A SYNTHESIS OF THE LONG TERM CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT OF ANCIENT MAYA CENTERS IN WEST-CENTRAL BELIZE
A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science
TRENT UNIVERSITY
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada
© Copyright by Trudy Kirschner 2012
Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program
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1+1 Canada ABSTRACT
A Synthesis of the Long Term Cultural Development of Ancient Maya Centers in West-Central Belize
Trudy Kirschner
This thesis examines the myriad of archaeological data recovered from fifteen
ancient Maya centers in the Belize River Valley, Vaca Plateau (Belize), as well as
Naranjo in the Peten Lowlands of Guatemala, spanning the Preclassic, Classic, and
Postclassic periods. Of the three areas, the Belize River Valley has been the most
extensively and continuously studied. While there is ample evidence of interaction, there
has been to date, no synthesis of the archaeological evidence of cultural development in
this area as a whole. In response, this thesis surmounts the geographical and national
divisors to incorporate these socially, economically, and politically significant
neighbours. Methodologically, qualitative comparison and contrast is utilized to envelop
the cultural trajectory of this area of the Southern Maya Lowlands, from earliest
settlement, to state formation, through fluorescence, to collapse, and regeneration.
Keywords: ancient Maya, cultural development, Belize River Valley, Vaca Plateau, Naranjo. Ill
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are a great many individuals to whom I wish to express my appreciation.
This thesis would not have been possible without the hard work and published research of countless archaeologists who have toiled in west-central Belize, and to them I am grateful. First and foremost, I am indebted to Dr. Gyles Iannone for agreeing to act as my supervisor and for his encouragement throughout. My greatest appreciation goes to committee members Dr. Paul Healy and Dr. James Conolly, and to Dr. James Stemp,
Keene State, for his role as external examiner. My heartfelt thanks are extended to Kate
Dougherty and Dr. Susan Jamieson for their early encouragement. Particular thanks to
Kristine Williams in the Anthropology Graduate Office and Judy Pinto in the
Undergraduate Office, without whose guidance and assistance I would surely have been lost. I am most grateful to Belizean roommates extraordinaire Katherine Bandiera and
Rachel Dell, with whom I have shared many adventures in Central America and beyond!
In Belize, my gratitude is extended to the San Ignacio community, who annually welcome each new group of "archaeologists" and are among the most hospitable group of people that I have ever had the pleasure of knowing. My appreciation is extended for the support provided by the Belize Institute of Archaeology to Trent Univerisity's Social
Archaeology Research Program. A warm thank you for the support of my fellow graduate students, family, friends and colleagues, too numerous to mention individually!
Finally, I would particularly like to thank my daughters Lisa and Terry for their continued interest in my field of study, and for their ongoing support and encouragement. iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ii
Acknowledgements iii
Table of Contents iv
List of Figures ix
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
The Maya Sub-Area: Background 2
Highlands 4
Lowlands 5
West-central Belize 7
Belize River Valley 8
Peten 9
Vaca Plateau 10
Maya Culture 11
Maya History 12
Paleoindian Period (12,000-6000 B.C.) 12
Archaic Period (6000-1200 B.C.) 13
Early Preclassic (1200-900 B.C.) 14
Middle Preclassic (900 - 400 B.C.) 14
Late and Terminal Preclassic (400 B.C. -A.D. 250) ..15
Early Classic (A.D 250-550) 16
Middle Classic (A.D. 550 - 675) 17
Late Classic (A.D. 675 - 810) 17 V
Terminal Classic (A.D. 810-900) 18
Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1525) 19
Thesis Organization 20
Chapter 2: History of Archaeological Research in West Central Belize 22
The Early Explorers 22
Belize Valley Sites 25
Actuncan 26
Baking Pot 27
Blackman Eddy 31
Buenavista del Cayo 33
CahalPech 35
El Pilar 37
Las Ruinas de Arenal 39
Pacbitun 41
Xunantunich (Benque Viejo) 44
Naranjo 48
Vaca Plateau Sites 50
Caledonia 50
Camp 6 52
Caracol 54
Hatzcap Ceel (Cold Dawn) 57
Minanha (Mucnal Yok Tunich, Mucnal Tunich) 60 vi
Summary 63
Chapter 3: The Cultural Development of Centers in West Central Belize 66
Belize Valley Sites 67
Actuncan 67
Baking Pot 69
Blackman Eddy 74
Buenavista del Cayo 77
CahalPech 80
El Pilar 88
Las Ruinas de Arenal 90
Pacbitun 93
Xunantunich 99
Naranjo 103
Vaca Plateau Sites 107
Caledonia 107
Camp 6 110
Caracol 112
Hatzcap Ceel 117
Minanha 120
Summary 123
Chapter 4: Chronological Assessment of Cultural Development 125
Ideology and Religion 125
Ideology/ Symbolism Expressed in Architecture 125 VII
Ideology / Symbolism Expressed in Mortuary and Caching Practices 128
Caching Practices "Charlie Chaplins" 128
Caching Practices "Finger Bowls" 129
Caching Practices Eccentrics 131
Economy 132
Socio-Political Organization 139
Summary 148
Chapter 5: Conclusions 150
Addressing the Thesis Questions 151
When Did Initial Habitation of the Individual Centers Begin? 151
Where Did Initial Habitation of the Centers Take Place? 152
What Might Be the Reasons for Selection and Timing of Initial Habitation? 154
Which Congruities and Incongruities Do We Observe as the Centers Grow in Area
and Complexity? 156
When Do the First Signs of Decline Become Evident at the Centers? 159
Are These First Signs Occurring Individually By Center or In Relation To Other
Centers? 161
What is the Sequence of Events Leading to Collapse? 162
What May be Possible Causal Factors for the Sequence of Events? 164
Which Centers Show Evidence of Re-occupation After Collapse, and To What
Extent? 167
Summary and Analyses 169
Future Research 171 viii
References Cited 172 ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 Map of the Maya Sub-Area 3
Figure 1.2 Map of West-central Belize Sites Included in Thesis Study 8
Figure 2.1 Map of Actuncan 26
Figure 2.2 Map of Baking Pot 30
Figure 2.3 Blackman Eddy Site Core 32
Figure 2.4 Buenavista del Cayo Central Area Map 34
Figure 2.5 Cahal Pech Site Core 36
Figure 2.6 Map of El Pilar 38
Figure 2.7 Map of Las Ruinas de Arenal 40
Figure 2.8 Map of Pacbitun 42
Figure 2.9 Map of Xunantunich 45
Figure 2.10 Map of Epicenter, Naranjo 49
Figure 2.11 Map of Caledonia Plazas A and B 51
Figure 2.12 Map of Camp 6 53
Figure 2.12 Map of Caracol Epicenter 55
Figure 2.14 Map of Hatzcap Ceel 59
Figure 2.15 Map of Minanha 61
Figure 3.1 Temporal Designations 67 CHAPTER ONE:
INTRODUCTION
This thesis examines the developmental sequences of 15 ancient Maya centers in west-central Belize during the Preclassic, Classic, and Postclassic periods. The centers under investigation are located within the greater area of the Southern Maya Lowlands, and represent a diverse geographic landscape, including the fertile Belize River Valley, the rugged Vaca Plateau, and the forested region of the Peten district of Guatemala. The
Belize Valley sites include Actuncan (Cahal Xux), Baking Pot, Blackman Eddy,
Buenavista del Cayo, Cahal Pech, El Pilar, Las Ruinas de Arenal, Pacbitun, and
Xunantunich (Benque Viejo), with the addition of nearby Naranjo as a politically important outlier. The Vaca Plateau sites include Caledonia, Camp 6, Caracol, Hatzcap
Ceel, and Minanha (Mucnal Yok Tunich, Mucnal Tunich). While the majority of these sites have been extensively examined on an individual basis, and notwithstanding notable recent publications like Garber's (2004) Belize Valley compilation volume of research, and Helmke and Awe's (2008) socio-political analysis of archaeological and epigraphic data, there has been no detailed and comprehensive synthesis of the archaeological evidence of cultural development in this area as a whole to date. The plethora of information published over the past half century of archaeological investigation in the
Belize Valley in particular, provides an opportunity for compilation of an historical synthesis of the research so far.
The overall archaeological history of Belize spans at least two centuries
(Pendergast 1993). Diane Chase (2004:345) reminds us that "it would be a mistake to consider the Belize Valley in isolation" and reinforces the necessity to broaden the scope 2
of the study area. In my thesis, this has been addressed with the inclusion of the neighbouring regions of the Vaca Plateau and the Peten. Similarly, Demarest et al.
(2004:548) have suggested that "scholars should now be engaged in the process of comparing and linking the culture-histories of the centers in their regions, looking beyond their own sites and their preferred theories for explaining the historical sequence of changes and events." The intent of this thesis is to rise to this challenge. This thesis reviews the archaeological evidence of cultural development for the 15 centers, from earliest settlement, to state formation, through collapse, and (in some cases) regeneration.
In concert with this synthesis, I propose several research questions: When did initial habitation of the individual centers begin? Where did initial habitation of the centers take place? What might be the reasons for selection and timing of initial habitation? Which congruities and incongruities do we observe as the centers grow in area and complexity? When do the first signs of decline become evident at the centers?
Are these first signs occurring individually by center or in relation to other centers? What is the sequence of events leading to collapse? What may be the causal factors for the sequence of events? Which centers show evidence of re-occupation after collapse, and to what extent?
THE MAYA SUB-AREA: BACKGROUND
The ancient Maya occupied the south-eastern portion of Mesoamerica, specifically the lands in the modern Mexican states of Campeche, Quintana Roo, Yucatan, parts of
Chiapas and Tabasco; the countries of Guatemala and Belize; as well as western
Honduras and El Salvador (Figure 1.1; Brown and Witschey 2003:1619). This large 3
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Figure 1.1 Map of the Maya Sub-Area (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from McKillop 2004a:4). 4
geographical area covers a diverse landscape. The environment is effected by vast
differences in altitude defined by the following subdivisions (after Sharer 1994:20-21):
tierra caliente (hot country), which includes elevations between sea level and 800 m;
tierra templada (temperate country), which includes elevations between 800 m and 2,000
m; and tierrafria (cold country), which includes elevations higher than 2,000 m. Rainfall
ranges from a high of 4,000 mm annually in the southern highlands to only 500 mm in the
northern Yucatan (Webster 2000:70).
Coe (1966) divides the Maya subarea, geographically as well as culturally, into
highland and lowland regions. Brief descriptions of these regions follow.
Highlands
The highland region is defined by Coe (1966:19) as being situated along a
volcanic cordillera, at an altitude above 1,000 feet (300 meters) and as high as 13,000
feet (4,000 meters). The highlands begin in south-eastern Chiapas, run through western
Guatemala, and continue south through El Salvador and Honduras to Nicaragua, and
Costa Rica. Formation through volcanic activity during the Cretaceous and Tertiary
periods has resulted in a thick rock mantle covered with a thin layer of topsoil (Coe
1966:19). The highlands are generally drier and cooler than the lowlands (Joyce
2004:13). Highland flora on the top of slopes and ridges consist largely of grasses and
pine, and in the moister ravines, oaks are found (Coe 1966:14). The majority of yearly precipitation falls between the months of May and October. Through the millennia, rain
and erosion have etched deep ravines into the landscape. Valued lithic resources include
obsidian for tool and weapon manufacture, as well as volcanic basalt for grinding stones
(Joyce 2004:13; McKillop 2004a:32). Highland fauna include howler and spider 5
monkeys, kinkajous, coatimundis, weasels, foxes, peccaries, armadillos, opossums, bats, owls, hawks, vultures, parrots and quetzal (Sharer 1994:32).
Lowlands
The lowland regions are found to the north of the highland region, and may be subdivided into the Northern and Southern zones.
Northern Maya Lowlands. The lowlands of the Yucatan Peninsula lie at elevations of less than 800 m (Sharer 1994:83), and are described by Scarborough (1998:135) as a region typified by thin, karstic soils. Rainfall is seasonal. As a result of the porous nature of the limestone shelf which forms the bedrock, water percolates below the surface unless captured in a pocket of naturally occurring clay, an aguada (a human made or enhanced natural feature reservoir), or sinkhole called a cenote. Due to the permeable nature of the limestone bedrock, there is also a resultant absence of navigable waterways in this region (McKillop 2004a:33).
The Yucatan Peninsula is situated on hard white limestone bedrock (Standley and
Record 1936:11). This limestone bedrock was utilized for varied construction purposes, by the ancient Maya, including building blocks and plaster (McKillop 2004a:32). Chert, also found to occur with limestone, was used in the manufacture of tools for cutting and chopping tasks (McKillop 2004a:32). Northern Lowland mineral resources included salt from the salt beds of northern Yucatan, an important trade commodity supplied to the lowlands and beyond (Andrews 1993:52; Sabloff 2007:20).
Thompson (1970:49) indicates that the northern region of the lowlands receive significantly less annual rainfall than the southern region; as little as one-sixth by comparison at the northwest tip of the Yucatan Peninsula. As a result, the forest is 6
characterised by low scrub (Thompson 1970:50). Native birds include toucans,
hummingbirds, herons, parrots, trogons, and others valued especially for their colourful
plumage (Thompson 1970:152). Agricultural goods known to have been produced
included cacao, used as currency, and processed for consumption as an elite beverage
(Sabloff 2007:20; Thompson 1975:743). Honey was another important trade commodity
produced throughout the Yucatan (Sabloff 2007:21; Thompson 1970:152).
Southern Maya Lowlands. The southern lowlands are composed mainly of
Mesozoic and Cenozoic limestone formations (Sharer 1994:35-36) and, in contrast,
receive higher annual rainfall which is enhanced by good surface drainage (Joyce
2004:12; Sharer 1994:35). Elevation at the upper Belize River averages about 60 m, and
increases by only 50 m within five km of the river (Ford 1990:168). Limestone foothills
of the western mountains rise to more than 300 m above this, while to the east the terrain
is flat and rolling (Ford 1990:168). Soft white marl limestone is a large component of the
bedrock (Standley and Record 1936:11). This limestone was cut into shape for use by the
ancient Maya as building blocks, and was burned for lime, used in the production of
concrete, mortar, and plaster (Demarest 2004a: 149). Occasionally found to occur with
limestone was chert, which was recovered as nodules and worked into tools, utensils,
ornaments, and weapons (Demarest 2004a: 127). Another valuable natural resource, clay
deposits, found near rivers, lakes, and bajos, provided the raw material for the production
of diverse ceramics.
Topography ranges from flat tropical forest, through undulating uplands, to the
Maya Mountains. Geological delineation of the malleable limestone shelf of the lowlands with the rugged volcanic and metamorphic rock base of the Maya Highlands has resulted 7
in the formation of major waterways, including the Usumacinta River system in the west, and the Motagua River system in the east (Joyce 2004:12). Other major navigable waterways include the Hondo River, Belize River, and its tributaries (McKillop
2004a:33).
The southern lowlands is the zone of the heaviest seasonal rainfall, with annual amounts of up to three meters falling during the eight month rainy season (Demarest
2004a:121). The jungle canopy is described by Demarest (2004a: 122-123) as triple- canopied. The highest of the forest canopies includes the tallest mahoganies, cedars, and ceibas, which can grow as high as 70 meters; the slightly lower, second canopy includes strangler figs, cedars, and sapodilla trees; in the lowest canopy are found rubber, ramon
(breadnut), avocado, and fruit trees, reaching as high as 20 meters. A series of vines, lianas, orchids, bromeliads, and ferns connect the levels. Rich faunal resources include deer, peccary, spider and howler monkeys, ocellated turkey, currasow, guan, jaguar, and tapir (Coe 1966:17-18). Particularly valued was the jaguar pelt for its aesthetic qualities, and tapir hide, which was used in armour and shield making (Coe 1966:18). Inhabiting the lakes, swamps, and rivers are a variety of crocodiles, snakes, toads, frogs, turtles, fish, and shellfish (Demarest 2004a: 123; Thurston 2011).
WEST-CENTRAL BELIZE
The study area is centered on the Belize Valley in the north and the Vaca Plateau in the south, in the larger geographic zone of the Southern Lowlands (Figure 1.2). In recent times an arbitrary dividing line has been created on the west by the current 8
international border between Belize and Guatemala. The region of this study has been expanded to include the politically prominent center of Naranjo in the Peten, Guatemala, located very near the modern border, and just beyond the Belize Valley. The area of study is best described in terms of three smaller regions which include the Belize Valley, adjacent Peten region of Guatemala, and the Vaca Plateau. The geography, environment, and natural resources of each are described briefly in the following section.
Figure 1.2. West-central Belize Sites Included in Thesis Study.
Belize River Valley
Early settlement in this valley was along the banks of the Belize River and its main tributaries, the Macal and Mopan, later spreading to adjacent zones (Chase and
Garber 2004:3). Here, the fertile alluvial soils, and year round water supply, offered a hospitable living environment. The Belize River system served as a natural transportation 9
corridor, facilitating trade from the Caribbean coast to the Peten (Chase and Garber
2004:4; McKillop 2004b). Watercourse travel on the Macal and Mopan tributaries is hampered by rapids. The overland transportation route along the Mopan River is the more traversable of the two and is suggested by Chase and Garber (2004:4) to have resulted in a greater number of settlements than the more difficult Macal route. In addition, the Belize Valley is rich in faunal resources, which were utilized by the Maya.
For example, Powis et al. (1999:368) identified Preclassic period faunal remains at Cahal
Pech, in the Belize Valley, which included two varieties of deer, armadillo, rabbit, domestic dog, opossum, rodent, turkey, currasow, turtle, and iguana. Freshwater fish remains at the site included catfish; salt water fish included parrotfish, hog fish, grouper, and snapper; shell fish remains included marine queen conch, crab claws, tusk, olive, and marginella shells (Powis et al. 1999:369). In addition to the possible consumption of the molluscs, there is evidence that their shells were modified for use as decoration.
Evidence of shell ornament production industries have been identified at Cahal Pech
(Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe 2004:116) and Pacbitun (Hohmann 2002; Hohmann and Powis 1996; Powis et al. 2009).
Peten
Northeastern Peten is described as a heavily tropical forested area (Bullard
1960:357). Beletsky (1999:15) describes the habitat more specifically as a "tropical dry forest". In the lowlands of the northern Peten, elevations are generally found to be between 150 and 225 m with low, rolling hills (Beletsky 1999:15). The rainy season lasts from May to November, with average annual rainfall between 100 and 240 cm (Beletsky
1999:15). Biologists estimate that a total of 450 species of birds, and at least 60 varieties 10
of reptiles, are resident in a forest of over 800 tree species (Beletsky 1999:12). Lundell
(1933:175) indicates the presence of monkeys "everywhere". Maler (1908:92) describes the hunting and consumption of a haleb or haleu, also referred to as a "little mountain dog".
The major site of Naranjo, in the Peten Department of Guatemala, is situated in the basin at the convergence of the Holmul and Mopan Rivers, in close proximity to the
Belize - Guatemala border (Fialko 2004). The zone sits at a low elevation (Morley
1909:543), with natural fortification provided on the east by mountainous terrain, diffusing the north wind, which results in a naturally moderated micro-climate (Fialko
2004). In addition to the riverine resources, two natural year round springs supplied fresh water to Naranjo.
Vaca Plateau
Elevation on the Vaca Plateau ranges from 180 m in the north to 700 m in the south (Beletsky 1999:33). The terrain is described as irregular and rolling, with steep hills that may be 60-120 m in height (Healy et al. 1983:399). The karstic landscape is host to many caves and cave systems (Beletsky 1999:33). Annual rainfall averages 1500-
2500 mm, with the heaviest rains falling during the months of June and July (Healy et al.
