Keeping Canada British the Ku Klux Klan in 1920S Saskatchewan
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Keeping Canada British The Ku Klux Klan in 1920s Saskatchewan James M. Pitsula Sample Material © 2013 UBC Press Contents Introduction / 1 1 The Ku Klux Klan Comes to Saskatchewan / 20 2 Jimmy Gardiner Attacks the Klan / 40 3 The Battle Rages / 70 4 The Klan Rampant / 91 5 Race and Immigration / 111 6 Anti-Catholicism / 137 7 The Threat of Moral Disorder / 178 8 Rage against the Machine / 202 Epilogue / 243 Notes / 251 Bibliography / 281 Index / 292 Sample Material © 2013 UBC Press Introduction Despite its American origins, the Ku Klux Klan in Saskatchewan in the 1920s was a distinctly “British” organization. Its central goal was to keep Canada British, which, to the Klan, meant building and preserving a white Protestant nation of British racial stock. It spurned lawlessness and vio- lence, abandoned the wearing of robes and hoods, and severed all ties with its counterpart in the United States. Ironically, its opponents, espe- cially Saskatchewan premier James Gardiner, denounced the Klan as un-British. He maintained that tolerance and respect for minority rights were at the core of the British political tradition and that, by rejecting these values, the Klan lost all credibility as a British organization. The Canada that Gardiner believed in had room for what today we would call multiculturalism, as long as it was expressed within the context of British institutions and loyalty to the Crown. Both pro- and anti-Klan forces in the province wanted to keep Canada British, but they had different ideas about what that meant and how it might be achieved. “Britishness” in 1920s Saskatchewan was an open, fluid concept, the meaning of which was highly contested. The Klan debate was part of a larger discussion about national identity that took place after the First World War. The war was a rite of passage, a cataclysmic event that helped transform Canada from colony to nation. However, this did not mean that Canada ceased being British. On the con- trary, despite the changes to Canada’s legal and constitutional status, the country remained British in the cultural sense and in the way it imagined itself. Canadian nationalism was a complex emotion. Many Canadians felt that they were both British and Canadian at the same time. They did not feel that they had to choose between one and the other. Thus, the Klan campaign to keep Canada British resonated with the wider society. It was part of the national discourse, albeit at an extreme end of it. The battlefield victories of the Canadian Corps in the Great War inspired a surge of national pride and self-confidence. Canada had won a place Sample Material © 2013 UBC Press 1 2 Keeping Canada British for itself on the world stage, a seat at the table of nations. Prime Minister Robert Borden attended the Paris Peace Conference as part of the British Empire delegation, and he signed the Treaty of Versailles. Canada was also accorded membership in the League of Nations, the international body that was supposed to enshrine collective security and prevent an- other war. Throughout the 1920s, as John Darwin writes, Prime Minister Mackenzie King waged “relentless bureaucratic war against any form of words that bound Canada to the chariot of British foreign policy.”1 He asserted Canada’s right to negotiate and sign a separate treaty with the United States (the “halibut” treaty of 1923), and he supported the resolu- tion of the Imperial Conference in 1926 that recognized the dominions as “autonomous communities within the British Empire,” a principle ratified by the Statute of Westminster in 1931.2 The phrase “British Com- monwealth,” which had been used from time to time since the 1880s, now came into common usage, at least as it related to Britain’s association with the white dominions. For the non-white colonies, “Empire” was still the preferred term. However, the dominions were not fully independent, and Mackenzie King’s strategic ambition in the 1920s “fell far short of self-sufficient Canadian nationalism.”3 There was no desire for Canada to make a clean break with Britain or, indeed, a break of any kind.4 Canadian national feeling in this period was a “distinctive blend of national status and Imperial identity.”5 Mackenzie King declared in 1927 on the occasion of the visit of the Prince of Wales that Canadians had never been happier in their relations with the British Empire or more loyal to the Crown. The visit of the prince, the prime minister said, brought to mind “an allegiance to the Crown, a devotion to British institutions and British ideals, enjoyed in common by the peoples of the empire in all parts of the world.”6 The prince, for his part, said