become what he had long feared: a ―two-tiered alliance‖ divided between those few allies that engage in ―hard‖ combat missions and the overwhelming majority of those members that can only contribute extensively to ―soft‖ non-combat humanitarian, peacekeeping, and development missions. Gates noted that proposed NATO-wide reforms and efficiency measures would at best have a limited impact; ultimately, our European allies would need to spend more on defense. He cited the Libyan campaign as providing ample evidence of the problems arising from lackluster European defense spending.1 During his first visit to Europe as Secretary of Defense, Leon Panetta echoed much of what his predecessor had said four months earlier. Speaking at an event hosted by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on October 5 in Brussels, Panetta recognized the contributions of NATO members in the Libya campaign but pointed out the ―significant shortfall in capabilities‖ of NATO allies, specifically citing the shortage of supplies and munitions that ―forced the United States to sell millions of dollars or ammunition, repair parts, fuel, technical assistance and other support items simply to keep the operation going.‖ He further went on to state that ―nowhere was the gap more obvious than in the critical enabling capabilities, refueling tankers, and the provision of ISR platforms…without these capabilities Libya Operation would have had a very difficult time getting off the ground or being sustained.‖ Panetta expressed his concern that NATO would not be able to again sustain operations such as Libya and Afghanistan without the U.S. -
Regulatory Moratoria
WATTS IN PRINTER PROOF (DO NOT DELETE) 4/12/2012 1:22 AM REGULATORY MORATORIA KATHRYN A. WATTS† ABSTRACT Despite significant scholarly attention given to tools that the political branches use to exert control over the administrative state, one emerging tool has gone largely unnoticed: regulatory moratoria. Regulatory moratoria, which stem from legislative or executive action, aim to freeze rulemaking activity for a period of time. As this Article demonstrates, regulatory moratoria have worked their way into the political toolbox at both the federal and state levels. For example, at least fifteen federal bills proposing generalized regulatory moratoria were introduced in the first session of the 112th Congress, and from 2008 to 2011 alone, no fewer than nine states implemented some kind of executive-driven regulatory moratorium. In addition, beginning with President Reagan, all U.S. presidents other than George H.W. Bush have issued short-term regulatory moratoria immediately upon coming into office to facilitate review of midnight regulations passed by their predecessors. President Bush, who followed a member of his own party into the White House, instead implemented a one-year moratorium during his last year in office. This Article aims to situate regulatory moratoria within the existing literature on political control of the administrative state. The goal of this Article is largely descriptive: to provide the first overarching description of the emergence of and proposals for regulatory moratoria at both the federal and state levels and the different contexts in which regulatory moratoria have arisen. The Article also seeks to identify and analyze the major arguments for and against regulatory moratoria from both a legal and a policy perspective. -
Congressional Record—Senate S1649
March 10, 2020 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S1649 The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without I yield the floor. that misrepresentation. What this objection, it is so ordered. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. meant is, if you went to a school that Mrs. MURRAY. Madam President, CRAMER). The Senator from Tennessee. had misled students, your loan could be later today the Senate will be taking Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, if forgiven even if you had a job making up the borrower defense CRA vote and your car is a lemon, you don’t sue the $85,000 a year. likely voting on it tomorrow. Each and bank; you sue the dealer. A college can Under the Trump administration, every Senator will have a choice. They be a lemon, just like a car can be. A each student needs to file a claim, can side with working students, or college could promise a potential stu- prove that they were defrauded and they can side with predatory, for-profit dent a job and then tell them that 50 that they were financially harmed, and colleges. It should not be a hard choice, percent of their students scored per- then their loan would be forgiven by and that choice certainly should not be fectly on their SAT tests. The poten- the taxpayer. Remember, the bank is partisan. tial student might use that informa- the taxpayer. Students who were cheated and de- tion to take out student loans and en- Secretary DeVos’s borrower defense frauded by predatory, for-profit col- roll in a college. Then, if the informa- rule restores the original intent of the leges are often left with crushing debt tion turns out to be false, the student law that a borrower must be misled and no path forward. -
GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulatio
GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulatio... Page 1 of 2 GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulation December 5, 2017 Washington, D.C. - In a review requested by U.S. Senator Pat Toomey (R-Pa.), the Government Accountability Office (GAO) today confirmed that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) violated the Congressional Review Act when it issued a ‘bulletin' regulating third-party auto lenders in 2013. In this instance, GAO found CFPB did not submit its ‘bulletin,' which was subsequently used to impose millions of dollars in fines on auto lenders, to Congress as required by the Congressional Review Act. Sen. Toomey's statement: "GAO's decision makes clear that the CFPB's back-door effort to regulate auto loans, which was based on a dubious legal justification, did not comply with the Congressional Review Act. GAO's decision is an important reminder that agencies have a responsibility to live up to their obligations under the law. When they don't, Congress should hold them accountable. I intend to do everything in my power to repeal this ill-conceived rule using the Congressional Review Act." Background While the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, which created the CFPB, prohibited the Bureau from regulating auto dealerships, the CFPB issued a guidance document, or ‘bulletin,' in March 2013 that imposed restrictions on third-party lenders whose loans are made available to car buyers at a dealership. GAO's decision that the "Indirect Auto Lending and Compliance with the Equal Credit Opportunity Act" bulletin is, in fact, a rule may now give Congress the option to overturn the bulletin via a simple majority vote of both chambers of Congress under the Congressional Review Act. -
The Congressional Review Act: Determining Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress
The Congressional Review Act: Determining Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress Updated March 6, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45248 The Congressional Review Act: Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress Summary The Congressional Review Act (CRA) allows Congress to review certain types of federal agency actions that fall under the statutory category of “rules.” The CRA requires that agencies report their rules to Congress and provides special procedures under which Congress can consider legislation to overturn those rules. A joint resolution of disapproval will become effective once both houses of Congress pass a joint resolution and it is signed by the President, or if Congress overrides the President’s veto. The CRA generally adopts a broad definition of the word “rule” from the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), defining a rule as “the whole or a part of an agency statement of general or particular applicability and future effect designed to implement, interpret, or prescribe law or policy or describing the organization, procedure, or practice requirements of an agency.” The CRA, however, provides three exceptions to this broad definition: any rule of particular applicability, including a rule that approves or prescribes for the future rates, wages, prices, services, or allowances therefor, corporate or financial structures, reorganizations, mergers, or acquisitions thereof, or accounting practices or disclosures bearing on any of the foregoing; any rule relating to agency management or personnel; or any rule of agency organization, procedure, or practice that does not substantially affect the rights or obligations of non-agency parties. The class of rules the CRA covers is broader than the category of rules that are subject to the APA’s notice-and-comment requirements. -
Smart Defense and the Future of NATO: Can the Alliance Meet the Challenges of the Twenty-First Century?
Smart Defense and the Future of NATO: Can the Alliance Meet the Challenges of the Twenty-First Century? March 28-30, 2012 Chicago, Illinois Conference Report and Expert Papers Dr. Lisa Aronsson and Dr. Molly O’Donnell Conference Report Coauthors Presented by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs This conference and publication were generously supported by: NATO Public Diplomacy Finmeccanica UK Ltd Robert Bosch Stiftung Consulate General of Canada in Chicago Saab Cooper Family Foundation Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung DePaul University NATO’s Inward Outlook: Global Burden Shifting Josef Braml Editor-in-Chief, DGAP Yearbook, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) Abstract: While European NATO partners have their difficulties coping with economic problems, the dire eco- nomic and budgetary situation in the United States matters more for the alliance. We have become familiar with the challenges European members face in fulfilling their obligations. But we should understand that NATO’s lead nation, shouldering three-quarters of the alliance’s operating budget, is in deep economic, bud- getary, and political trouble. Hence the United States will seek ways to share the burden with partners inside and outside NATO. With the instrument of a “global NATO,” the United States continues to assert its values and interests worldwide. In addition to the transatlantic allies, democracies in Asia will be invited to contribute their financial and military share to establish a liberal world order. Domestic pressure: The power of the from Congress to check spending, would make it necessary for the commander in chief to find a way empty purse to cost-effectively balance the competing demands for resources in his new security strategy. -