1983:399). Major waterways are the Macal and Chiquibul Rivers.
Gann (1918:24) lists the wild game found in the area, including deer, peccary
(wild hog), armadillo, wild turkey, pigeon, quail, partridge, duck, iguana, and turtle.
Thompson (1931:227) adds jaguars, ocelots, howling and spider monkeys, agoutis, tapirs, ant-eaters, opossums, kinkajous and skunks to the list of land mammals, and notes "a large number of bird species". 11
Lithic resources from the adjacent regions include granite of the Mountain Pine
Ridge (Graham 1987; Lentz et al. 2005:581; Reeder et al. 1996:122; Shipley and Graham
1987), and slate found in the nearby Maya Mountains (Healy et al. 1995; Standley and
Record 1936:11). Obsidian sources, although located at considerably greater distances, were imported from Ixtepeque, El Chayal, and San Martin Jilotepeque in Guatemala, as well as volcanoes in Mexico and Honduras (Awe and Healy 1994; Braswell 2003; Joyce
2004:13).
MAYA CULTURE
The previous section has provided a very brief description of the diverse environmental conditions of the subarea inhabited by the ancient Maya. It is appropriate to introduce some initial definitions of the qualities ascribed to early Maya culture. The term Mesoamerican, meaning Middle America, was first coined by Paul Kirchhoff (1952
[1943]), who conceived of a Mesoamerican culture area identified by a series of common traits. The cultural traits proposed to define Mesoamerica included (but are not limited to) specific linguistic groups; the cultivation of certain crops including corn, beans, and squash; various clothing items, including one-piece suits for warriors, and sandals; ceramics; weapons of wood with obsidian chip edges; a game played with rubber balls; hieroglyphic writing; screen-folded books; a solar calendar of 365 days and a ritual calendar of 260 days, combined for a cycle of 52 years; stepped pyramids; specialized markets; military hierarchy; and specific ritual items and practices.
Some of the traits listed by Kirchhoff are extremely difficult to identify in the archaeological record, such as the existence of merchant-spies. Kirchhoff s proposed list 12
of traits employs the culture-historical approach to define Maya culture. While the concept of culture exceeds what is possible to include in a checklist of itemized traits,
Kirchhoff s list remains a useful heuristic element in the overall view of Mesoamerican civilization. More recently, Rosemary Joyce (2004) has proposed a definition of culture based on a common set of values and practices, resulting from generations of tradition, which is more identifiable in the archaeological record, and recognises human agency.
Joyce's (2004:3-9) cultural model includes the areas of economic practices; belief and worldview concepts and expressions; and material evidence of social stratification.
MAYA HISTORY
This section provides a brief overview of the epochs of ancient Maya civilization from its earliest, Paleoindian beginnings to the transitional, later, Postclassic times.
Paleoindian Period (12,000-6000 B.C.)
Lohse et al. (2006:214) fix the date of the Paleoindian period to the end of the
Pleistocene epoch, approximately 13,500 years ago. Evidence of human habitation during this early period is sparse in the Maya subarea (Marcus 2003:73; McKillop
2004a:7). Climatic changes, including warming trends and rising sea levels, have obscured much of the archaeological evidence (Lohse et al. 2005; McKillop 2004a:38).
The early inhabitants of the subarea are known to have been nomadic hunters and foragers who were drawn in pursuit of now extinct megafauna and wild, edible flora
(Demarest 2004a:14; Joyce 2004:14; Lohse et al. 2006:210; McKillop 2004a:73; Zeitlin
1984:361). Their presence has been established by findings of distinctive fluted points
(Lohse et al. 2006:214; McKillop 2004a:73), including the Belize Archaic Archaeological 13
Reconnaissance (BAAR) project at Ladyville, Belize where findings included a fluted lanceolate and several "fishtail" projectile points (Lohse et al. 2006:221; Zeitlin
1984:364). One of the few other known Paleoindian sites in the Maya subarea, Los
Tapiales, Guatemala, has been identified as an ancient campsite where fire pits, charcoal, and lithic fluted points and tools were in use 10,700 years ago (Gruhn et al. 1977).
Archaic Period (6000-1200 B.C.)
The earliest Maya settlements are suggested to have been established near water resources (Puleston and Puleston 1971; Scarborough 1998; Sharer 1994:80), for consumption and other basic needs, as well as the source offish, shellfish, and turtles.
Water also attracted various birds and mammals, as well as facilitating travel and communication, by dugout canoe. Archaic peoples began to cultivate crops to supplement their hunting and foraging (Lohse 2010:324; Zeitlin 1984:359), and to form exchange networks with other groups (Joyce 2004:30; Lohse 2010:324). Lohse et al.
(2006:216) define the last stages of the Archaic period as follows: "Overall, the Late
Archaic appears to have been a time of horticultural adaptation and temporary settlement focused at least in part on key resource outcrops, including high-quality toolstone, and occupying a diversity of habitats that included swamp and lagoon margins, river valleys, near coastal areas, upland settings along ecotonal boundaries, rockshelters, and caves."
Archaic Lowe and Sawmill points have been identified at various locales in northern and western Belize (Lohse et al. 2006; McAnany et al. 2004). Shortly after 2000 B.C., the first ceramics were introduced. Through experimentation and refinement more durable wares developed as the period progressed (Demarest 2004a:59).
Early Preclassic (1200 - 900 B.C.) 14
The early Maya inhabitants of the subarea resided in small villages of perishable pole and thatch domiciles (Lohse 2010:315; McKillop 2004a:8). These early communities are suggested to have functioned as chiefdoms of small kin-based groups
(Demarest 2004a:60; Sharer 1994:45). The earliest ceramic, architectural, settlement, trade, and subsistence data available for the sites of Cahal Pech and Blackman Eddy date to 1100-900 B.C. (Awe 1992; Garber and Awe 2009; Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe
2004; Lohse et al. 2006). Increased ceramic usage by the end of the Early Preclassic period suggests greater sedentism, typical of heavier reliance on agricultural practices
(Demarest 2004a:60), and may also indicate population growth (Willey 1978:333).
Monumental art of this period typically represents human and supernatural entities and their interactions (Joyce 2004:31). Garber and Awe (2009:157) have suggested that the symbology of this early period reveals a unique lowland Maya iconographic style, which was a variant of the greater Mesoamerican ceramic tradition.
Middle Preclassic (900 - 400 B.C.)
The Middle Preclassic is a time of important social change in the Maya region, as well as in Mesoamerica at large. Sharer (1994:45) suggests that during this period the first indications of social stratification appear in the form of kin-based chiefdoms. New settlements were established, with many exhibiting evidence of trade or production specialization (Scheie and Miller 1983:26). For example, at Cahal Pech, Healy,
Cheetham, Powis, and Awe (2004:116) note a profusion of shell disk beads in various stages of production. Additionally, evidence of a lithics workshop at Cahal Pech indicates obsidian toolmaking (Awe and Healy 1994). Agricultural innovations included water management techniques and raised field production systems (Scheie and Miller 15
1983:26). At Cahal Pech, Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe (2004:120) suggest that some of the earliest indicators of social classes have been identified by this time, based on isotopic evidence of diet. One segment of the population, identified as the rising elite
(Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe 2004:120), consumed greater quantities and varieties of foodstuffs, including maize and salt-water habitat reef fish. Evidence of marine fish from the Caribbean coast, over 100 km away, indicates travel, trade, or both (Powis et al.
1999). Further evidence of the emergence of social stratification is suggested by Sharer
(1994:75) with the first evidence of elaborate residences, tombs, and shrines. Calendrical notation on monumental inscriptions comes into use for the first time by the end of this period (Joyce 2004:31).
Late and Terminal Preclassic (400 B.C. - A.D. 250)
By 300 B.C., the majority of centers in the Belize Valley have been established
(Chase and Garber 2004:7). Hallmarks of this period include the first evidence of writing
(Sharer 1994:84). Marcus (1976:37) indicates that "Mesoamerican hieroglyphic writing began in a pre-state evolutionary context, among societies with intensive agriculture and hereditary social ranking, but prior to true social stratification or political centralization."
This period also witnessed the construction of elaborately ornamented temples, suggested to occur in parallel with the emergence of the institution of divine kingship, with these elite rulers facilitating these large building projects (Freidel and Scheie 1989; McKillop
2004a:8). By the first century B.C., according to Scheie and Miller (1983:25), many elements characteristic of later Maya civilization begin to become evident in the Maya
Lowlands, with the exception of stelae. While the Middle Preclassic saw the first appearance of ballcourts, by the Late Preclassic ballcourts are beginning to appear in 16
many centers including Cerros, Pacbitun, Buenavista del Cayo, and Colha (Healy 1992;
Marcus 2003:80; Scarborough et al. 1982).
Architectural complexes called E-Groups are constructed for the first time in the
Late Preclassic (Aimers 1993:81-82; Chase 1985:36; Marcus 2003:80). The E-Group complex is described by Aimers (1993) as a: "monumental architectural assemblages consisting of a single structure defining the western side of a plaza and facing three structures to the east." The first documented excavation of an E-Group complex was at
Uaxactun, Guatemala, by Blom (1924), who suggested that the arrangement operated as a solar observatory marking the solstices and equinoxes. E-Group complexes constructed in the Late Preclassic or earlier have been identified at Tikal, Cahal Pech, and Pacbitun
(Aimers 1993:81-82). These complexes were generally situated in the central precinct, and included the largest or highest structure of a site (Aimers 1993:90-91). Another typical characteristic feature noted by Aimers (1993:94-95) is the construction of ballcourts in close proximity to the E-Group (as at Baking Pot, Caracol, and El Pilar); or in a directly adjacent area (as at Blackman Eddy, Cahal Pech, El Pilar, Minanha, Naranjo,
Pacbitun, and Xunantunich; Aimers 1993; Aimers and Rice 2006; Schwake 2008:115).
E-Groups are suggested to have some astronomical significance, as well as possible ritual functions associated with agriculture or reproduction (Aimers 1993; Aimers and Rice
2006).
Early Classic (A.D. 250-550)
The earliest dated monument at Tikal, Stela 29, is dated to A.D. 292. This stela has traditionally been used as the approximate temporal marker for the beginning of the
Maya Classic period (Chase 1991:32; Marcus 1983:481; Scheie and Miller 1983:25). 17
According to Culbert (1983), the Early Classic reveals four new and distinct cultural features signalling the inception of the Classic Maya tradition. These features include: the corbelled arch, polychrome pottery, specialized art motifs, and the first appearance of
Long Count calendric inscriptions on stelae (Culbert 1983:14). Scheie and Miller
(1983:12) indicate that during this time the earliest dynastic records begin to be recorded in the Maya Lowlands. The presence of a vast array of exotic goods at Maya sites indicates lowland trade with centers as distant as Teotihuacan, Mexico (Marcus 1983:479;
McKillop 2004a: 131; Scheie and Miller 1983:28). Throughout this time period, Mathews
(1985:52) notes artistic innovation, as seen in the great variety of stylistic representations of royal portraits, suggested to be the result of lengthy experimentation.
Middle Classic (A.D. 550 - 675)
A "Middle Classic Hiatus" boundary is defined by Sharer (1994:210) as a period of interruption in erection of dated stelae at some centers - particularly Tikal - as well as reduced ceremonial construction and activity (Sharer 1994:210). Demarest (2004a: 100) suggests that the political hiatus (A.D. 534-593), once seen to be symptomatic of the entire Maya Lowlands, was in fact limited to Tikal and its regional allies. During this time, Caracol enjoyed a period of fluorescence (Chase 1991; Chase and Chase 1996a;
Healy et al. 1983:401; Martin and Grube 2000:88), as did Caledonia and the Chiquibul region in general (Awe 1985:391-392). Important trade routes likewise continued operating during the Middle Classic without interruption (Healy et al. 1984; McKillop and Jackson 1989; Sidrys 1976).
Late Classic (A.D. 675 - 810) 18
The Late Classic period is characterized by exponential population growth,
massive construction projects, and expansionist wars. Lowe's research (1985:38)
indicates that approximately 60 percent of monuments in the Southern Maya Lowlands
were raised between A.D. 672 and 751. Lowe also notes that during this time, the spatial
distribution of these monuments becomes more concentrated in the central areas, and
decreases in frequency in the peripheral areas. Scheie and Miller (1983:28) comment on
the "elaborate" political machinery referenced by the many Late Classic period
monumental inscriptions celebrating war and victory. The use of "emblem" glyphs
(Berlin 1958) and portrayals of warfare may suggest an increased emphasis on
territoriality (Willey and Shimkin 1973:461). The further expansion of long distance
trade is evident, and may have required an elaborate bureaucratic support system (Willey
and Shimkin 1973:459-460). By the beginning of the Late Classic period art, writing, and political iconography appear to have been standardized (Mathews 1985:52-53). The Late
Classic is generally perceived as the height of Maya cultural development and
complexity. It has been described by White et al. (1993:348-349) as the "zenith of
cultural development" at Pacbitun; by McKillop (2004a:71) as the "height of civilization
in the rainforest"; and by Scheie and Freidel (1990:17) as the Maya "apogee".
Terminal Classic (A.D. 810 - 900)
Archaeological evidence of regional deteriorative changes in the Maya Lowlands begins by A.D. 700 in some places, and continues as late as A.D. 1050 (Aimers 2007;
Demarest et al. 2004). The decline is evident with the cessation of ceremonial center activities and decreases in population (Willey and Shimkin 1973:467). Chase and Chase
(2006a: 168) define the Classic Maya collapse in terms of the discontinuance of carved 19
monument erection and the depopulation of centers. Some sites exhibit evidence of
careful infilling of royal residential courtyards before abandonment (Adams et al.
2004:338; Graham 2004:232; Iannone 2005a, 2007). This filling involved a significant
labour force, and may have been metaphorical in nature, signalling the cessation of the
royal court (Iannone 2005a:37, 2007:60; Morris et al. 2007:8). A variety of historical,
analytical, and hypothetical theories have been proposed for the collapse, including political strife, warfare, or environmental problems (Demarest et al. 2004; Willey and
Shimkin 1973). Current anthropological thought suggests a multi-causal combination of
events led to the eventuality of collapse (Aimers 2007; Iannone 2005a:26; Robichaux
2002).
Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1525)
During the Postclassic period artistic representations of communal and social themes become evident, replacing the royal lineage depictions of the Classic Period
(Trigger 2003:51). Community responses to societal breakdown demonstrate temporal and regional variation (Willey and Shimkin 1973). There is evidence of reduced populations living in or near some of the former Classic period habitats (Willey and
Shimkin 1973:468). Aimers (2002:165, 2007:345) suggests that those few remaining
inhabitants may have enjoyed a "levelling of status" between former elite and commoner classes at this time. The majority of the displaced populations appear to have relocated in a northerly direction, to the highlands, and to coastal regions, vastly increasing the
Postclassic populations there (Aimers 2007:343-345; Andrews 1993:56; Demarest et al.
2004:571; McKillop 2004a:100). Culbert (1988:149) likewise notes that concurrent with the southern lowlands collapse, the northern lowlands experienced a period of growth and 20
fluorescence. Andrews (1993:60) points out that "the Late Postclassic Maya were in the process of readapting, and developing new levels of complexity. This adds an important dimension to our understanding of the overall trajectory of Maya civilization."
THESIS ORGANIZATION
In terms of the organization of the thesis, Chapter One has introduced the thesis research focus, established the area of investigation, described the greater Maya subarea, and defined the smaller zone of investigation. It has briefly outlined the ancient environment and natural resources which, surprisingly for its small size, are very diverse.
A brief outline of Maya chronology followed, beginning with the earliest human inhabitants of the Maya subarea during the Paleoindian period. The chronology has outlined the major hallmarks of each period.
Chapter Two provides the early history of archaeological work in the area and detailed reviews of site specific archaeological investigations at the 15 centers. The sites are reviewed by geographic area, those in the Belize River Valley and peripheral areas, and those on the Vaca Plateau.
Chapter Three utilizes the archaeological evidence to identify the cultural signatures of the individual centers. This is accomplished with a chronological assessment of cultural indicators at the different sites, from first habitation, through fluorescence, to decline, and, in some cases, to site reoccupation.
Chapter Four synthesises the compiled data to present a model of cultural change as evidenced by the findings. 21
Chapter Five provides an interpretation of the trends and sequence of events, answers the research questions, and suggests future research directions. 22
CHAPTER 2:
HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH
IN WEST-CENTRAL BELIZE
This chapter introduces the history of archaeological research in west-central
Belize. The section begins with a brief overview of the earliest explorers and adventurers, and then proceeds to outline later organized institutional involvement in archaeological research projects at the individual centers. This component provides important background information leading to the central goal of this thesis: an analysis of the cultural development of these centers, as evidenced by the archaeological findings.
THE EARLY EXPLORERS
European references to Maya civilization and ruins date from Spanish conquest times. Hernan Cortes, the Spanish conquistador who travelled through the Peten area of
Guatemala in 1524 (Andrews 1993:41), encountered the Postclassic Itza Maya community of Tayasal at Lake Peten Itza. However, it was not until 1697 that Tayasal, then the last Postclassic Maya stronghold, was conquered by the Spaniards (Chase
1991:32; McKillop 2004a:107).
Coe (1984:90) describes the chance finding of the probable site of Tikal by
Father Avendano, who came upon the ruins while lost in the Peten region of Guatemala in
1695. Information is scant as the party was wandering lost in the jungle, and only fleeting mention is made of the discovery.
In later years, documented investigations of Maya ruins came to European notice through the Spanish Commissioners sent to explore Palenque in 1784-1786 (Thompson 23
1965:337). The investigations were initiated by Josef Estacherai, President of the Royal
Audiencia of Guatemala (Brunhouse 1973:6). Initial reports by Antonio Calderon in
1784, and Antonio Bernascom in 1785, were deemed unsatisfactory and lacking in detail.
Upon receiving word from dissatisfied Spanish officials, Estacheria sent a third investigator to examine and report on Palenque. Antonio del Rio, a military captain, was selected and accompanied by an artist, Ricardo Almendariz (Brunhouse 1973:8). Del
Rio's 1787 report, followed by a fanciful and highly speculative interpretation by Dr.
Paul Felix Cabrera (Brunhouse 1973:14), was published in 1822, and is believed to have inspired the subsequent, but better known, visit of John L. Stephens and Frederick
Catherwood (Thompson 1965:337), which resulted in the publication of Incidents of
Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan (Stephens 1855 [1841]). Stephens and
Catherwood's travels began upon arrival in British Honduras (Belize) in late 1839
(Stephens 1855 [1841]: 11). Despite the lack of formal archaeological training, John L.
Stephens, educated as a lawyer, and Frederick Catherwood, an architect, appear to have successfully made use of their writing and illustration skills. The resulting book was both descriptive, and beautifully illustrated, and was very well received by the public. At the time of Stephens and Catherwood's expedition to Copan, the Walker-Caddy Palenque
Expedition of 1839-1840 ensued (Pendergast 1967, 1993). Caddy, a Canadian military officer, produced a portfolio of architectural drawings, as well as a "lively" diary account of the expedition (Pendergast 1967:156). In contrast, Walker, described by Pendergast
(1967:24) as "an energetic, competent public servant capable of leading an official government expedition" produced the comparatively drier official report (Pendergast
1967). Within a few months, the Stephens and Catherwood expedition arrived at 24
Palenque. A descriptive and illustrated account of the site was included in the popular
1841 volume.