that he did not consider himself to be primarily a Briton and only secondarily a Canadian. “On the contrary,” as he wrote in a letter to his father the king, “I regard myself as belonging to Great Britain and Canada in exactly the same way.” When the monarch admon- ished him that if he called himself a Canadian in Canada, he would have to be an Australian in Australia and a New Zealander in New Zealand, the prince replied, “And why not? Of course in India there would be no ques- tion.”7 In Calgary he expressed the view that it was up to the Empire, and particularly to the United Kingdom, to make sure that the population of the Prairies was “British and not alien!” (exclamation mark in original).8 On this point at least, he was in agreement with the Ku Klux Klan. Sample Material © 2013 UBC Press Introduction 3 The British Empire was on display at the Wembley Exhibition in north London during the summers of 1924 and 1925. More than 25 million visitors passed through the grounds. King George V set the tone in his opening address when he said that the exhibition “represent[ed] to the world a graphic illustration of that spirit of free and tolerant cooperation which has inspired people of different races, creeds, institutions and ways of thought to unite in a single commonwealth and to contribute their varying gifts to one great end.” He spoke of the Empire as a “family” of nations, a brotherly association of diverse peoples. He then sent a tele- gram to himself that went around the world along the “All Red Route” and returned to him in London less than two minutes later, a fitting demonstration of the modern communications system that linked the various parts of the Empire. Canada’s pavilion at Wembley featured an exhibition of Group of Seven paintings, which won high praise from British art critics. Members of the group were self-conscious Canadian cultural nationalists. One of their maxims was: “The great purpose of landscape art is to make us at home in our own country.”9 A reviewer for the Toronto Mail and Empire wrote: “The work of these young artists deserves enthusiastic recognition and support. In their work the spirit of young Canada has found itself.”10 The group articulated the need for an authentically Canadian form of art istic expression, one that caught the character and spirit of the Canadian landscape, separate and distinct from the cultural traditions of Britain and Europe.11 However, the response of the Canadian public to members of the Group of Seven in the 1920s was distinctly underwhelming. Their first exhibition in May 1920 attracted only two thousand visitors, and only three of their works were sold, apart from the painting purchased by the National Gallery.12 At the second exhibition in 1921, there were no sales at all, again with the exception of those to the National Gallery. Neither private collectors nor the public at large were much interested. The fame of the members of the Group of Seven as Canadian cultural icons came later. By mid-century, reproductions of their work graced schoolroom walls, and during the Second World War copies were hung in barracks overseas to remind soldiers of the country they were fighting for. In 1967, stamps were issued featuring their portraits and paintings. But in the 1920s, the Group of Seven had not yet fully captured the public imagination. The highlight of the Canadian pavilion at Wembley, or at least the ex- hibit that garnered the most attention, was a life-size sculpture of the Prince of Wales made out of butter. He stood beside his horse against the Sample Material © 2013 UBC Press 4 Keeping Canada British backdrop of his Rocky Mountain ranch in Alberta. The tableau, which used up more than three thousand pounds of butter, served as a fitting advertisement for the Canadian dairy industry and the wonders of mod- ern refrigeration. (A young English visitor was heard to say that one of the prince’s ears would “keep us a week.”)13 Thus, Canadians chose to represent themselves to the world through the symbol of their butter- prince rather than a national hero who had been born and raised in Canada.14 The celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of Confederation on 1 July 1927 on Parliament Hill in Ottawa throws additional light on Canadian nationalism at the time. Liberal senator Thomas Chapais gave a patriotic address extolling Canada’s virtues and glories, without once mentioning the British Empire. He dwelt instead on Canada’s identity as a “wholly autonomous North American nation.” “Our country is not beyond the seas,” he proclaimed, “it is here, on this blessed, Christianized, civilized soil – a soil enriched by our pioneers, our missionaries, and our martyrs. Our country is Canada, the land of the maple, of the St.