() Office of the Comptroller of the Currency
() Office of the Comptroller of the Currency Washington, DC 20219 April 14, 2021 The Honorable Sherrod Brown. Chairman Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510 The Honorable Pat Toomey. Ranking Member Committee on Banking. Housing, and Urban Affairs United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Chairman Brown and Ranking Member Toomey: On March 25, 2021, S.J. Res. 15 was introduced, providing for Congressional disapproval under the Congressional Review Act of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency’s (0CC) final rule, entitled “National Banks and Federal Savings Associations as Lenders,” commonly referred to as the “True Lender” rule. As you and other members consider the resolution, I want you to be aware of the rule’s intended effect and the adverse impact of overturning the rule. On October 27, 2020, the 0CC issued its final true lender rule’ to provide legal and regulatory certainty to national banks’ and federal savings associations’ (banks) lending, including loans made in partnerships with third parties.2 The OCC’s rule specifies that a bank makes a loan and is considered to be the true lender of the loan if. as of the date of origination, it (1) is named as the lender in the loan agreement or (2) funds the loan. The rule clarifies that as the true lender of a loan, the bank relains the compliance obligations associated with making the loan, even if the loan is later sold, thus negating concerns regarding hanthul rent-a-charter arrangements, Our rulemaking prevents potential arrangements in which a bank receives a fee to “rent” its charter and unique legal status to a third party with the intent of evading state and local laws, while disclaiming any compliance responsibility for the loan. -
The Institutionalization of the Congressional Review Act
Mitchell Hamline Law Review Volume 45 Issue 2 Article 1 2019 Congress Strikes Back: The Institutionalization of the Congressional Review Act Sam Batkins Follow this and additional works at: https://open.mitchellhamline.edu/mhlr Part of the Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Batkins, Sam (2019) "Congress Strikes Back: The Institutionalization of the Congressional Review Act," Mitchell Hamline Law Review: Vol. 45 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://open.mitchellhamline.edu/mhlr/vol45/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at Mitchell Hamline Open Access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mitchell Hamline Law Review by an authorized administrator of Mitchell Hamline Open Access. For more information, please contact [email protected]. © Mitchell Hamline School of Law Batkins: Congress Strikes Back: The Institutionalization of the Congressio CONGRESS STRIKES BACK: THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW ACT Sam Batkins† I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 351 II. HISTORY OF THE CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW ACT ...................... 354 A. Historical Vestiges ................................................................. 355 B. Debate and Enactment .......................................................... 357 C. Infancy of CRA: 1996 to 2001 .............................................. 361 D. Slow Weaponization of -
MIDNIGHTREG.Pdf
ABOUT THE MErcaTUS POLICY SERIES The objective of the Mercatus Policy Series is to help policy makers, scholars, and others involved in RAM the policy process make more effective decisions by incorporating insights from sound interdisciplinary research. The series aims to bridge the gap between advances in scholarship and the practical OG R requirements of policy through four types of studies: Policy Primers present an accessible explanation of fundamental economic ideas necessary to the practice of sound policy. MERCATUS Policy Resources present a more in depth, yet still accessible introduction to the basic elements of government processes or specific policy areas. Y STUDIES P R Policy Comments present an analysis of a specific policy situation that Mercatus scholars have TO explored and provide advice on potential policy changes. A POLICY Country Briefs present an institutional perspective of critical issues facing countries in which Mercatus scholars have worked and provide direction for policy improvements. EGUL R SERIES POLICY PRIMER No .9 FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLS The Midnight Regulation Phenomenon Jerry Brito Senior Research Fellow Mercatus Center Veronique de Rugy Senior Research Fellow Mercatus Center 3301 North Fairfax Drive, Suite 450 Arlington, Virginia 22201 December 2008 Tel: (703) 993-4930 Fax: (703) 993-4935 About Jerry Brito, author About the Mercatus Center Jerry Brito is a senior research fellow with the Regulatory Studies Program at the Mercatus Center at George Mason The Mercatus Center at George Mason University is a research, education, and outreach organization that works with University. His research interests include regulation, telecommunications policy, and government transparency. scholars, policy experts, and government officials to connect academic learning and real world practice.