These early nineteenth century explorations were undertaken by wealthy amateur
scholars from a variety of backgrounds. Their early tales of adventure served as
precursors to the more formal archaeological investigations that began in the early
twentieth century. Initially, these early investigations in Guatemala and British Honduras
(Belize) were hampered by the dense tropical vegetation. This problem was somewhat
alleviated in the early twentieth century with the unintended opening of the region by the
chicle companies, in their efforts to find and tap wild sapodilla tree stands for collection
of gum-tree sap used in the manufacture of chewing gum (Bullard 1960:356; Lundell
1933:148-150; Thompson 1965:337). In addition to the opening of remote areas for
exploration, chicleros travelled the ancient causeways, where they found and reported on
ancient ruins (Tozzer 1913:150), often for financial reward. Gann (1927:156; 1929:71)
reports a "standing reward" of twenty-five dollars for discovery and report of newly
found inscribed stelae. Maler (1908:80) reports following the chiclero paths as the team travelled from Cayo de San Ignacio to Naranjo. Tozzer (1913:153) recommended river travel on the Belize River to El Cayo, then overland, often following the chicle paths, to reach the sites of Benque Viejo (Xunantunich), Buenavista del Cayo, Naranjo, and other ruins farther inland. Decades later, Bullard (1960:356) continued to plot chicle camp
locations on a published map of Maya ruins. In the same manner, workers employed in the mahogany concessions reported on ruins found in the remote logging areas (Joyce et al. 1927:315). 25
These early explorers and adventurers often braved harsh conditions while following their archaeological pursuits. Their narratives sparked interest in further explorations and investigations, and their maps and detailed notes also proved invaluable to later scholars and researchers.
The period between 1924 and 1970 has been referred to as the period of
"Institutional Domination" (Hammond 1983:21). During this time, involvement by the
Carnegie Institution of Washington, the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University, and the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania constituted the prevailing presence of Maya archaeological investigations in Central
America (Hammond 1983:21). These investigations were followed by lengthy projects beginning approximately mid-twentieth century, particularly at Tikal, Guatemala, and in the Belize Valley.
One noteworthy example of such a project is the settlement pattern studies by
Gordon Willey and his Harvard University graduate students, at the site of Barton Ramie
(Willey et al. 1965). Field work took place between 1954 and 1956, and detailed publication of the results in a large volume followed almost a decade later. Willey then went on to direct major excavations in Guatemala, at Altar de Sacrificios and Seibal.
Having provided a very brief description of the early explorers, the following section provides descriptions of the archaeological investigations at the sites under study in this thesis, specifically, Actuncan, Baking Pot, Blackman Eddy, Buenavista del Cayo,
Cahal Pech, El Pilar, Las Ruinas de Arenal, Pacbitun, Xunantunich, Naranjo, Caledonia,
Camp 6, Caracol, Hatzcap Ceel, and Minanha.
BELIZE VALLEY SITES 26
Actuncan
Figure 2.1. Map of Actuncan (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from McGovern 2004:Figure 2).
The site of Actuncan is located on a low hill, close to the Mopan River, two km north of Xunantunich (Bullardl965a:316), 15 km east-southeast of Naranjo (McGovern
2004:60), and a little over four km southwest of the site of Buenavista del Cayo, on the opposite Mopan River bank (Taschek and Ball 2004:191). McGovern (2004:55) indicates 27
that the site is located directly above the fertile river valley. Seven plaza groups, with a minimum of 80 associated structures, covering an area of approximately 25 hectares, comprise the site (Figure 2.1; McGovern 2004:55).
Gann (1925:89) visited and conducted preliminary excavations at the site of
Actuncan in early December, 1924, while working at nearby Xunantunich. He named the site Actuncan, meaning "Snake's Cave", in commemoration of his killing a large poisonous snake resident at the site (Gann 1925:87). This is believed to be the site that was explored in 1954 by Michael Stewart, and named Cahal Xux, or "Place of the
Wasps" (Bullard 1965a:316). Gann (1925) describes the architecture, brief excavations, ceramic and lithic artifacts found, as well as the removal of a carved altar. Bullard
(1965a:316) later indicates that the principal structure was a small vaulted building set on a high substructure.
More recent excavations at the site have been conducted by James McGovern,
UCLA, and Lisa LeCount, University of Alabama. Excavations undertaken by
McGovern (2004:65) between 1992 and 1994, under the auspices of the Xunantunich
Archaeological Project, contributed to the investigation and mapping of Actuncan South and North. Excavations, beginning in 2001, focused on house mounds in the northern section of Actuncan (LeCount and Blitz 2005:69). Recent investigations by LeCount
(2004) seek to understand the rise of the institution of kingship during the Late Preclassic to Early Classic period.
Baking Pot
Unlike the centers of Cahal Pech and Xunantunich, which are located on hills overlooking the valley, the site of Baking Pot is located on relatively flat terrain (Bullard 28
and Ricketson-Bullard 1965:7). Situated on the southern bank of the Belize River (Figure
2.2), Baking Pot is approximately equidistant between the ancient sites of Cahal Pech in
the west and Blackman Eddy in the east (Conlon and Moore 2003:60). Xunantunich is
located 20 km to the west (Conlon and Awe 1995:69). Barton Ramie is located five km
downstream in a direct line (Bullard and Willey 1965:301). Area vegetation at the time
was described by Bullard and Ricketson-Bullard (1965:7) as high tropical forest
consisting of cohune palm, ceiba, strangler fig, Spanish cedar, and mahogany. Almost
five decades later, it is now largely pasture land with few trees. Baking Pot derives its
name from large chicle sap boiling vessels found abandoned at Group II, marking a processing area during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Audet 2006:104).
First excavations at the site were undertaken in 1924, by O. G. Ricketson Jr. of the
Carnegie Institution. Ricketson's (1931:24) interests were in the medical field, and thus the skeletal remains were very well documented, including cranial alteration of the frontal region in six skulls. The site core was indicated to consist of two main groups surrounded by "innumerable small house-mounds" (Ricketson 1931:3, 24), suggesting a densely populated center. The absence of stelae, small size of plaza groups, and lack of cut stone
blocks for building led Ricketson (1931:25) to conclude that this was a center of only
minor importance.
A. H. Anderson also conducted some modest excavations at Baking Pot in 1949
(Rice 1974:77; Bullard and Willey 1965:304). These investigations focused on Structure
A of Group II, which revealed masonry terracing and wide stairs. In 1956, Gordon Willey excavated and mapped the center and classed it as characteristic of a major ceremonial 29
center, due to the existence of a plain stela and a ballcourt (Bullard and Willey 1965:308-
309).
In 1961, field work was initiated by William Bullard and Mary Ricketson Bullard,
as a six week interim project co-sponsored by the Royal Ontario Museum and the
University of Toronto. Excavations included Structure II-A, the principal temple, and
Structure II-D, with a ballcourt. The excavations were documented in a monograph, Late
Classic Finds at Baking Pot, British Honduras (Bullard and Ricketson-Bullard 1965).
In the late 1970s, C. M. Kirke (1980) investigated agricultural methods and ancient water management practices in the Baking Pot area, and postulated that intensive agricultural practices could have supported as many as 60,000 inhabitants in the Belize
River Valley. During 1992 and 1993, under the direction of Jaime Awe, the Belize
Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Project (BVAR) began investigations at the site
(Conlon 1995:81). Survey settlement conducted between 1995 and 2000 suggests that this was a complex and important center in the Belize Valley (Piehl 2005:47). Ferguson
(1999:71) indicates the presence of three ballcourts at Baking Pot, a feature which makes this site unique in the Belize Valley. Aimers (1993:210) notes the existence of an E-
Group complex at the site.
Several peripheral settlement areas have been investigated, including plaza groups at Bedran (Conlon and Moore 2003; Conlon and Powis 2004), and Atalaya (Conlon and
Moore 2003). The Bedran group is located approximately 2.27 km south-west of the
Baking Pot epicenter (Conlon and Moore 2003:63), and Atalaya approximately 275 m south of group Baking Pot Group II (Conlon and Moore 2003:66). The Atalaya group was the subject of Allan Moore's (1997) doctoral dissertation. 30
tfetitz* Vaiiay ^1 Archaaetagkot ftBeOAftotesonc*
Figure 2.2. Map of Baking Pot. (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Audet 2006:Figure 5.2).
The nearby site of Barton Ramie was the subject of intense investigations in the mid-twentieth century. In 1953, Gordon Willey and his graduate student William
Bullard, in the company of Linton Satterthwaite Jr., visited several sites in the Belize
Valley (Willey et al. 1965:vii). After visiting the site of Barton Ramie with
Archaeological Commissioner A.H. Anderson, it was decided that recent agricultural clearing at the private estate provided an excellent opportunity for house mound 31
excavations and settlement survey (Willey et al. 1965:vii). Field work took place between 1954 and 1956. The resulting monograph, Prehistoric Maya Settlements in the
Belize Valley (Willey et al. 1965), sparked much interest in the area of settlement pattern research. So much that, in reference to Willey's pioneering research, Ashmore (2007:49) ascertains that "directly or indirectly the Belize Valley project challenged conventional thinking about Maya land use and demography."
Blackman Eddy
Blackman Eddy is located 20 km northeast of San Ignacio, two km southeast of
Barton Ramie (Garber, Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman, Kent Re illy III, and Sullivan
2004:49), and 9.9 km east of Baking Pot (Audet 2006:104). Blackman Eddy village in the valley lends its name to the ancient site (Brown 2001). The site core is perched high on a ridge overlooking the valley below (Garber, Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman,
Kent Reilly III, and Sullivan 2004:49). Brown and Garber (2003) note the defensive potential of this location and find evidence of architectural damage by burning, which is consistent with final desecratory acts of Maya warfare.
The center is described as a "fairly small ceremonial center" by Brown and Garber
(2005:54). Ceremonial features at the site include large monumental architecture, stelae, and a ballcourt (Brown and Garber 2005:54). The existence of an E-Group complex is indicated by Ferguson (1999:34-35). Two main plazas, A and B, make up the Blackman
Eddy site core (Figure 2.3; Brown and Garber 2005). 32
Figure 2.3. Blackman Eddy Site Core (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Brown 2007:Figure 8).
Blackman Eddy first came to archaeological notice in the mid-1980s (Garber,
Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman, Kent Reilly III, and Sullivan 2004:67) when bulldozer destruction at that time necessitated salvage archaeology at the site (Garber, 33
Brown, Awe, and Hartman 2004a:26). Investigations were initiated in 1990 by the Texas
State University - San Marcos Belize Valley Archaeology Project, under the direction of
J. Garber (Garber, Brown, Awe, and Hartman 2004a:26; Sunahara 2003:46). By 1994, it
was evident to the Belize Department of Archaeology that the damaged Structure B-1 was
beyond repair. However, the exposed architecture served to reveal a lengthy construction
sequence, which has been found to span a period of 2000 years (Garber, Brown, Awe,
and Hartman 2004a, 2004b; Lohse 2010:336).
Buenavista del Cayo
Buenavista del Cayo is located in the Mopan-Macal triangle, bounded by these
two rivers and the Vaca Plateau (Ball and Taschek 2004:149). Ball and Taschek
(2004:149) indicate the following distances and directions to other sites in their study:
five km to the northeast of Buenavista del Cayo is Cahal Pech; six km to the south lies
Xunantunich; 13 km to the north-northwest lies El Pilar; Naranjo is located approximately
14 km to the west; and Caracol lies 42 km to the south.
The earliest documented official reference to the site dates to 1968, when reported by Elias Alfaro of the Belize Department of Archaeology (Ball and Taschek 2004:164).
The center was recorded in the National Register of Archaeological Sites the following year. Alfaro escorted Ball and Taschek on their preliminary visit to Buenavista del Cayo
in 1981 (Ball and Taschek 2004:164).
This center consists of three large and physically connected plaza groups (Figure
2.4). The 18 hectare site core includes 13 stelae and altars, two ballcourts, an acropolis- palace, as well as numerous plaza and courtyard groups (Ball and Taschek 2004:150).
Field work under the auspices of San Diego State University Mopan-Macal Triangle 34
Archaeological Project was directed by Jennifer Taschek and Joseph Ball and conducted
between 1984 and 1991. Detailed ceramic investigations at the site have been undertaken
by Ball (1993), Ball and Taschek (2003, 2004), Reents-Budet et al. (2000, 2005), and
Taschek and Ball (1992). Archaeological investigations continue under the the Mopan
Valley Archaeological Project and include settlement survey investigations which Yaeger
et al. (2009, 2010) suggest may reveal the existence of an ancient central marketplace.
Figure 2.4. Buenavista del Cayo Central Area Map (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Reents-Budet et al. 2000:Figure 8). 35
Cahal Pech
The site of Cahal Pech is located on the west bank of the Macal River, just outside
the town of San Ignacio, in the Belize River Valley. Bullard (1965b:313) estimates the
size of Cahal Pech to be roughly equivalent to Baking Pot. The center was visited and
named by Linton Satterthwaite in 1950 (Bullard 1965b:313). The Maya site name is
interpreted as "Place of the Ticks" (Rice 1974:75), in reference to the former use of the
land as pasture. During the 1960s, archaeological commissioner A.H. Anderson visited
the site and recommended that it be developed as a national park (Awe 1992:58);
however, the recommendation was not implemented at that time. In 1969, the second
archaeological commissioner, Peter Schmidt, visited Cahal Pech. He assessed damage
caused by looters and conducted limited excavations (Awe 1992:58). No reports were
published, however, by either Satterthwaite or Schmidt. Joseph Ball and Jennifer
Taschek made brief visits to the site during 1986 and 1987, and in the summer of 1988,
Jaime Awe organized the first major archaeological investigation of the site. Awe's
(1992) doctoral dissertation probes the Early Preclassic cultural markers of the center and
suggests trade and social stratification become evident as early as 1000 B.C.
A long history of investigation begins in 1988 with the Trent University Cahal
Pech Project, which becomes the Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Project
(Healy and Awe 1995). Following a one year hiatus in 1993, research continued under the Trent University Belize Valley Preclassic Maya Project under the direction of Paul
Healy (Healy and Awe 1995, 1996; Healy 1999a). This research focused on Middle
Preclassic architecture, settlement and craft production at the site, and helped define the
Cunil ceramic phase, one of the earliest traces of the lowland Maya. Further 36
investigations in Plaza B were performed in the 2004, 2005, and 2006 field seasons, revealing much Middle Preclassic period ritual and ideological information (Garber and
Awe 2008; Garber et al. 2007). Further Middle to Late Preclassic transition period investigations were conducted by Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe (2004), and Ball and
Taschek (2003).
The Cahal Pech site core consists of a group of at least 34 structures arranged around seven plazas, and situated on an acropolis (Figure 2.5; Awe 2008:160; Awe et al.
1991:25). A possible E-Group complex has been identified by Aimers (1993:Table 4).
The site core is elevated above the surrounding area. Two indirect access routes leading into two courtyards serve to restrict access to the site core (Awe et al. 1991:27)
A Af
Figure 2.5. Cahal Pech site core (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Awe et al. 1991:Figure2). 37
Investigations of the western periphery group of Cas Pek were undertaked by Lee
(1996); at the northern periphery Ch'um group by Powis et al. (1996); and at the Tzinic
settlement cluster (approximately 450 m south of the Cahal Pech site core) by Iannone
and Conlon (1993).
The Zopilote terminus group is located 750 meters south of the Cahal Pech site
core, at the end of the Martinez causeway. It is set high on a ridge running east-west,
facing Cahal Pech, and offers a grand view of the center (Cheetham 2004:130).
Nearby archaeological investigations, in 1953, included the Melhado site,
indicated by Willey and Bullard (1956:29) to be located "near" the town of El Cayo (San
Ignacio, Belize), and 1.6 km (one mile) from the site of Cahal Pech. Located on private property, on a farm owned by Henry Melhado, the site was known to Linton
Satterthwaite, who escorted Willey and Bullard there in February 1953. Willey and
Bullard's interests were in house mounds and settlement patterns, and the recently cleared
site offered a unique research opportunity.
Nohoch Ek, located between the modern towns of El Cayo (San Ignacio) and
Succotz, was excavated by William R. Coe and Michael D. Coe in 1949 (Coe and Coe
1956).
Nearby middle level sites investigated by Iannone (2003) in the Cahal Pech
microregion include Zubin and X-ual-canil (Cayo Y).
El Pilar
El Pilar is located in an area of limestone ridges (Ford 2004:243), 24 km (15 miles) north of San Ignacio (Ford, Whittaker, and Kamp 2009:93), and 10 km from the
Belize River (Ford, Clarke, and Raines 2009:502). Tikal is 50 km to the west; Naranjo is 38
20 km to the southwest (Morris and Ford 2005:83). The site is situated on the Belize /
Guatemala border (Ford, Whittaker, and Kamp 2009:93) and, at its peak, covered an area
of almost 50 hectares (Ford et al. 2001:16). The site name is derived from the Old
Spanish and translates as "watering basin" (Sunahara 2003:54).
Figure 2.6. El Pilar (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Ford 2004:Figure 15.2).
Valuable local mineral resources include limestone and chert. Ancient limestone
quarries, a source of construction material, are found throughout the surrounding area
(Ford etal. 2001:16).
Severe looting at the site was evident at the time of initial survey, and continues to be an ongoing problem at this large site (Ford et al. 2001). Initial investigations of the
Belize River Archaeological Settlement Survey (BRASS) were undertaken in 1983 by
Anabel Ford of the University of California - Santa Barbara (Ford and Fedick 1992:36). 39
In two five-month field seasons, during 1983 and 1984, initial mapping, settlement survey, and test excavations were undertaken. The monumental core was initially mapped in 1984 (Ford et al. 2001:11). Ford (2004:242) indicates a core area of 50 hectares of monumental architecture, including temples, platforms, plazas, range structures, two ballcourts, a large acropolis and causeways (Ford 2004:250). In 1985, area investigations included the El Laton settlement cluster, located 4.5 km to the south
(Ford and Fedick 1992:37). In 1986, construction sequences made evident by extensive looter's trenches at El Pilar as well as Alta Vista, Yaxox, and Bacab Na were investigated
(Ford and Fedick 1992:38). Annual mapping programs began in 1993 (Ford 2004:250).
Monumental architecture is also found at Xaman in the north and at two southern areas, Nohol and western Poniente (Figure 2.6; Ford 2004:250). Of the three areas, access is restricted at Xaman, while Nohol and western Poniente appear to be large public areas, connected via causeways (Morris and Ford 2005:83). These causeways link residential areas to civic and public areas (Ford et al. 2001:18). Ballcourts have been identified at Nohol and Poniente (Ferguson 1999:40).
In 1998, the University of California - Santa Barbara Maya Forest GIS project was initiated to merge topographic, environmental, and archaeological information. Ongoing
GIS and modelling investigations at El Pilar and area include an examination of the association between agricultural sustainability and Maya settlement area selection (Ford,
Clarke, and Raines 2009).
Las Ruinas de Arenal
The site of Las Ruinas de Arenal is located high on a series of limestone ridges at the northwest edge of the Vaca Plateau (Taschek and Ball 1999:215). Xunantunich is 40
five km to the north-northwest, Buenavista del Cayo is 10.5 km to the north, Naranjo is
16 km northwest, and Caracol is 32 km south (Taschek and Ball 1999:215).
Figure 2.7. Las Ruinas de Arenal (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Taschek and Ball 1999:Figure 2).
Las Ruinas de Arenal is described by Taschek and Ball (1999) as a small but major Lowland Maya center. Four groups, those being Groups A, B, C, and D (Figure 41
2.7; Taschek and Ball 1999:215) make up the site, three linked by causeways. Group D is
situated 250 m to the northwest of Group A. Aimers (1993:79) has identified a possible
E-Group complex based on architectural sketches; however, its precise location is not
detailed.
Brief mention of the site is made by Teobert Maler (1908:76), who notes that a
small Maya village named El Arenal is situated above Benque Viejo. Taschek and Ball
(1999:215) indicate brief acknowledgment of the site by Tozzer in 1913. Again, in 1929,
Thomas Gann (1929:70) describes the area surrounding a small village called Arenal,
located precisely on the modern border between Belize and Guatemala.
Investigations at the site by Taschek and Ball (1999) of San Diego State
University began in 1991, following a site visit in early 1989. At that time, the site was found to have been severely damaged by looting. Recent site information is scant, largely
limited to a very detailed site report of the first two field seasons (Taschek and Ball
1999).
Pacbitun
The site of Pacbitun is located on the southern edge of the upper Belize River
Valley, geographically situated with the broadleaf forest to the north and pine forest to the south (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:207). The center is located approximately 10 km southeast of San Ignacio. The site is classed by Healy et al. (2007:34) as a medium- sized lowland Maya center.
The site was initially reported to the Belize Department of Archaeology in 1971, after its discovery near a quarrying operation (Healy 1990a:248). A preliminary site survey was conducted by Peter Schmidt, the Archaeological Commissioner, but no 42
excavations resulted at this time (Healy 1990a:249). Schmidt designated the site name to be "Pacbitun", meaning "stones set in earth" (Healy 1990a:249), in reference to the presence of stelae, which were indicated at that time to number at least 19. A twentieth monument, Stela 13, was discovered shattered in Plaza C during the 1995 Field Season
(Arendt et al. 1996). Of these, one stela and two altars are carved (Healy 1990b; Helmke and Awe 2008; Helmke et al. 2006). Other contemporary sites of similar size were indicated to have few, if any monuments, suggesting Pacbitun was a significant political power in the eastern region of the southern lowlands (Healy 1990a:254). The site has
Figure 2.8. Map of Pacbitun, Belize (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Hohmann and Powis 1996:Figure 3). 43
abundant evident for slate manufacturing (Healy et al. 1995) and musical instruments
(Healy 1988; Healy et al. 2008).
Pacbitun is comparable in size to Altun Ha, Baking Pot, Cahal Pech, Colha,
Lubaantun, and San Jose (Healy 1990b:109). Investigations at the site began in 1980
with a survey of agricultural terracing in the area (Healy et al. 2007). In 1984
investigations were concentrated at the site core, with a series of test pits designed to
elicit information on the history of occupation (Hohmann and Powis 1996:99).
Settlement survey began in the 1986 and 1987 summer field seasons by the Trent
University-Pacbitun Archaeological Project, under the direction of Paul Healy (Healy
1990a; Healy et al. 2007:19; Hohmann and Powis 1996:99). Settlement in outlying areas
is suggested to be associated, often, with agricultural production, with the greatest
evidence of agricultural terracing in the western periphery (Healy et al. 2007:22).
The site core features five plazas with masonry structures and includes
monuments, a palace complex, an E-Group complex, a ballcourt, and several causeways
(Figure 2.8; Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004). Visually dominant Plaza A stands six m
higher than Plazas B to E (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:208). Plaza A in the
epicenter is distinguished as the location of nearly all stelae and altars found at the site
(Healy 1990a:250). The epicentral area covers 0.5 km2 (Healy et al. 2007:17). The
surrounding core zone covers one km2, and the outer ring or periphery zone covers an
area of nine km .
Following excavations conducted by Trent University between 1995 and 1997, publication of research continued. Recent excavations of the Pacbitun Preclassic Project
focussed on well preserved evidence of Middle Preclassic architecture of Plaza B in the 44
site core (Powis, Healy, and Hohmann 2009). Publication of the research continues with:
settlement pattern studies (Campbell-Trithart 1990; Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004,
Healy et al. 2007); monument studies (Arendt et al. 1996; Healy 1990b; Helmke, Grube,
Awe, and Healy 2006); subsistence studies (Healy et al. 1990; White et al. 1993); craft
specialization analysis (Powis et al. 2009); and assessments of political organization
(Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004; Helmke and Awe 2008; Hohmann and Powis 1996).
Since 2008, archaeological investigations at Pacbitun have been carried out under the permit issued by the Belize Institute of Archaeology to Terry G. Powis (Powis 2011:8).
Xunantunich (Benque Viejo)
Xunantunich (Figure 2.9), formerly known as Benque Viejo, has a lengthy history
of investigation and excavation. This may be a reflection of its comparatively easy access
on the north bank of the Mopan River, where it is situated on an artificially levelled hill
(Leventhal and Ashmore 2004:171). Buenavista del Cayo lies five km to the north
(LeCount et al. 2002:43), and Naranjo is situated 13 km to the northwest (Martin and
Grube 2000:83).
Early references date to 1881 (Rice 1974:68), when the site was visited by Sir
Alfred Maloney, Governor of British Honduras (Belize). After a visit to the site in 1893, minor excavations were carried out in 1894 and 1895 by Thomas Gann (Rice 1974:68), who named the site Mount Maloney in the Governor's honour. Teobert Maler visited the
site briefly in 1905 while en route to Naranjo, Guatemala. While at the site, Maler
(1908:77-79) completed a ground plan of the largest and highest structure, took photographs, measurements, and notes. 45
Figure 2.9. Map of Xunantunich, Belize (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Lentz etal. 2005:Figure 3).
In 1915, during a reported one hour visit to the site (MacKie 1985:11), Sylvanus
Morley, on behalf of the Carnegie Institution, sketched the inscriptions and deciphered the date of Stela 1. Morley returned and continued investigations in 1920 (Rice
1974:315). A brief visit by Thomas Gann (1927) of the British Museum in 1925, resulted in the inclusion of the site on a sketch map of the expedition, noting the archaeological site among those noted as "ruins of major importance" (Gann 1927:Plate 31). The site was named Xunantunich, meaning "Stone Maiden", by Gann in 1925, in reference to a 46
local legend (Rice 1974:68). Following a visit later that same year by Gann and Joyce
(also of the British Museum), a brief description was documented (Joyce 1927:319), as
well as photography and dating of a weathered, but legible stela at the site. A. Ledyard
Smith of the Carnegie Institution's Central American Expedition mapped the site in 1930
(Satterthwaite 1950:217). Investigations continued in 1938, with J. Eric Thompson
(1942) and his work on the ceramic sequence of the site (Bullard 1965c:315;
Satterthwaite 1950:217). In 1950, Linton Satterthwaite, on the advice and with the
assistance of A.H. Anderson, carried out excavation, restoration, and documentation of a
stucco facade on the largest temple (Satterthwaite 1950:217). Later investigations of the
Structure A6 stucco masks were undertaken by Virginia Fields (2004). Michael Stewart
excavated from 1952-1954 and again in 1957 (Bullard 1965c:315-316). EuanMacKie
(1961) of Cambridge University excavated in 1959 and 1960, and found evidence of
several sudden and devastating building collapses in the northern Plaza AIII, which he
suggested might be indicative of a geologic event. Other members of the Cambridge
Expedition to British Honduras 1959-1960 included J. E. Thorpe and D. R. Stoddart
(1962:159-160), who indicated that the center was abandoned in the Late Classic. Peter J.
Schmidt, Archaeological Commissioner of British Honduras between 1968 and 1971,
conducted excavations during 1969 (Rice 1974:71). In the summer of 1979, after damage to Structure B5 by looters, Pendergast and Graham (1981) undertook a salvage operation to excavate the now exposed structure, which included a disturbed burial. A second burial, undiscovered by the looters, revealed an elite adult, possibly female, with numerous dental modifications, including pyrite inlays and notching (Pendergast and
Graham 1981:17). 47
The first large scale excavations under the Xunantunich Archaeological Project,
(XAP), co-directed by Richard Leventhal and Wendy Ashmore, were conducted between
1991 and 1997. The seven year research project was initiated in an effort to understand the unique timelines of this Belize Valley site (Yaeger 2003:44).
Recent research conducted by the Xunantunich Archaeological Project, by Lentz
et al. (2005), assesses the importance of pine as a trade commodity at Xunantunich and
hinterland sites. Excavations by the next major project, the Xunantunich Settlement
Survey (XSS), were initiated in an effort to investigate and relate local agrarian history to the local and overall collapse sequence of events (Ashmore et al. 2004:306). XSS, under the direction of Wendy Ashmore, recorded archaeological data along three 400 m wide transects radiating outward from the Xunantunich center (Yaeger and Robin 2004:150).
Excavations at the nearby centers of San Lorenzo by Jason Yaeger (2000), and Wendy
Ashmore et al. (2004); Chaa Creek by Samuel Connell (2000); Chan by Cynthia Robin et al. (2002) and Laura Kosakowsky and Cynthia Robin (2010); Chan Noohol (Yucatec
Maya for Chan South) by Cynthia Robin (1999) and Wendy Ashmore et al. (2004); contributed to the regional research. Angela Keller's (2006) doctoral dissertation provides an in-depth analysis of Xunantunich's roads and access points, as well as suggesting motives for their symbolic, temporal, and spatial planning and usage.
Theodore Neff s (2008) investigation of agricultural terraces in the Xunantunich hinterland suggests that production was practiced at the household level, either by individual families or small community groups.
Katherine M. Brown's (2009) investigations, in association with the Mopan
Valley Preclassic Project, have focused on the nearby site of Nohoch Ek, as well as two 48
closely spaced groups of large architecture in Xunantunich's near hinterland, named
Groups E and 0/A2-1, which were earlier investigated during the mid-1990s by XAP
(Brown 2009:66).
Naranjo
The major site of Naranjo, Guatemala, is located 45 km east-southeast of Tikal
(Closs 1985:65), and is strategically located high on an escarpment at the divide of the
Holmul and Mopan Rivers (Fialko 2004). These geographic features make for an easily
defensible location, and also, unfortunately when vacant, enhance opportunities for plundering. Much of the recent archaeological investigation at the center has been in
response to damages inflicted by looters (Dorfman 1998; Fialko 2004; Gamez 2004).
The known extent of the site is eight km2, with the epicentral complex occupying
1.5 km2 (Fialko 2004). The ceremonial core consists of over 112 structures arranged in
six groups (Figure 2.10; Tokovinine 2008:175). Epicentral architecture includes an E-
Group complex, two ballcourts, and two palace complexes (Tokovinine and Fialko
2007:3).
The site of Naranjo was first documented and photographed in 1905, by Teobert
Maler, for the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University.
While investigating Benque Viejo in January 1905, Maler was informed by chicleros in the employ of Benigno Silva, of an ancient site named "El Naranjo", where "several large cuyos and curious sculptures" had been found and reported (Maler 1908:80). Maler's
(1908) investigation documented 32 stelae, of which 24 possessed engravings which were clear enough for rudimentary analysis, documentation, and photography (Maler
1908:118). Maler's report, Explorations in the Department ofPeten, Guatemala, and 49
Adjacent Region: Topoxte; Yaxha; Benque Viejo; Naranjo; was published by the Peabody
Museum in 1908. The report includes detailed monument measurements, a count of
glyphs, and interpretations of the depictions.
Hf„-1»'» J I
•
- • '
i^ MM Z» ^ P
i,-~* "" 'C,'. i. »i I',,.. (.3
( I I 1
m>z
.Mil < 'III .i, ' *L St m«un»r- in
V'
Figure 2.10. Map of Epicenter, Naranjo, Guatemala (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Martin and Grube 2000:68). Based upon Maler's photographs, maps and reports, Sylvanus Morley (1909) documented the inscriptions and deciphered many of the dates, which he compared with those from other sites. The analysis of the inscriptions at the site was the subject of
Morley's Ph.D. dissertation, with a condensed version being published as an article in 50
American Anthropologist in 1909. While at the time, only the dates were understood,
Morley (1909:557) speculated on the quantity of writing associated with specific dates, and identified periods of increased documentation, which he suggested may indicate an increase in occurrences of historical significance.
Alfred Tozzer (1913:149) indicated that the buildings were "entirely in ruins", with the sculptured stelae noted as the most important feature of the site. A reconnaissance survey of north-eastern Peten, Guatemala, including Naranjo, was carried out in 1958, by Bullard (1960) under the auspices of the Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University. Bullard's emphasis was on settlement patterns of the region as a whole, particularly as they related to fresh water resources. Bullard suggested, similar to the Belize River Valley, that settlement was first determined by agricultural potential, and then organized in a set of ceremonially or politically related major and minor centers.
Naranjo's assemblage of sculptured stelae continues to intrigue. The number of stelae indentified increased to a count of 45 in 2004 when stela fragments were excavated in the fill of Triadic Acropolis Stucture C-9 (Tokovinine and Fialko 2007). The decipherment of Naranjo's monuments has been detailed in numerous publications, most notably, beginning in 1908 (Maler), investigated by Graham (1978, 1980), Graham and
Von Euw (1975), continuing with Closs (1984, 1985, 1989), and most recently with
Tokovinine and Fialko (2007).
VACA PLATEAU SITES
Caledonia 51
The small site of Caledonia is located 15 km northeast of the Caracol epicenter, at the meeting point of the Vaca Plateau region of the Chiquibul Forest Reserve and the
Mountain Pine Ridge region (Healy et al. 1998:261). The site is located near the west bank of the Macal River (Figure 2.11; Healy et al. 1998:262; Morris 2004a:134). The
Mountain Cow sites are approximately 10 km to the south, and the site of Camp 6 is approximately seven km to the north-northwest. Pacbitun lies 23 km to the north (Healy etal. 1998:270).
The forests of the nearby Mountain Pine Ridge provide a variety of resources including deer, granite, pine wood, and pine resin. Local terraced hillsides around the site
(called Zayden Creek) suggested intensified agricultural use (Awe 1985:32; Healy et al.
1980). Agricultural terracing in the area was investigated in depth during the late 1970s and early 1980s by Paul Healy of Trent University (Healy et al. 1980; Pendergast 1993).
Figure 2.11. Caledonia Plazas A and B (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Healy etal. 1998:Figure 3). 52
After initial detection of the site in 1979 by the Scottish Highland "Black Watch"
Battalion of the British Army (Awe 1985:1), salvage excavations commenced the following year, after reports of looting brought the site to the attention of Paul Healy of
Trent University (Awe 1985:387; Healy et al. 1998:262). Healy was conducting a survey of agricultural terraces nearby. The "Black Watch" Battalion suggested the name
"Caledonia", with the modifier "Cayo" later added to avoid confusion with a northern site by the same name (Healy et al. 1998:262-263). Morris (2004a: 134) suggests that a contributory factor to the looting problem is the easy and open riverine access to the site.
This ancient Maya center is located in the Chiquibul Forest Reserve of the Vaca
Plateau. Publications on the site are few. The majority of references stem from two sources, those being Jaime Awe's (1985) M.A. thesis and a paper by Healy, Awe, and
Helmuth (1998) which focused on an Early to Middle Classic vaulted tomb multiple burial at the site. More recently, Asta Rand (2011) has analysed ancient Maya remains at the site in a comparative investigation of diet within and external to the center.
Camp 6
Camp 6 is located 19 km (12 miles) northwest of Mountain Cow Water Hole
(Figure 2.12; Thompson 1931:278), and three km southeast of Minanha (Jones 2009:73).
Rice (1974:63) indicates that the site is located in a small valley surrounded by limestone hills. Camp 6 is described as consisting of three pyramids, two small mounds, a long and low structure, and a possible ballcourt (Thompson 1994:160). Several clusters of residential mounds are situated in close proximity to the ceremonial center (Thompson
1931:336). The site takes its name from the mahogany logging operations camp 53
headquarters of the same name (Thompson 1931:224), which is located less than 1.6 km
(one mile) north (Thompson 1994:160).
2.12. Camp 6 Ground Plan (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Thompson 1931:Figure9).
Camp 6 was visited briefly by Thompson (1931) during the first and second
Marshall Field Expeditions to the Southern Cayo District of British Honduras (Belize) of
1928 and 1929. This represents the only archaeological work conducted at this site. 54
Hence, the bulk the archaeological information available about this site comes from
Thompson's 1931 publication of Archaeological Investigations in the Southern Cayo
District, British Honduras. This detailed manuscript includes maps, a ground plan,
descriptions of ceramic, lithic, and shell artifacts as well as monuments and architecture.
Thompson (1931:336) notes that no stelae were found at the site. Thompson (1931:278)
describes the contents of Votive Cache 8 found in Pyramid B as the "most spectacular" of
the caches found to date in British Honduras (Belize). Of particular note was a
magnificent jade mask which was quickly dispatched to the British Museum (Thompson
1931:280).
Caracol
Caracol is situated on the western edge of the Maya Mountains, bounded by the
Macal and Chiquibul Rivers (Chase and Chase 1987:1). Rice (1974:56) indicates that the
ancient site is six km from the British Honduras (Belize)-Guatemala border and six km
from the eastern tributaries of the Chiquibul River. The name Caracol is Spanish for snail
shell, and was so named in reference to the winding road leading to the site (Chase and
Chase 1987:1).
The site of Caracol was identified by chicleros in the late 1930s (Rice 1974:56).
It was brought to the attention of the first Commissioner of Archaeology, A. Hamilton
Anderson, who visited the site briefly in 1938, and noted the existence of several carved monuments (Beetz 1980:4). In 1950, Anderson encouraged Linton Satterthwaite to
investigate the hieroglyphic writing at the site. Fortunately, at the time, travel through the dense forested jungle to the site was facilitated by logging roads constructed in the 1940s 55
Figure 2.13. Caracol Epicenter (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Helmke, Kettunen, and Guenter 2006:Figure 1).
(Beetz and Satterthwaite 1981:1). Satterthwaite's investigations in the early 1950s produced sketches and latex moulds of the stelae and altars at the site (Beetz and
Satterthwaite 1981:1), but no maps (Rice 1974:58). By the end of the 1953 field season's investigations, 20 stelae and 19 altars had been excavated and recorded (Beetz and
Satterthwaite 1981:1). Anderson returned to excavate several interments in the late
1950s, but all field notes and materials were destroyed by the ravages of Hurricane Hattie 56
in 1961, and his findings were never published (Beetz and Satterthwaite 1981:1).
Satterthwaite's investigations shifted to the Tikal Project in 1956, and the Caracol
information was temporarily put aside. In 1977, Carl Beetz was commissioned by the
University of Pennsylvania to assist Satterthwaite in completion of the Caracol volume
(Beetz and Satterthwaite 1981:2). The completed volume, The Monuments and
Inscriptions of Caracol, Belize, jointly authored by Beetz and Satterthwaite, was
published in 1981.
As a result of his study of emblem glyphs, Thompson (1965:355) suggested a link
between the sites of Caracol and Naranjo, noting, however, that it was not possible to
ascertain whether the connection was political.
In May, 1978, Paul Healy of Trent University briefly visited the site of Caracol to
assess the feasibility of the study of Maya agricultural terraces in the Cayo District (Healy
et al. 1983:401). At that time it was determined that Caracol was an important locale for
such an investigation (Healy et al. 1983:401). As there was, by this time, no access or
logging roads open to the site, the Trent team necessarily spent two days cutting a new
road, passable for a vehicle, to ready the site.
In 1980, Healy and a team of investigators returned to Caracol, and excavated a
series of housemounds, and what were identified as agricultural terraces (Healy et al.
1983; Walsh 1985). This was some of the first, definitive evidence for hillslope terracing
in the eastern Maya Lowlands. These investigations also provided the first radiocarbon
dates for Caracol.
Arlen and Diane Chase (1987:6) made preliminary site visits in 1983 and 1984.
In 1985 the Caracol Archaeological Project began intensive investigations, which 57
continue to the present day. The most significant archaeological find at the site,
according to principal investigators, Chase and Chase (1994a:l), was the 1986 discovery
of a ballcourt marker located in the A Group epicenter. This important monument, Altar
21, documents the Caracol dynasty and events of the A.D. 556 "axe war" with Tikal
(Martin and Grube 2000:88-89; Scheie and Freidel 1990:173). Altar 21 was used as the
central marker of the A-Group Ballcourt (Helmke, Kettunen, and Guenter 2006:Figure 1).
This important memorial has been the subject of investigation by Gutierrez (1993),
Houston (1987, 1991), and Martin (2005). Healy et al. (1983:400) suggested the
existence of a second central ballcourt. Chase and Chase (1987) later verified ballcourts
in Plazas A and B.
Investigations at Caracol (Figure 2.13) and surrounding area have been ongoing
for 30 years, resulting in a plethora of published research, a portion of which is detailed in the next chapter.
Hatzcap Ceel (Cold Dawn)
The Mountain Cow group complex includes four sites (Tzimin Kax, Cahal Cunil,
Cahal Pichik, and Hatzcap Ceel), situated in the south-western Cayo District of Belize.
The group was collectively named Mountain Cow, the translation of the Maya "Tzimin
Kax", meaning tapir (Thompson 1931:226). The sites are clustered in close proximity to
each another, with the group located 22 km east of the Belize-Guatemala border on the
Vaca Plateau (Morris and Ford 2005:85), and 12 km northeast of Caracol (Morris
2004a: 155).
The site name of Hatzcap Ceel is indicated by Thompson (1931:248) to translate as "cold dawn". Hatzcap Ceel is described by Thompson (1931:249) as located slightly 58
less than 1.6 km (one mile) southeast of Mountain Cow Water Hole, and by Morris
(2004b:133) as 1.9 km south-southeast of Cahal Pichik. Hatzap Ceel site elevation was
estimated by Thompson (1931:228) to be as high as 2,250 feet (686 m) above sea level,
making it one of the highest of the Maya archaeological sites known at the time.
Located a few miles distant, the Great Pine Ridge is notable as a resource rich area with a long history of harvesting pine for utilization in cooking, illumination, and construction (Thompson 1931:259). Standley and Record (1936:21) describe The Great
Pine ridge as exhibiting a very diverse variety of herbaceous plants, some reputed to be unknown in the rest of Central America. The cultural importance of pine to the ancient
Maya cannot be understated, and indeed, Morehart et al. (2005) suggest that, although distances of one to 10 km or more to pine resources characterize much of the Maya area, the preponderance of pine charcoal remains found in ancient ceremonial contexts suggests that burning of pine was an integral component of many ritual practices.
During his 1928 and 1929 investigations, Thompson carried out extensive site excavations at two groups of structures at Hatzcap Ceel. Group I, the larger of the two, was built around a large plaza (Thompson 1931:248). A lagoon was discovered behind
Pyramid A of Plaza I (Thompson 1931:249). Stairs leading to the lagoon led Thompson
(1931:249) to suggest this was the primary water source for the community. High on a natural hill 120 meters to the southeast is Group II (Thompson 1931:249). Thompson
(1931:261) details the finding of two carved altars and six uncarved stelae at the site.
Further investigations have increased the number of altars to five (Morris 2004b: 133).
A 10 meter wide by 1800 meter long causeway connects the two ritual/administrative complex centers of Cahal Pichik and Hatzcap Ceel (Morris 59
2004b:132). An ancient causeway documented by Chase and Chase (2001) spans a
distance of 9.2 km to connect the two centers to Caracol's epicenter. Access to the Cahal
Pichik causeway is gained through the Hatzcap Ceel ballcourt (Morris 2004a: 184).
Figure 2.14. Map of Hatzcap Ceel (Image modified by Trudy Kirschner from Morris 2004a:Figure 6.6)
Test excavations of several structures, along with agricultural terraces, occurred in
1979 by Healy, van Waarden, and Anderson (1980). These efforts demonstrated that hillslope terracing was widespread in this area. Some terracing likely dated to as early as
A.D. 484 (Early Classic) based on C-14 dates (personal communication, P.F. Healy,
2011). 60
Chase and Chase (1995) elaborated on the E-Group assemblage, which comprises
Structures A, I, F, and E, originally illustrated by Thompson (1931:250, Fig 7). More
recent investigations at Hatzcap Ceel and the Mountain Cow sites were completed in the
early 2000s by Morris (2004a, 2004b). The assistance of computerised surveying and
mapping has helped to revealed features not included in Thompson's original Mountain
Cow survey of 1931 (Figure 2.14; Morris 2004b). Morris (2004b: 132) indicates that the
newly available data includes "public and private architecture, including pyramidal
structures of varying sizes, range-type structures with possible administrative functions,
secondary and tertiary residences, and one major causeway."
Minanha (Mucnal Yok Tunich, Mucnal Tunich)
The ancient center of Minanha is situated in the north Vaca Plateau of west-
central Belize (Figure 2.15; lannone 2005a:27). At a distance of approximately 25 km
from the sites of Naranjo in the northwest, and Caracol in the southwest, Minanha is
situated roughly equidistant between these two former major powers (lannone 2005a:38).
The earliest documentation of the site dates to early 1922, when a chiclero
reported finding a collapsed ruin, which exposed ceramics and human bone (lannone
2001:125). The ruin was indicated to be located approximately 19-24km(12to 15
miles) to the southwest of Benque Viejo (Gann 1927:136). The ceramics were taken to
Reverend Arthur Versaval in Benque Viejo town, who investigated the site in the
company of a medical officer and the chiclero guide (lannone 2001:125). An elaborate vaulted tomb with plastered floor was discovered and the site was named Mucnal Yok
Tunich, or "grave upon a stone" (lannone 2001:126). An article announcing the find was published in the Belizean newspaper, The Clarion, on May 11, 1922 (lannone 2001:126). 61
#•137
MQ%*
=^^? ^
<"°h) 0 3)100150 "liorn MINANHA', WO DISTRICT, BELIZE (2003) Figure 2.15. Minanha (Courtesy Gyles Iannone ). While visiting Xunantunich in 1927, Thomas Gann stopped at Benque Viejo village, where he viewed the exquisite Maya pottery then in the possession of Father
Versaval (Gann 1927:136). The ceramics were reported to be of the highest quality, like porcelain, with representations of gods, humans, animals, mythological beasts, and hieroglyphic markings (Gann 1927:137). Gann hoped to find more examples at the ruin, 62
and outfitted a small party, which included Eglesias, the original chiclero discoverer of the ruin, and T.A. Joyce, to investigate the site (Gann 1927:142). After an arduous journey through difficult terrain, the group was surprised to find not a single mound, "but
a vast complex of pyramids, plazas, terraces, and causeways - evidently the remains of a
once extensive Maya city" (Gann 1927:146). Gann (1927:147) describes many of the
structures, in particular, notes an oval mound excavated near the end of the visit, in which
he describes an infilled and buried vaulted room with large slate capstones. Investigations
were completed in the span of one week, as the lack of water at the site presented very
difficult working conditions (Joyce 1927:322). At this time the site was renamed
Minanha, a Maya word meaning "no water", by Joyce and Gann (Joyce 1927:320). Joyce
(1927:322) commented that the preliminary excavations at a site the vast size of Minanha were only sufficient to establish the site's importance as an archaeological site in need of
future investigation. Gann (1929:214) reported on the presence of agricultural terraces at
Minanha. In papers on the brief site visit, both Joyce (1927:323) and Gann (1929:214)
made reference to the existence of the Maya vaulted structure.
No further investigations at the site are reported for many decades, although
Iannone (2001:127) notes Minanha was recorded as an archaeological site in 1967.
Investigations by the Social Archaeology Research Program (SARP) were initiated in
1997 following a request from the Department (now Institute) of Archaeology,
Belmopan, to relocate the site and to assess the feasibility of further investigations. In the summer of 1997, Trent University began the search for the ancient Maya site of Minanha.
The task was all the more difficult due to the incorrect co-ordinates on the government map, and the center was not identified until the following summer. Five trips to the site 63
in the summer of 1998 by Trent University, under the direction of Gyles lannone,
initiated settlement survey and mapping of the center. Preliminary mapping revealed that the Joyce et al. (1927) map plotted less than half the true extent of the site. It was also
apparent that the site had been the victim of countless lootings.
An epicentral complex constructed atop the highest hill in the area includes
temples, range structures, a ballcourt, stelae, and a royal residential acropolis (lannone
2009:34). Situated on the eastern edge of Plaza A is Stucture 3A, described as the central
structure of an E-Group complex (Menzies 2003:80; Schwake 2008:114). Situated
outside the epicentral court complex, in the large Group S courtyard, is another E-Group
complex (Schwake 2008:310, 332). lannone (2001:129) reports findings of no hieroglyphic texts at Minanha, although some likely carved monuments were either broken and moved in antiquity, or have suffered significant weathering, obliterating texts.
Investigations at Minanha by Trent University Social Archaeological Research
Program have been ongoing since 1998 and include detailed excavation and research of the epicentral court complex, site core, and peripheral areas. Project goals are aimed at
an ultimate understanding of ancient Maya socio-political interaction (lannone 2009). To this end, areas of specific focus include in-depth analysis of: chipped stone by Adam
Menzies (2003); social organization and ritual behaviour (Schwake 2008); social
stratification (Slim 2005); landscape archaeology (Jones 2009); agricultural terraces
(Macrae 2010; Pollock 2007); jute snail (Solis 2011); cultural tourism (Stewart 2005); hydrology (Primrose 2003); ground stones (Turuk 2007); ceramics by Joelle Chartrand
(2005) and Rachel Dell (2009); and range structures by Jeffrey Seibert (2006).
SUMMARY 64
This chapter has presented an overview of the history of archaeological
investigation of the individual Maya sites in west-central Belize. The sites in the study range in size, complexity, architectural features, and length of occupation. They are
located in various geographic settings. The individual sites have experienced varying
lengths and degrees of fieldwork, with some of this research documented in site reports, articles and papers, monographs, and books.
Many of the Belize Valley sites have been the subject of lengthy and detailed archaeological investigations, largely for reasons of accessibility. Naranjo, in the
Department of Peten, Guatemala, similarly has a lengthy record of survey and
investigation. The Mountain Cow group of sites of the Vaca Plateau were examined and documented in the late 1920s, then in brief episodes decades later, with recent detailed re examination and mapping by Morris (2004a), as the subject of his doctoral dissertation.
Pacbitun has received archaeological attention since the early 1980s, on an intermittent basis, with a new project in progress (2010). Minanha was identified and briefly visited
in the 1920s as well, but then no further investigations ensued until the late 1990s. The site of Caracol, identified in the 1930s, was not actively investigated until the 1980s.
Investigations at Caracol, designated as a national park in 1991, have been ongoing for 30 years. Alternately, Caledonia, has seen very limited investigation.
The preceding synopsis of archaeological investigations provides background and historical information for the next chapter. There, habitation at each center is reviewed, detailing location, resources, subsistence activities, trade, cultural expressions in architecture, mortuary goods and practices. Evidence of social, political, and economic 65
activities at the individual centers is detailed throughout each center's initial settlement, growth, fluorescence, decline, and in some cases, regeneration in the form of re- occupation following abandonment. Thus, the complete life cycle for each site is outlined. 66
CHAPTER 3: THE CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT OF CENTERS IN WEST-CENTRAL BELIZE
The previous chapter provided an overview of the historical background of archaeological research conducted at a suite of sites in west-central Belize. This chapter presents more detailed findings about these myriad archaeological investigations. The cultural developments are documented for each center, and a summary is presented at the chapter conclusion.
At this juncture, it is prudent to provide a brief comment regarding chronology.
Chronological classification for Mesoamerica was originally proposed by Willey and
Phillips (1958) to incorporate temporal divisions including the Lithic (more recently referred to as Paleoindian), Archaic, Preclassic, Classic, and Postclassic periods. As this thesis addresses cultural development beginning during the Preclassic period, the earliest two periods, which may or may not be Maya in nature, are not addressed in this chapter.
The remaining three major chronological divisions are further sub-divided by archaeologists and researchers. However, precise beginning and ending dates for these periods are known to vary by site, region, and even by author (Joyce 2004:14). Due to the importance of chronology for this thesis, dating presented a complication necessitating the use of a standardized chronological scale for comparative purposes. The one selected for use in this thesis is that proposed by Ball and Taschek (1999), and modified by Iannone (2005b). This chronological sequence has eleven sub-divisions within the Preclassic, Classic, and Postclassic periods as illustrated in Figure 3.1. 67
mmm; 1 Late Postclassic A.D. 1200-1525 j Early Postclassic A.D. 900-1200 i Terminal Classic A.D. 810-900 Late Classic A.D.675-810 Middle Classic A.D. 550-675 Early Classic A.D. 250-550 Terminal Preclassic A.D. 100-250 Late Preclassic 400B.C.-A.D.100 Late Middle Preclassic 600-400 B.C. Early Middle Preclassic 900-600 B.C. Early Preclassic 1200-900 B.C. Designations Utilized in this Thesis, after Ianno
THE BELIZE VALLEY CENTERS
Actuncan
The Preclassic Period. Occupation at the site of Actuncan begins between 1000 and 300 B.C. (McGovern 2004:58), with construction of Actuncan South (LeCount
2004:30). Constructed during this period, and dominating the skyline, is a triadic temple complex (LeCount 2004:30) featuring Stuctures 4, 5, and 6, arranged in a U-shape, open to the north (McGovern 2004:56). The construction of this temple complex and other monumental construction projects suggest that Actuncan may already be seeking to assert political power by the Late to Terminal Preclassic period (McGovern 2004:59).
Site expansion began with monumental construction at Actuncan North in the
Late to Terminal Preclassic (400 B.C.-A.D. 250; LeCount 2004:31). During this construction phase, fully one half of all Actuncan North structures were completed. This northern development is described as the civic center, and includes a ballcourt, range structures, and large pyramids (LeCount and Blitz 2005:69). Actuncan's ballcourt, dated 68
to the Late to Terminal Preclassic period (300 B.C. to A.D. 300) is, along with a court at
Pacbitun (Healy 1992), among the earlier constructed Belize Valley ballcourts (Ferguson
1999:15, 45, 51). McGovern (2004:58, 154) suggests that the Plaza F arrangement is
most likely an E-Group complex. Construction of a causeway connected the North and
South zones (Figure 2.1; LeCount 2004:30).
At Actuncan, Stela 1 is stylistically dated to as early as the Late or Terminal
Preclassic period, possibly making it among the earliest Belize Valley centers with such
sculptured stone monuments (Keller 2006:33; LeCount 2004:32; McGovern 2004:59,
153). Roughly contemporaneous are carved stelae documented at Blackman Eddy, Cahal
Pech, and Pacbitun.
Early Classic Period. LeCount et al. (2002:43) suggest that Actuncan was home to the largest population concentration in the upper Belize Valley during the Early Classic period. The nascent settlement on the Xunantunich hilltop may have been subject to
Actuncan's rule during this time (LeCount and Yaeger 2010: 343). McGovern's
(2004:154) research leads him to add that, in area and total construction volume,
Actuncan appears to be the largest and fastest growing center in the Belize Valley at this time. McGovern (2004) suggests that Actuncan's success may, in part, have been due to
involvement in a specialized, elite, trading network. In a discussion of the Early Classic ceramics of Actuncan, LeCount (2004) suggests that fine polychrome ceramics identified there in small quantities were produced and distributed under strict elite control. The absence of these items in commoner households and the presence in elite tombs supports this hypothesis.
Modifications to the South Plaza A of Actuncan during the Early Classic period
included the addition of painted stucco masks to the largest structure (LeCount 2004:33). 69
During much of the Classic period, Actuncan's "relative pattern of construction pauses and pulses" are suggested to be aligned with military and political highs and lows documented epigraphically at Naranjo (McGovern 2004:161). Independence from
Naranjo's rule appears to have resulted in the release of labour resources which may have been reallocated to invest in Actuncan's own ceremonial architecture. This pattern of ebb and flow of ceremonial construction continued until Actuncan itself declined in the mid- eighth century (McGovern 2004:157).
Late Classic Period. By the Late Classic period stucco masks were no longer included as architectural components (LeCount 2004:32). This architectural change is interpreted by LeCount (2004) as indicating a conceptual departure from earlier supernatural imagery, to funerary shrines featuring formalized historical documentation of royal lineages.
By the Late Classic period, although still occupied, there is little evidence of new construction at Actuncan (LeCount 2004:31). Coincidently, new construction at the nearby site of Xunantunich is well underway at this time. LeCount et al. (2002:43) suggest that Actuncan's close proximity to Xunantunich, and sequential construction phases signify an ancient, perhaps ancestral, link between the two centers.
Terminal Classic Period. The spatial boundaries of the site core set in the
Preclassic period appear to have remained largely unchanged by final occupation
(McGovern 2004:152). A termination ritual deposit places abandonment at the end of the
Terminal Classic period, about A.D. 884 (McGovern 2004:159). However, the Actuncan
South acropolis continued to be used during the Early Postclassic period, as late as A.D.
1000 (McGovern 2004:58).
Baking Pot 70
Preclassic Period. Earliest evidence of occupation, based on the discovery of
Jenney Creek (600 - 300 B.C.) complex ceramic sherds, dates to the late Middle
Preclassic period (Audet 2006:306-307). This is in contrast to the sites of Blackman
Eddy and Cahal Pech in the Belize Valley, which show evidence supporting a terminal
Early Preclassic occupation (Audet and Awe 2004:50).
Early Classic Period. Initial occupation of the peripheral settlement area at
Bedran is dated to the late Early Classic period, roughly A.D. 500 (Conlon and Powis
2004:74). The group includes an eastern pyramid structure and plazuela configuration,
suggested to be architecturally indicative of ceremonial association with the civic center
of Baking Pot (Conlon and Powis 2004:73). Mortuary goods in an Early Classic period
burial found here include a Lucha Incised bowl and a Teotihuacan-style tripod vase
bearing inscriptions of an early Primary Standard Sequence (PSS) variant (Audet and
Awe 2004:52; Awe and Helmke 2005:44; Colas et al. 2002). The presence of ditched
fields nearby further suggests the possibility of an elite authoritarian group who may have
organized group labour and exercised political authority (Conlon and Awe 1995:65). In
addition to the possible ruling elite inhabitants, the Bedran group may have been home to
secondary elites and an apparently flourishing support population. At periphery
causeway terminus Structure 190, south of Group II, an altar was found to contain a
distinctive cache of 26 Early Classic miniature bowls with finger bones (Audet and Awe
2004; Helmke and Awe 2008). Categorized as finger bowls or caches, these consist of two plain ceramic vessels, placed lip to lip, containing the articulated remains of human phalanges (Chase and Chase 1998b:319). 71
Middle Classic Period. Baking Pot experienced two prolific construction phases.
The first, at Group 1, took place between A.D. 580 and 680 (Audet and Awe 2004:52).
Group 1 's eastern temple housed two graves which contained a rich cache of mortuary
goods, including hundreds of jade objects consisting of pendants, pectorals, beads, mosaic
mask, and inlays; ceramic vessels; carved shells; and a stucco fragment possibly from a
codex or decorated vessel (Audet and Awe 2004).
Recent analysis of Classic period pottery from burials and special contexts by
Reents-Budet et al. (2005) suggest probable manufacture by a number of independent
individuals using a variety of paste mixes. This in-depth analysis of ceramic paste
composition, stylistic attributes, graphics, and iconography is strongly suggestive of
economic and possible socio-political relationships with nearby Buenavista del Cayo, and
with centers in western Belize, eastern Peten, and even with northern Honduras. Audet
and Awe's (2005) investigations with the Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance
Project, similarly identified ceramics found in Baking Pot tombs as originating at
Buenavista del Cayo, Holmul, and Naranjo.
Late Classic Period. During the Late Classic, the center fluoresces. Baking Pot's
second prolific construction phase takes place at Group 2 between A.D. 700 and 900
(Audet and Awe 2004:52). The presence of Naranjo style ceramics of the "Holmul
Dancer" variety, in burials in Structure B, and at the Bedran Group, suggest social and political ties, which are maintained until Naranjo's decline (Audet and Awe 2004).
It has been proposed that ditched fields at the Bedran Settlement Cluster may be
indicative of investment in intensive agricultural practices by a prosperous farming sector
of society (Conlon and Awe 1995). This settlement group fluoresced largely during the
Late Classic period (A.D. 650-799; Conlon and Powis 2004:74). The evidence suggests 72 that the agricultural output of the raised fields at Bedran may have had the potential to more than adequately supply the inhabitants of greater Baking Pot (Conlon and Awe
1995:69, 72-74; Conlon and Moore 2003:66).
In comparison to Bedran, the urban Atalaya settlement group of Baking Pot experienced a shorter span of occupation, from the Middle to Late Classic transition period (ca. A.D. 650 - 700) to the Early Postclassic period (900 A.D; Conlon and Moore
2003:66). Burials and caches found were significantly fewer at Atalaya than Bedran, as was the reported incidence of status markers (Conlon and Moore 2003:67). Atalaya may have functioned as the workers' habitation zone, with Bedran being the merchants' zone
(Conlon and Moore 2003:67).
Late Classic period occupation at Baking Pot is well documented by Bullard and
Ricketson-Bullard (1965), through their detailed analysis of architecture, burials, ceramics, lithics, and artifacts of stone, bone, and shell excavated at Structures II-A and
II-D. Elite status items included dental inlays of jade and pyrite, pyrite mosaic mirror polygons, as well as obsidian and flint eccentrics (Bullard and Ricketson-Bullard 1965).
O.G. Ricketson (1931) had earlier noted in the findings of his 1924 excavations that 15 burials revealed cranial alteration in six often reconstructable skulls. Ricketson also documented dental filing and many inlays. These elite mortuary goods are comparable in material wealth to larger centers such as Tikal, Copan, and Palenque (Audet and Awe
2004).
Baking Pot is, in fact, noteworthy for its numerous elite interments and associated elaborate grave goods. Research by Audet (2006:59) has revealed that, by comparison, relatively few other Maya centers have been found to be similarly endowed. Burial 1,
Structure E at Baking Pot, is reputed to be one of the richest individual tombs in the Maya lowlands (Audet 2006:61). A carved Ahau glyph conspicuously identifies the interred individual's rank as lord (Audet 2006:61). Late Classic ties with Naranjo are suggested by stylistic similarities found in elite mortuary context ceramics (Audet and Awe
2004:57-58). In particular, an intact miniature vase recovered from Burial 1, Structure B,
Group 1, details Primary Standard Sequence (PSS) information indicating a probable link with K'ahk' Ukalaw Chan Chaahk, a Naranjo ruler between A.D. 693 and 728 (Audet and Awe 2005:362). Other local, elaborate interments may certainly be those of prosperous merchants or distributers who made their fortunes through involvement in trade along the Belize River route with the transportation and distribution of goods from the region and beyond, to inland regions including the Peten. In addition, the site's fertile alluvial soil supports the possibility of the production and exchange of locally grown crops. Speculation by Willey et al. (1965) proposes that cacao, arguably the most valuable crop in Late Classic times, may have been grown and traded throughout the
Belize River Valley. Based on this earlier assumption, Audet and Awe (2004) similarly suggest that Baking Pot could have functioned as a prime cacao production and trade center.
Ferguson (1999) points out that the construction of three ballcourt complexes at this site represents a unique characteristic not encountered elsewhere in the Belize Valley.
Based on ceramic evidence in the fill of the Structure IID Ballcourt complex, Bullard and
Ricketson-Bullard (1965:20) date this ballcourt to the Late Classic period. The Plaza 2
Ballcourt includes Structures F and H. Ferguson (1999:88) dates the final construction phase of this ballcourt to between A.D. 600 and 900. The North Ballcourt includes
Structures K and L. Based on ceramic evidence, Ferguson (1999:98) proposed that this ballcourt dates to between A.D. 700 and 900. Ferguson (1999:79) indicates that the three 74 ballcourt complexes "are somewhat strategically placed, each one being located at
'extremes' of the site, and all seem to serve as 'entranceways' to the site core."
Terminal Classic Period. A substantial population continued to reside at Baking
Pot during the Terminal Classic period (A.D. 800-900; Aimers 2003:149). Near the end of the Terminal Classic, the site core is abandoned (Audet and Awe 2004:53).
The Postclassic Period. By the Early Postclassic, the site has experienced significant depopulation and fallen into disrepair (Audet and Awe 2004:53), but later in the Postclassic period shows evidence of limited reoccupation (Aimers 2002:124, 163;
Audet and Awe 2004:50). During the Late Postclassic period, resettlement is evident in the northeastern quadrant, particularly in the North Caracol Farms area (Audet and Awe
2004:53).
Blackmail Eddy
The Preclassic Period. Garber, Brown, Awe, and Hartman (2004a, 2004b) have identified a building sequence beginning with pole and thatch domestic structures, dated as early as 1100 B.C. By 900 B.C., cut stone block building, finished with plaster, becomes evident in large public architecture (Garber, Brown, Awe, and Hartman
2004b:22). A variety of non-local exotic goods found at the site, including greenstone, obsidian, and Strombus shell artifacts, suggest that a long-distance exchange system was in operation by the first millennium B.C. (Garber, Brown, Awe, and Hartman 2004b: 18).
Investigations at Structure Bl have revealed a shell artifact production sequence spanning a period of two millennia beginning in the terminal Early Preclassic (Cochrane 2009).
Kanocha phase (1100-900 B.C.) ceramics have been identified and reveal both quality and style indicative of skilled ceramic production by this early date. These ceramics are among the earliest dated in the Belize Valley (Lohse 2009:143). Local chert was utilized 75 in the production of flakes, flake fragments, and fortuitous blades, but not suitable for the production of prismatic blades (Yacubic 2006:79). A small quantity of obsidian flakes and blades have been identified, but were likely produced elsewhere and obtained through trade.
Structure Bl is significant in revealing a building sequence which spans a timeframe of 2000 years (Brown and Garber 2005:54). Structure Bl-4th is dated to the beginning of the late Middle Preclassic (ca. 650 B.C.) and is of particular interest for the early stucco mask which had flanked the staircase (Brown and Garber 2003:98). The mask style dates to the late Middle Preclassic, predating others in the lowlands constructed centuries later, such as at Cerros (Brown and Garber 2005:59). The Preclassic mask facade, structure, and platform were extensively mutilated and then burned "in antiquity" (Brown and Garber 2003:102). Despite this destruction, the nose armature was still in place at the time of excavation (Brown and Garber 2003). Brown and Garber
(2003:102) suggest that the damage was not the result of a ritual termination, but rather resulted from an act of early Maya warfare. This could potentially be indicative of one of the Belize Valley's earliest examples of warring between chiefdoms.
A later mask on the same structure, Bl-2nd did not suffer such extensive damage.
Preserved portions of the Bl-2nd mask and panels include a zoomorphic snout and mouth
(Garber, Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman, Reilly, and Sullivan 2004:56). A double course of stones set above the face is suggestive of a helmet or headdress, with lower circular elements identified as earflares (Garber, Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman,
Reilly, and Sullivan 2004:56). At the base of the upper mask is an outward flaring bowl with three large dots, identified iconographically with creation mythology (Garber,
Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman, Reilly, and Sullivan 2004:57). 76
The Early Classic Period. In Plaza A, Stela 1 is significant as the earliest carved stela with a long count date found in the Belize Valley (Garber, Brown, Driver,
Glassman, Hartman, Kent Reilly III, and Sullivan 2004:66). It is dated to the Early
Classic, between A.D. 376 and 396 (Garber, Brown, Driver, Glassman, Hartman, Kent
Reilly III, and Sullivan 2004:Table 4.2). By the late Early Classic, Structure Bl-2nd was abandoned and allowed to deteriorate (Brown and Garber 2008:167). During this time construction and rebuilding shift to the southern section of the site core, as evidenced by enhancements to Plaza A, including construction of the E-Group complex, the addition of a number of elite residences, and enlargement of the ballcourt (Brown and Garber
2008:166). However, the identification of ritual deposits suggests that even during its
200-year construction hiatus, Structure Bl continued to see occasional ceremonial use.
The Middle Classic Period. Plaza B construction continues with Structure B1 -1st, with work apparently hastily completed, perhaps with reused building materials (Brown and Garber 2005:62). Sometime after A.D. 600, Blackman Eddy appears to be diminishing in importance in the valley (Brown and Garber 2005:62).
Late to Terminal Classic Transition Period. A Late to Terminal Classic termination cache, found at the base of Structure Bl-lst, is suggested by Brown and
Garber (2005:62), after which time no new construction is evident in any area of the site.
One hundred and fifty meters to the west of the site core, a contemporaneous termination cache has been identified in the eastern structure of small housemound Group 1, BE
Cache 7, Structure IC (Garber et al. 1998). Final occupation at Blackman Eddy has been dated to ca. A.D. 900 (Garber, Brown, Awe, and Hartman 2004a:25; Yacubic 2006:126). 77
Early Postclassic Period. The finding of a small sample of Early Postclasssic ceramics leads Aimers (2002:129-130) to suggest the possibility of a Postclassic reoccupation of the center.
Buenavista del Cayo
The Preclassic Period. Earliest settlement at Buenavista del Cayo is dated to the early Middle Preclassic period (ca. 800-650 B.C.; Ball and Taschek 2004:151). By the first century B.C., Buenavista del Cayo is already suggested to be an important upper
Belize River Valley ceremonial activity center (Ball and Taschek 2004:153).
Buenavista's ballcourt is dated to the Late Preclassic by Hansen (1998:74), and is an example of the earlier and smaller ballcourt type of the Lowlands. Audet (2006:96,
Figure 3.3) notes the existence of a "viable E-Group complex" in the central plaza.
Settlement of the near-periphery zone south of the epicenter begins during the Preclassic period, apparently consisting of a diverse socio-economic mix (Yaeger et al. 2009). The near-periphery occupational sequence parallels that of Buenavista proper.
The Early Classic. During the Early Classic (ca. A.D. 240-420) Buenavista experiences expansion in both public and residential building (Ball and Taschek
2004:157). In addition, an increase in settlement pockets in the outlying area is noted. A similar pattern of expansion is also observed at Cahal Pech and Baking Pot (Ball and
Taschek 2004; Conlon and Powis 2004). Yaeger et al. (2010) find the highest occupation density and greatest length of occupation occurs in the eastern cluster of the settlement, situated on the flattest and highest location of the ridge. Settlement on the less desirable ridge slopes appears to become necessary once the prime areas reach capacity (Yaeger et al. 2010:165). 78
Middle to Late Classic Period. The site fluoresced during the mid 7l and entire
8th centuries (Taschek and Ball 2004:196). Construction projects during this time included a vast reconfiguration of all areas of the Central Plaza, including ritual termination of the ballcourt, followed by establishment of a new northern ballcourt
(Taschek and Ball 2004:192, 196).
Reents-Budet et al. (2000) conducted an analysis of Middle to Late Classic period (A.D. 550 to 850) polychrome ceramic wares excavated between 1984 and 1991, from elite residential structures at the sites of Buenavista, Cahal Pech, and Las Ruinas de
Arenal. Based upon several areas of ceramic comparison, including raw materials and stylistic similarities, the investigators find evidence of Naranjo-produced ceramics in the
Buenavista assemblage. Utilitarian and special purpose pottery is found to originate from a few sources of production, suggested to be palace schools in operation during this time
(Reents-Budet et al. 2000:101). One such "palace school" of ceramic production may have been operational at Buenavista del Cayo (Ball and Taschek 2004:160; Reents-Budet et al. 2000, 2005).
The most eminent artifact, however, is undoubtedly the "Jauncy" vase, dated to the early eighth century, discovered in Burial 88B-11 (Taschek and Ball 1992). This elaborate burial crypt revealed a young adult male interred upon vast quantities of obsidian, chalcedony, chert, and limestone artifacts, and debitage (Taschek and Ball
1992:492). A 363 kg (800 lb) rectangular limestone slab was set into plaster to seal the crypt (Taschek and Ball 1992:492). The youth was clothed in jaguar pelt apparel, with jadeite and bone ear ornaments, and shell and jadeite beads sewn onto now deteriorated clothing (Taschek and Ball 1992:494). The vase, or more correctly, ceramic cacao vessel, 79
is historically significant as it provides a direct reference to the Naranjo ruler called
Smoking Squirrel (Houston et al. 1992; Taschek and Ball 1992).
Yaeger et al. (2009:211) find evidence compatible with the possible operation of a
central marketplace during the Middle to Late Classic in the East Plaza, which may have
included food preparation, craft production, and ritual activity performance areas. Yaeger
et al. (2009:210) indicate that this plaza has the greatest level of accessibility from all
directions, lending support to the possible marketplace hypothesis. Ongoing
investigations by the Mopan Valley Archaeological Project continue to find support for
the Middle to Late Classic marketplace hypothesis (Yaeger et al. 2010).
The Terminal Classic Period. At the end of the eighth century construction
projects underway were abandoned and never completed (Taschek and Ball 2004:196).
Ball and Taschek (2004:162) suggest that some occupation continued at Buenavista del
Cayo during the depopulation sequence, ca. A.D. 800-900, as is evident in much of the
Belize Valley. The evidence suggests a protracted abandonment beginning in the
Terminal Classic (A.D. 800-900) with the exodus of the elite residents (Aimers
2003:158).
Investigation of an elite interment discovered at Buenavista del Cayo in 1988 by
the San Diego State University Mopan-Macal Archaeological Project has been recently published (Helmke et al. 2008). Radiocarbon dating places the burial at or no later than
the late ninth century A.D. Among the artifacts revealed in interment BVC88-1/2 was a
carved tubular bone with a previously unrecorded emblem glyph, possibly identifying the
individual as a ruler of Puluul, a site also named explicitly at Dos Pilas and Seibal. The
nature of the relationship between rulers of the three sites is currently unknown. 80
The Postclassic Period. Postclassic occupation is suggested by Aimers (2003) to reveal influences of a different ethnic group. Several ceramic and lithic artifacts, including grater and griddle fragments, suggest changes in cuisine and food preparation, more similar to Gulf coast fare. Additionally, the appearance of new forms of lithic weapons point to central Mexican influences (Aimers 2003:158-159). Finally, architectural forms undergo changes, again indicating a western influence.
The archaeological data indicates that one or two of the south palace buildings remained continuously occupied until at least the tenth century (Taschek and Ball
2004:196-197). A small population continued to reside at Buenavista until as late as the eleventh century, but the site experienced some emigration in the eleventh or twelfth centuries (Ball and Taschek 2004:162). By the late twelfth century, however, Buenavista is completely abandoned. Short-term opportunistic reoccupations in the locality occur sporadically until as late as the twentieth century.
Cahal Pech
The Preclassic Period. Initial settlement of a hamlet or small village, covering an area of approximately .75 hectares, begins during the terminal Early Preclassic (1200 -
900 B.C.; Awe 2008:161; Cheetham 1996:28; Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe 2004).
Lohse (2010:338) suggests that a possible "ephemeral" Archaic occupation may have predated the Preclassic remains; however, this is difficult to verify (see Lohse 2010:314-
315). Thus begins Cahal Pech's two millennia of continuous occupation, and secures its place among the first occupied centers in the Belize Valley. Awe (1992:205-208) describes the early construction sequence of Structure B-4 at the site core. An early construction phase (1000-850 B.C.) consisted of a low building platform of tamped and 81
levelled marl. Toward the end of this period thicker platform floor construction of lime
plaster results in a more durable surface.
Ceramics dated to pre-1000 B.C have been identified by Lohse (2009:146), and
represent possibly the earliest dated pottery in the Belize Valley. Documentation of Cunil
(1000-850 B.C.) ceramic wares by Awe (1992) predate Gifford's (1976) pre-Mamom
early facet Jenney Creek Complex of Barton Ramie (dated 850-600 B.C.; Awe
1992:Figure 55). Cunil ceramics are described by Awe (1992) as comparatively simple in
form and design, but nonetheless a result of lengthy development. This complex is
suggested to be the typological and stratigraphic predecessor of the Jenney Creek
complex (Awe 1992; Sullivan et al. 2009).
Obsidian toolkit remains date to the beginning of the Early Preclassic period
(1000-850 B.C.; Awe and Healy 1994). Lithic manufacture included local stone adzes,
flakes, scrapers, burins, metates, and manos, as well as imported obsidian flakes and chips
(Awe 1992:348). Awe (1992) indicates that the earliest examples of jadeite use in the
Maya Lowlands are dated to this time. Marine shell goods, as well as the obsidian and jadeite artifacts previously mentioned, suggest a complex system of trade and exchange
was in place by the beginning of first millennium B.C. (Awe 1992:348; Awe et al. 1996;
Awe et al. 2009:185). Additional craft items included jewellery or ritual items of slate,
drilled animal teeth and scapulae, and ceramic figurines.
Beginning approximately 850 B.C. limestone retaining walls, decorated with red paint, enhance the earlier, likely pole and thatch structures (Awe 1992:208-210).
Between 850 and 650 B.C., the overall height of structures is noted to increase. The quality of construction material continues to rise, with improvements in the dressing of
limestone blocks used in retaining walls and basal moulding. 82
During the period between 900 and 700 B.C. fill was used to increase the usable surface area of the summit (Garber et al. 2007:169; Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe
2004:109). At this time, the south side of the settlement area expands with the addition of an extended, formal plastered plaza extending to the east and south (Cheetham 1996:22).
Further modifications separate Plazas A and B with a platform, and perhaps a stairway
(Cheetham 1996:23). Cheetham suggests that this formal plaza construction may indicate the addition of a civic and ceremonial component to the residential zone.
Healy, Cheetham, Powis, and Awe (2004) suggest that the early Middle to late
Middle Preclassic transition at Cahal Pech was witness to changes in social ranking, as evidenced by diagnostic architecture representing the construction of residential areas for the emerging elite and their royal lineages.
Stela 9, the only carved monument at Cahal Pech, was found relocated to Tomb 2 at Zopilote, 700 meters south of the Cahal Pech citadel (Awe et al. 2009:182; Cheetham
2004:139). This stela is dated stylistically to approximately 400 B.C. (Cheetham
2004:139), and is believed to have been originally erected in the Cahal Pech site core
(Cheetham 2004:136; Taschek and Ball 2004:200-201), but it was subsequently buried in a later context (see below). Ball and Taschek (2003) cite several lines of evidence, including Stela 9, to propose the establishment of the center as a seat of authority in the upper Belize Valley by 500 - 400 B.C.
The Classic Period. The period between A.D. 300 and 600, the Early Classic, was a time of explosive growth at the center and its peripheral areas (Awe and Helmke
2005:44). Found in association with the relocated Stela 9 at Zopilote, and directly under the capstone of the small chamber in which it was interred, were the remains of two or more infants, 19 Middle to Terminal Classic (A.D. 630 - 880) smashed vessels, and six 83 obsidian blades (Cheetham 2004:137). Additional artifacts found in association include approximately 200 small bowls and 225 human phalanges representing a MNI (minimum number of individuals) of nine, 36 adult incisors (MNI of nine), one obsidian blade, and four fragments, and three freshwater shells (Cheetham 2004:137). Cheetham (2004:137) notes similar "finger-bowl" caching practices at Caracol, as well.
Research conducted by Awe et al. (1991:28) suggests that between the sixth and seventh centuries, site architecture is initially utilized to restrict the former open configuration of structures. The Cahal Pech site core consists of seven plazas with a total of 34 structures, oriented east-west. The western sector is highest in elevation and includes Plazas A, D, and E; the eastern sector is lower in elevation and includes Plazas
B, C, F, and G (Awe 2008:161). The western sector is bounded by architecture on all sides, severely limiting access to these areas. Awe (2008:170) suggests that the elevated and restricted access plazas are indicative of elite residence, with the semi-restricted areas functioning as civic spaces and non-elite residential areas.
A western ballcourt, constructed ca. A.D. 800-850 in a single episode (Ferguson
1999:39), is situated outside the acropolis, and has unrestricted access and view. In contrast, the eastern ballcourt, located in Plaza C, has somewhat more restricted access
(Awe et al. 1991:28). In addition to the ballcourt, the eastern sector also includes an ancestral shrine. This semi-restricted access configuration indicates it may have been planned to be used as a public area (Awe 2008:163). The eastern ballcourt, the larger of the two identified at Cahal Pech, was excavated by Trent's Belize Valley Preclassic Maya
Project during the 1995 field season (Ferguson et al. 1996). The eastern ballcourt was oriented along a north-south axis (Ferguson et al. 1996:36). Construction of the eastern ballcourt is dated by Ferguson et al. (1996:50) to a single phase during the Late to 84
Terminal Classic period (A.D. 700 - 900). Associated cached objects include ceramic sherds, chert flakes, obsidian eccentrics, coral, marine and freshwater shells, and the remains of two children who are suggested to be offerings, perhaps sacrificial victims
(Ferguson 1999:30; Ferguson et al. 1996:47). The considerable construction effort and expense necessary to construct this ballcourt is viewed by Ferguson et al. (1996:53) as a demonstration of intensifying elitism at Cahal Pech, and in the Belize Valley in general during this time.
The Terminal Classic Period. Aimers (2002:142) suggests that Terminal Classic ceramics have been identified in the site core, but the details of the finds are currently unpublished. Cahal Pech was likely mainly abandoned by A.D. 900 (Audet 2006:84).
The Postclassic Period. While there appears to be no Postclassic occupation of the site core, Aimers' (2002:142-145) excavations in the periphery uncovered a small quantity of Early Postclassic ceramic sherds.
Addendum. The preponderance of nearby settlements identified and investigated in the immediate vicinity warrant, I believe, the following section outlining their individual features and possible affiliations with Cahal Pech.
Periphery settlement pockets begin to appear between 650 and 300 B.C., on hilltops within a two km radius of the Cahal Pech site core (Powis 1996; Powis et al.
1999:366). One large settlement group, the Tolok group, situated 500 m southwest of the site core, yielded abundant evidence of Preclassic period floral and faunal remains (Powis et al. 1999:367). The remains, identified in an undisturbed midden located in Chultun D, dated to between 450 and 300 B.C., represent wild and cultivated flora, as well as both local and non-local animals. Cultivated plants identified include maize, beans and squash, native wild plants palm, ramon, and fig. Animal remains suggesting consumption 85 include deer, agouti, armadillo, rabbit, dog, and opossum; avian remains include turkey and currasow; reptile remains are largely turtle; fish and shellfish, including local freshwater species, such as catfish, snails and clams, as well as marine reef fishes, such as parrotfish, hogfish, grouper and snapper, and marine shells such as queen conch, tusk, olive, and marginella. Particularly significant is the identification of marine resources in the faunal assemblage, indicative of transport from a distance of 110 km away. Powis et al. (1999) suggest that preservation may have been facilitated by smoking, salting, or transportation of live seafood in canoes that were partially-filled with seawater.
Investigation of the western periphery group of Cas Pek by Lee (1996) revealed large quantities of marine shell and stone perforator drills, likely evidence of local craft specialization beginning in the late Middle Preclassic period (500 B.C). The worked shell has been identified as the Strombus variety, which necessitated transportation of the raw material from the nearest source, the Caribbean coast (Lee 1996:92). Similar materials are apparent at Tolok and, in fact, with the exception of Pacbitun, constitute the only large scale Preclassic period trade-linked shell production zones identified in the Belize Valley
(Hohmann 2002:202). Also notable at this group are Late Middle Preclassic round structures investigated by Powis (1996) and suggested to be ritual, ceremonial, perhaps performance spaces.
The northern periphery Ch'um group was briefly investigated by Powis et al. during the 1995 field season. The investigators (Powis et al. 1996:59-60) suggest a primarily agricultural settlement spanning the early Late Preclassic (350- 100 B.C.) to the
Late to Terminal Classic period (A.D. 700 - 900), with a brief note that one of the three patio groups exhibits evidence of biface manufacturing. 86
The Tzinic settlement cluster lies approximately 450 m south of the Cahal Pech site core (Iannone and Conlon 1993). A group of 15 eccentric lithic artifacts, found in a disturbed (by root action) context were recovered in the 1991 field season. Eccentrics have been recovered between the Late Preclassic to Terminal Classic; however, most consistently in the Early Classic to Terminal Classic period. Iannone and Conlon
(1993:86) suggest that these items served to cement Maya elite socio-political relationships.
Nearby is another important early site named Nohoch Ek. This site is located between the modern towns of El Cayo (San Ignacio) and Succotz, on private land owned by Captain E. J. Moy, and is reported to be a site smaller in size than Baking Pot or Cahal
Pech (Bullard 1965d:315). The site was classed as a minor center by Coe and Coe
(1956:381) owing to the lack of altars, stelae and ballcourts. Nohoch Ek is located approximately equidistant from the ancient sites of Xunantunich and Cahal Pech (Brown
2009:69). It was excavated in 1949 by William R. Coe and Michael D. Coe, who found evidence of initial occupation dating to the Preclassic (Coe and Coe 1956:381). Recent investigations by Brown (2009) confirmed Coe and Coe's (1956) original findings that occupation was interrupted at the end of the Late Preclassic, by a hiatus or abandonment, and then resumed during the Late Classic. Final occupation at the site is dated to the Late to Terminal Classic (Brown 2009:67; Taschek and Ball 2003). Coe and Coe (1956) suggest that this small site may have served a largely ceremonial role to these two larger centers. In a later review of the Coes' original investigations, Taschek and Ball (2003) argue that the site, rather than functioning as an empty ceremonial center, served instead as a thriving agricultural community. This proposed corporate social unit included a working class agrarian population in the service of "farmer-lords". 87
The Zopilote terminus group exhibits ceremonial architecture spanning the millennium between ca. 900 B.C. and A.D. 900, with no evidence of residential buildings
(Cheetham 2004:130). Around A.D. 600, Structure A-l at Zopilote was reconstructed as an elite funerary temple. Tomb 1 is suggested by Cheetham (2004:144-145) to be the possible final resting place of the Cahal Pech ruling lineage. Specialized mortuary evidence of a cranium offering, and depictions of warriors on pottery, suggest that the interred individual had direct, or at a minimum, administrative involvement in warfare
(Cheetham 2004:139). In Tomb 2, the previously discussed Late Preclassic Stela 9 was discovered defaced and broken in two pieces (Awe, Grube, and Cheetham 2009). A third, lowermost stela portion is missing from the tomb, and is likely to be uncarved. Wear suggests that it was venerated for an extended period of time, probably hundreds of years, prior to removal from the Cahal Pech site core to burial at Zopilote.
Willey and Bullard's (1956:44) investigations at the Melhado group revealed a single pyramid surrounded by twelve house mounds, with site occupation spanning an estimated 2000 years, ending approximately A.D. 900. Willey and Bullard (1956:44) suggested that this was a hamlet or village with possible connection to Cahal Pech.
Zubin is located approximately two km south of Cahal Pech (Iannone 2003:13).
This site may have functioned as a hilltop shrine beginning approximately 850 B.C., followed by residential occupation in the Late Classic, beginning approximately A.D. 675
(Iannone 2003:14-15).
X-ual-canil is located approximately three km from Cahal Pech on the opposite
(east) Macal River bank (Iannone 2003:13). This center is approximately double the size of Zubin, with ritual architecture including a ballcourt and causeway with terminus complex (Iannone 2003). These features are significant since they are unusual for an 88 upper Belize River region middle level settlement. The paucity of residential artifactual remains suggests that X-ual-canil may have served an administrative or ritual support role in connection with Cahal Pech agricultural production (Iannone 2003:25).
El Pilar
The Preclassic Period. Ford (2004:249) indicates that El Pilar is the largest site in the Belize River area, three times the size of Baking Pot or Xunantunich. Located in the northern catchment of the Belize River Valley, the region's small lakes and springs make for a plentiful fresh water supply (Morris and Ford 2005:83). Channels, some as deep as three meters, which earlier carried water, have been noted (Ford et al. 2001:17). While it is not clearly understood if the channels themselves are natural or built features, the existence of constructed parapets with openings to allow directed water flow, confirm the functionality of the channels (Ford et al. 2001:18).
Initial occupation in the area of El Pilar began in the early Middle Preclassic, by at least 800 B.C. (Morris and Ford 2005:83). Settlement in the El Pilar region is concentrated on the limestone ridge lands featuring the most fertile soils (Ford, Clarke, and Raines 2009:502). Indeed, the greatest population density was found to be in the highest areas (Ford and Wernke 2000:8).
A large chert tool production facility has been identified beside the Plaza Faisan in the northern sector (Ford 2004:251). A residence at Laton, 4.5 km to the south, in a ridgeland residential area, has yielded such large quantities of obsidian debitage as to suggest function as an obsidian production workshop (Ford 2004:247). Ford (2004) indicates that the overall lithic evidence suggests significant regional economic and political influence beginning as early as the Preclassic period. 89
The center enjoys growth beginning in the early Middle Preclassic, ca. 800 B.C., and continuing for the duration of occupation (Morris and Ford 2005:83-84). Morris and
Ford (2005:84) find evidence of a major plaza expansion completed during the late
Middle Preclassic, and suggest that this lays the foundation for the monumental architecture and civic ceremonial constructions which follow. In the southern sector, this includes construction of a ballcourt, perhaps as early as the late Middle Preclassic.
Construction of an E-Group complex was initiated in the late Middle Preclassic/Late
Preclassic (Morris and Ford 2005:94).
The Early Classic Period. By the Early Classic period, construction is initiated in the northern sector at Plaza Jobo of the H'mena Acropolis (Morris and Ford 2005:84).
Excavations of Plaza Jobo between 1996 and 2001 revealed Classic period architectural modifications which served to restrict access to formerly open areas (Ford 2004:250; Ford et al. 2001:20). The first structure added appears to be Structure 22, constructed to separate Plazas Manax and Jobo. This was followed shortly after with Structure 21 (Ford et al. 2001:23). Later modifications included consolidation of Structures 22 and 20, and incorporation of a facade of stucco and mosaics (Ford et al. 2001:24).
The Middle Classic Period. Excavations reveal accelerated construction during the Middle Classic, with 98 percent occupancy of surveyed residential units (Ford and
Fedick 1992:41).
Late to Terminal Classic Periods. Not surprisingly in this region of abundant limestone and chert resources, Ford, Whittaker and Kamp (2009) have identified vast quantities of chert lithic debitage at the Cahal Tok (Place of Flint) platform area, near the
El Pilar site core. Cahal Tok debitage was deposited at the adjacent Larry de Forrest
(LDF) Chert site. The quantity of waste flakes (1000 kg) from a single test pit 90 conclusively indicates production of chert tools in excess of local needs. Ford, Whittaker, and Kamp (2009:97) suggest that this area operated as a specialized workshop for production of chipped stone tools from prepared blanks during the Late to Terminal
Classic period. Interestingly, however, Ford, Whittaker and Kamp (2009:93) suggest that it is rather unusual to find industrial production areas located within major Maya centers.
At the lithic production locus of Cahal Tok, and proximally adjacent to the chert debitage, an unusual Late to Terminal Classic cache of almost 200 broken limestone spindle whorls has been discovered (Kamp et al. 2006). The unusually high incidence of broken spindle whorls, (i.e., 100 percent; Kamp et al. 2006:415) are purportedly not indicative of large scale production. In fact, in an experimental recreation of spindle whorls of the same material, it was determined that a great deal of concentrated force was required to intentionally break the whorls. The wanton destruction of these items may be suggestive of ritual caching, signifying either a dedication or termination.
The Postclassic Period. During the Early Postclassic (A.D. 900-1000), occupation drops to 48 percent of tested residential units (Ford and Fedick 1992:41).
Monument building at El Pilar continued into the Early Postclassic (Ford, Clarke and
Raines 2009:499). The final construction phase at El Pilar is dated to the Early
Postclassic (Morris and Ford 2005:85). During the final phase, some remodelling projects were begun but never completed. At Plaza Jobo, prior to abandonment, buildings were collapsed and construction materials were removed for reuse (Ford et al. 2001:24).
After site occupation spanning 18 centuries, abandonment is dated to approximately A.D.
1000, although some evidence of later Postclassic debris in the site's northern areas has been noted (Morris and Ford 2005:83-83).
Las Ruinas de Arenal 91
The Preclassic Period. Earliest occupation has been identified at Group A, and dated to the early Middle Preclassic (900-500 B.C.; Taschek and Ball 1999:216); followed by Group B occupation, dated to the early Late Preclassic (200-50 B.C.;Taschek and Ball 1999:226). The remaining two of the four groups (C and D) are not as thoroughly documented as are the former two. Group C comprises an eastern terminus group with no domestic structures, described by Taschek and Ball (1999:215) as
"comparable" to the X-Ual-Canil Tetunna group. Group D is described as a primarily residential area (Taschek and Ball 1999:215).
A cultural material connection with areas as distant as Caracol in the south is demonstrated by the discovery of ritual mortuary figurines, carved from lithic and shell material, in the Maya colours of the four directions: red, white, black, and yellow. These artifacts are known as "gingerbread" or "Charlie Chaplin" figurines in use during the
Terminal Preclassic to Early Classic (Taschek and Ball 1999:221). In addition, a finger cache, also reflective of Caracol mortuary practices, has been identified at Structure 30; however, this may possibly be dated slightly later to the Early Classic period (Taschek and Ball 1999:228).
The Early Classic Period. Two construction booms are evident during the Classic period, with the first taking place at the beginning of the Early Classic (A.D. 250;
Taschek and Ball 1999:215). The ballcourt at Las Ruinas is located in Plaza A and includes Structures 10a and 10b (Ferguson 1999:42). It is described as open-ended and running north-south. Preliminary ballcourt construction is dated between A.D. 420 and
540 (Ferguson 1999:42; Taschek and Ball 1999:219).
The Group B architecture sits high on a steep ridge and is composed of two groups, divided by elevation and construction into distinct areas (Taschek and Ball 92
1999:226). The restricted access upper level includes an audiencia plaza group, pyramidal platforms, and flat platforms (Taschek and Ball 1999:226). The lower level
consists of domestic architecture, suggested by Taschek and Ball (1999:226) to be the
support workers' residential area.
The Middle Classic Period. A second Classic period construction boom takes
place during the late sixth and early seventh centuries (Taschek and Ball 1999:216). Set
at this time, in front of center stairway of Structure l-2n , a pair of uncarved stelae is
described as stylistically similar to those found in the main and east plazas of Buenavista
del Cayo (Taschek and Ball 1999:219). An associated cache, comprised of comparatively
meagre and inferior lithic offerings, is noted to have significantly diverged from the usual
quality standard of Middle to Terminal Classic caching practices documented in the
Eastern Peten and Belize Valley sites (Taschek and Ball 1999:219-220). This is
significant as a departure from the cultural practices of the time in the area.
The Late Classic. A second phase of construction of the ballcourt is completed
between A.D. 730 and 900 (Ferguson 1999:42). Excavations in Group A have revealed a
large triadic complex. Group A's final construction phase, between A.D. 730 and 900 or
later, is marked by a major refurbishing and expansion of the Group A platform, as well
as the major rebuilding of several structures, and additions to others (Taschek and Ball
1999:218,222).
Terminal Classic to Postclassic Period. Construction, repair, and modification at
Group A are evident until the Late to Terminal Classic (Taschek and Ball 1999:222). The final construction boom takes place during Late to Terminal Classic period (ca. A.D. 730-
900+; Taschek and Ball 1999:215-216, 222). There is evidence of occupation into the
Terminal Classic or Early Postclassic (A.D. 730-950; Taschek and Ball 1999:227). Final 93 abandonment takes place during the Early Postclassie (Taschek and Ball 1999). Sheet refuse and a single above-floor burial suggest only opportunistic use of the site over the next few centuries (Taschek and Ball 1999:231).
Pacbitun
The Preclassic Period. Initial habitation of a small village takes place about 900
B.C. in the area that later becomes the epicenter (Healy et al. 2007:19). Initial settlement at Pacbitun is attributed to site proximity to easily exploitable ecozones, including the tropical rainforest where the site resides, and the nearby upland Mountain Pine Ridge
(Healy et al. 2007). Investigation in Plazas A, B, and C of Pacbitun's site core conducted beginning in the mid-1990s, document substantial early and late facet Middle Preclassic architectural and artifactual remains (Arendt et al. 1996; Hohmann and Powis 1996, 1999;
Powis et al. 2009). In Plaza B, several Cunil ceramic sherds, as well as a radiocarbon date (Beta-93778), at CAL B.C. 800-770 (1 sigma), obtained from above Sub-Strs. B-l and B-4, correspond to the early Middle Preclassic (Healy 1999b; Powis et al. 2009).
These earliest architectural remains consist of two parallel rows of roughly cut limestone block platform retaining walls, apparently almost directly on paleosoil (Powis et al.
2009). Postholes suggest perishable structures on the platform, and associated stone alignments may be indicative of patios or porches. Exact dimensions of the structures are unknown, but side length measurements appear to exceed 6 m (Powis et al. 2009:172).
Overall, more than a dozen Mai phase (900-300 B.C.) structures have been identified beneath Late/Terminal Preclassic and Classic fill deposits (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis
2004:223). All of the Middle Preclassic structures are quadrangle in shape, and exhibit tamped marl floors on multicourse stone foundations. Plaza B excavations have also revealed a wealth of information of shell modification, including chert micro-drills, 94 beads, and detritus. While the determination of whether shell production here took place here in a domestic setting or workshop facility, future investigations may clarify the nature of the Middle Preclassic production site (Powis et al. 2009).
Faunal resources hunted for food included peccary, agouti, armadillo, deer, and turkeys (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:221). Nearby riverine faunal resources used for consumption included turtles, gastropods, crocodile, and iguana (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:221). Faunal analysis of a sample of over 3,600 Pachychilus snail shells from excavations at Pacbitun conducted during 1986 and 1987 shows deliberate modification of the type seen in modern times (apex removed) when prepared for consumption (Healy et al. 1990). This is strongly indicative of use as a protein supplement to the standard diet by 900 B.C.
The earliest obsidian artifact found at Pacbitun is a single obsidian flake dated between 1020 and 820 B.C., similar in form to samples from Cahal Pech dated to the early Middle Preclassic (Awe and Healy 1994:198). Analysed samples revealed that the
Pacbitun obsidian originated from three highland Guatemalan sources, with the exception of one unique green coloured bipoint, in a ballcourt cache, sourced from central Mexico
(Healy 1990a:259-260; Healy 1992).
Pacbitun distinguishes itself as a prime example of the production, use and possibly, trade of slate goods. Excavations between 1984 and 1995 revealed an abundance of slate debitage and artifacts suggestive of at least one slate workshop (Healy et al. 1995:337). Worked slate objects are dated beginning in the early Middle Preclassic,
900-300 B.C., until the final century of occupation (Healy et al. 1995:342). The sheer quantity of slate remains at Pacbitun, numbering in the thousands, contrasts with the combination of approximately 200 jade and obsidian pieces, and is a reflection of the 95 availability of slate sources five km southeast, near the headwaters of the appropriately named Slate Creek (Healy et al. 1995:344). The next nearest slate outcrop is farther west, near Vaca Falls.
Excavation and study of a potential shell ornament production workshop at
Pacbitun spans two decades and has revealed vast quantities of worked sea shell and fresh water shell, as well as detritus and chert micro-drills (Hohmann and Powis 1996; Powis et al. 2009; Wagner 2009). Whole conch shells, the raw material for bead production, were transported from the Caribbean coast beginning in the early Middle Preclassic. During the Middle Preclassic the greatest variety of species is utilized, with the largest single species represented by imported Caribbean Strombus sp. (Hohmann 2002:Table 6.1). The focus of production in the early Middle Preclassic was bead manufacture. As the
Preclassic progresses, bead size is noted to become increasingly standardized (Hohmann
2002:200).
An E-Group complex on the eastern edge of Plaza A is dated to the Late
Preclassic (50 B.C. - 50 A.D.; Aimers 1993:83, Table 2; Healy 1990a:251). A ballcourt situated in Pacbitun Plaza E was initially constructed during the Late to Terminal
Preclassic (ca. 100 B.C.-A.D. 300). This ballcourt is one of the earliest known in the
Maya Lowlands (Healy 1992:238). The royal residential court of Pacbitun also begins at this time, with construction south of Plaza B. Excavation of Structure 23 provides a full history of the evolution of a Maya 'palace' (Bill 1987).
The Early Classic Period. Pacbitun's ballcourt is modified by heavy replastering during the Early Classic (A.D. 300-500). Small notched slate silhouette figurines, found in association with others of carved marine shell, were discovered in Cache 15-1, adjacent 96 to the ballcourt. These are the "Charlie Chaplin" cut-outs found at several centers in the eastern Maya Lowlands (Cheong 2011).
Of the 20 altars and stelae identified from the site epicenter, three have remnants of carving or hieroglyphic text (Healy et al. 2007:18). It is suggested that the others were once painted, but all traces have long since weathered away (Healy et al. 2007:18). Altar
3, dated to the Early Classic (A.D. 300-550), was one of three carved monuments described by Healy (1990a) after investigations at the site during the 1986 and 1987 field seasons. Only a fragment of Altar 4 has been found (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis
2004:213), and it is not well documented. Stela 6 at Pacbitun, originally dated with the available information at the time at A.D. 475 (Healy 1990b: 110), has since be re examined and re-dated to A.D. 485 (Helmke, Grube, Awe, and Healy 2006). It is still one of the earliest securely dated monuments found in the Maya Lowlands. The re examination suggests that the monument, minus the bottom shaft, which has never been found, was relocated from an undetermined original location in the site epicenter
(Helmke, Grube, Awe, and Healy 2006). This relocation practice was not uncommon among the ancient Maya.
Middle Classic Period. By the Middle Classic (A.D. 550- 700) a period of large construction projects in concert with an increase in elite burials and quality of grave goods mark the start of Pacbitun's fluorescence (Awe et al. 1996; Healy, Hohmann, and
Powis 2004; Wagner 2009:13; White et al. 1993). During this time the Core Zone is massively overhauled with the rebuilding of older structures (including a major modification of the ballcourt), the addition of new construction, many site segments linked via newly-built causeways (Healy 1990a:257, 1990b; Healy, Hohmann, and Powis
2004). 97
Archaeological finds at Pacbitun include some fine examples of Middle to
Terminal Classic Maya musical instruments, resulting from excavations conducted in
1987 (Healy 1988). Two elite female interments in Plaza A revealed a total of 16 musical instruments of various types (Healy 1988), including a drum, composite flute- maracas (flute at one end, rattle at other), flutes, and figurine ocarinas (wind instruments in a variety of human and animal shapes). Some, after reconstruction, are still operational. Interestingly, of the testable ocarinas, those depicting male figures were found to produce deeper tones than their female counterparts (Healy 1988:26). Later excavation of a Late Classic Burial during the 2010 field season, resulted in the discovery of 11 ceramic ocarinas (seven complete and unbroken) and one flute (Cheong et al. 2011).
The instruments constitute the largest single collection of Pre-Columbian Maya musical instruments (Healy et al. 2008).
Late Classic Period. Large slate artifacts produced during this period include cut slate grave-roofing slabs that can exceed 100 cm in length (Healy et al. 1995:Figure 4).
This type of artifact is virtually unknown at other Maya sites, save references to slate roofing slabs at Caracol (Chase and Chase 1987:46), Minanha Iannone (2005a:32) and
Joyce (1927:323), and Xunantunich by Keller (2006:568).
Investigations by Helmke and Awe (2008) looked at political organization with the inclusion of emblem glyphs, particularly those found at the sites of Pacbitun, Baking
Pot, and Xunantunich. Helmke and Awe (2008) suggest that the Pacbitun toponym, identified on Altar 3, may be present in an inscription at Caracol. In particular, Caracol
Stela 21 depicts a tied prisoner kneeling before Caracol's ruler. The ruler's name is damaged beyond decipherment, but the commemorative date is securely fixed to A.D.
702 (Helmke and Awe 2008:74; Houston 1987:Table 2; Martin and Grube 2000:94). The prisoner's outfit and title identify the individual as one of royal status. The inscription is also identified with an emblem glyph that shares many details with Altar 3 's toponym for
Pacbitun (Martin and Grube 2000:94). Helmke and Awe's interpretation of the Stela 21 text recounts Caracol's attempt to expand the northern limits of its dominion about A.D.
700.
Throughout Pacbitun's occupation, the population steadily increased, with a dramatic spike in the eighth century (Healy et al. 2007:35). Settlement was found to be densest in the site core, and it decreased as distance from the Epicenter and Core Zone increased (Healy et al. 2007:24). By the Late Classic period, the center had grown to nine square km in size (Healy et al. 2007:19). Current estimation of total population at the height of occupation (A.D. 700-900) is 5400 individuals (Healy et al. 2007:34).
Coincident with the spike in population, and increase in construction, crop intensification becomes evident with the practice of agricultural terracing (Healy et al. 2007:33; Richie
1990; White et al. 1993:350). Maize holds significance both as a major subsistence food as well as for its mythological ritual significance in Maya culture (Joyce 2004:6; Rice
2009a:76). Analysis of stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios in ancient human bone collage studies at Pacbitun is positively attributed to maize as the major food staple
(White etal. 1993).
Final modifications to the Pacbitun ballcourt took place during the Late to
Terminal Classic (A.D. 700-900), and included the addition of rear stairs (Healy 1992).
The Terminal Classic Period. With regard to conditions near the end of occupation, there is some evidence of dietary stress (Campbell-Trithart 1990:319). In an isotropic analysis of skeletal remains at Pacbitun, White et al.'s (1993) findings suggest that access to preferred Maya food resources (maize) was linked to social status as well as 99 gender and age. The study also revealed decreasing maize consumption just prior to abandonment, perhaps as a sign of ecological stress (White et al. 1993:370). A Terminal
Classic dedication cache from atop Structure 1 on Plaza A dates to A.D. 870 + 30 (Healy
1990a:259). By A.D. 900 the center is abandoned (Healy, Helmke, Awe, and Sunahara
2007:19; Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:207). Healy (1990a:255) notes one post- abandonment burial found in site overburden, but little evidence of any "significant"
Postclassic settlement (Powis et al. 2009:170).
Xunantunich
The Preclassic Period. Leventhal and Ashmore (2004) describe Xunantunich's initial founding in terms of settlement of a small village during the terminal Early
Preclassic. Earliest occupational material consists of Cunil phase (1000-850 B.C.) ceramics, unearthed at the basal platform of the Castillo, the primary ceremonial complex
(LeCount et al. 2002:42). Xunantunich is suggested to be a site of only minor importance during the Preclassic to Early Classic period, between 300 B.C. and A.D. 300 (LeCount et al. 2002:43). Brown (2009) points out that Middle Preclassic architecture is found in two areas near the site of Xunantunich. These sites include Group E, which lies approximately 800 m east of the Xunatunich site core, and Group 0/A2-1, another 85 m northeast (Brown 2009:65). In stark contrast to the majority of sites in the Belize Valley, the two groups were abandoned during the Late Preclassic and never rebuilt (Brown
2009).
The Classic Period. The site of Xunantunich has a rather short occupational sequence when compared with the Belize Valley in general, with minimal architectural 100
evidence prior to the Middle Classic (LeCount et al. 2002:43). Occupation at the site
occurs primarily during the Middle to Terminal Classic periods (Keller 2006).
Building on an earlier "court mobility" model (Ball and Taschek 2001), which
envisioned seasonal use of Buenavista del Cayo and Cahal Pech by the same elite
inhabitants, Taschek and Ball (2004) have proposed a model with the addition of the third
center, Xunantunich, which they suggest acted as a sacred ceremonial center. This view
presumes the site was vacant for much of its life cycle, with only short, periodic visits and
temporary accommodation during rituals and ceremonies. This view of site relations is
contradicted by Leventhal and Ashmore (2004), Audet and Awe (2005), and LeCount and
Yaeger(2010).
Keller (2006:26) indicates that all earlier architecture was completely levelled
prior to Classic period monumental construction, likely in response to some political
upheaval. It is at this time that the site plan is entirely altered. Several archaeologists
have suggested that Xunantunich's current site plan is modeled after that of Naranjo, and
ultimately, Calakmul (Ashmore and Sabloff 2002:206-207; Iannone 2005a:38-39;
LeCount and Yaeger 2010:366).
The bulk of major construction projects at the center were completed during a
period of explosive growth between A.D. 600 and 780, perhaps under the auspices of
Naranjo, located 12 km to the west (LeCount et al. 2002:43). LeCount and Yaeger
(2010:349) suggest that construction labour was mobilized either by an increased
population of local, tax-paying subjects, or a combination of population growth, territorial
expansion, and immigration. Construction during this period included the erection of two
ballcourts (Ferguson 1999:48-50), as well as an E-Group complex (Aimers 1993:210;
Ferguson 1999:48). Keller (2006) has identified three road systems; Sacbe I, Sacbe II, 101
and the Northeast Walkway, that were also built during this time. Establishment of
contemporaneous, nearby farming communities Chan Noohol and Dos Chombitos Cik'in
occurs during this growth period (Robin 1999).
Lentz et al.'s (2005) investigation of pine, procured from the Mountain Pine
Ridge, 17 km distance, as a potential trade commodity at Xunantunich and hinterland
sites during the Middle to Late Classic (A.D. 600-780). The investigators suggest that
access to pine was limited by socio-economic status. Exchange in this commodity may
have been politically controlled (Lentz et al. 2005). Investigations at the Lost Plaza,
accessible via Sacbe II, led Keller (2010:201-203) to suggest that this may have been the
site of a local marketplace during this time period.
Ashmore (2010:55) dates the center's fluorescence to the eleven decades between
A.D. 670 and 780. Leventhal and Ashmore (2004) had earlier noted a dramatic period of
growth at Xunantunich following the decline of nearby Buenavista del Cayo in the mid
eighth century. Taschek and Ball (1999) note that nearby Las Ruinas de Arenal's final
monumental architecture follows Xunantunich's rise to preeminence during the late
eighth and early ninth centuries. Residency of recorded housemounds in the Xunantunich
area rose to 91 percent occupancy during the Late Classic (Robin 1999:80).
The most prominent building at Xunantunich is undoubtedly the Castillo, standing
at a height of 43 m (Keller 2006:22), atop the highest point of the plaza. Stucco friezes
that originally covered the upper comb on all four sides, are now preserved only on the
east and west sides (Keller 2006:22-31). Prior to completion of the final construction phase (Structure A-6-lst) which involved erection of a roof comb that covered and protected the stucco friezes, the architecture was partially infilled. Terminal Classic Period. Recent work at the Castillo by Jaime Awe is reported by Keller (2006:21) to reveal a fragmentary carved panel with a possible Xunantunich emblem glyph. Keller (2006:21) suggests that the glyph may be a variant of the Naranjo emblem glyph which, if substantiated, would support a dynastic connection between these centers. Also noted by is the probable presence of a Naranjo emblem glyph on
Xunantunich Stela 8 (Houston et al. 1992:507). Although badly weathered, the remaining epigraphic evidence inscribed on Stela 8 yields a date of 9.19.10.0.0 (May 6, A.D. 820;
LeCount et al. 2002:55). Martin and Grube (2000:83) suggest that the reference may indicate a provincial lineage established during Naranjo's final days. LeCount and
Yaeger (2010:364-365) suggest that by this time, the nature of Xunantunich and
Naranjo's relationship had changed with respect to that of its peers.
It is significant to note that this first stela erected at Xunantunich in A.D. 820 coincides with the final dated monument at Naranjo (Leventhal and Ashmore 2004:170;
Keller 2006:21; Martin and Grube 2000:83). In total, three Xunantunich stelae are erected following Naranjo's final one; Stela 8 on 9.19.10.0.0 (May 6, A.D. 820); Stela 9 on 10.0.0.0.0 (March 15, A.D. 830); and Stela 1 on 10.1.0.0.0. (November 20, A.D. 849;
Keller 2006:33; LeCount et al. 2002:55). This increase in dated, epigraphic monuments was not matched by an increase in construction projects; instead, some areas apparently underwent deconstruction with those building materials seeing reuse.
Due to Xunantunich's relatively short occupation sequence, ceramic analysis of the elusive Terminal Classic is subject to less mixing with earlier periods, and therefore, allows for a clearer interpretation. During the Terminal Classic, LeCount et al. (2002) have identified a general tendency to produce less formal, less stylistically diverse, ceramic wares. In an analysis of Unit 71B ceramics indicated to be representative of the Xunantunich Terminal Classic collection, LeCount (1996:138) notes the general decline of labour intensive decorative ceramic techniques, with production emphasis instead, on utility.
Abandonment is protracted and takes place over a century, with different sectors of the site increasingly falling into disuse (LeCount et al. 2002; Yaeger 2008:19). Prior to abandonment of the royal compound, floors were swept clean and partially infilled.
Former open plazas, previously the locale of large public rituals, were no longer required
(Robin 1999:357). As the center declines, architectural modifications are increasingly employed as a strategy to isolate elite residential precincts from commoner areas (Robin
1999:66). It is estimated that Xunantunich maintained its power for as long as a century beyond the collapse of its neighbours (LeCount et al. 2002:59; Leventhal and Ashmore
2004:178). By the end of the Terminal Classic, sometime after A.D. 890, Xunantunich is abandoned (LeCount et al. 2002; Lentz et al. 2005:576; Robin 1999).
The Postclassic Period. In support of a Postclassic period occupation, Aimers
(2002:103) reports the existence of a "shoebox-sized container" of New Town (Early
Postclassic) ceramic sherds collected by Gann in the early twentieth century from the zones outside the site core. Based on their excavations in Group B, Pendergast and
Graham (1981) report a burial estimated to date later than A.D. 1050, as well as a number of Postclassic sherds.
Naranjo
The Preclassic Period. Occupation at Naranjo begins approximately 400 B.C.
(Cioffi-Reviall and Landman 1999:569). During this time platform construction begins on five hills associated with caves and natural openings, the site selection suggested by
Fialko (2004:3) to possibly be related to ancestor worship and underworld beliefs. Early Classic Period. Initial investigation by Maler (1908) documented 32 stelae, of which 24 possessed engravings which were clear enough for rudimentary analysis, documentation, and photography (Maler 1908:118). The number of stelae indentified increased in later years, to a count of 45 in 2004, when stelae fragments were excavated in the fill of Triadic Acropolis Stucture C-9 (Tokovinine and Fialko 2007).
This total is a significant number of stelae identified at one site.
A dynastic link between the Sa'aal lords at Naranjo and fifth century rulers at
Tikal is suggested by Tokovinine and Fialko (2007). The epigraphic evidence provided by Stela 45 at Naranjo was recovered in the form of 54 cinnabar painted fragments in the fill of Triadic Acropolis Structure C-9. Due to the deliberate transportation of fragments for inclusion as fill, the previous location of Stela 45 may never be known. The upper portion is complete enough for almost full reconstruction (Tokovinine and Fialko
2007:3). However, some fragments are missing and are unlikely to be recovered due to losses here through looting. Stylistic and compositional features date the stela to the fifth century, as do the decipherable inscriptions (Tokovinine and Fialko 2007:4). The newly discovered fragments reveal information about a previously unknown ruler, Tzik'in
Bahlam, adding to the database of known kings of Naranjo (Tokovinine and Fialko
2007:1). Additionally, it confirms Naatz Chan Ahk as a Naranjo ruler (Tokovinine and
Fialko 2007:12). The Sa'aal glyph is incorporated in Naranjo's emblem glyph in reference to the sacred hill and cave, indicating the presence of a "sacred mountain"
(Tokovinine and Fialko 2007:13).
Middle Classic Period. Morley's (1909) interpretation of Maler's data suggests three periods of dedicatory date clusters, separated by two approximately 40 to 50 year periods of inactivity. The three periods are summarized by Closs (1985:65), with Gregorian dates furnished by McGovern (2004:70). Nominally, the early period, began in 9.8.0.0.0 and lasted until 9.10.10.0.0.0 (A.D. 593-642). The absence of identifiable stelae suggests that an early-middle period hiatus takes place between 9.10.0.0.0 or
9.10.10.0.0 to 9.12.10.0.0 (A.D. 642-682; Morley 1909:554), or perhaps as late as A.D.
642-702 (McGovern 2004:78).
After levelling of earlier structures in the early seventh century, an intense construction program was launched to complete the monumental epicenter (Fialko
2004:9). Despite the early seventh century conflict with Caracol, construction continued until the early eighth century (Fialko 2004:10).
Hieroglyphic evidence supports a history of warfare between Naranjo and various rivals, the most prominent of these comprising Calakmul, Caracol, and Tikal (Bernatz
2006; Martin and Grube 2000). While some non-Maya epigraphy has been suggested to be "rewritten" or worse (see Sheets' reference to Aztecs as "liars", reference below), the
Maya inscriptions are noted in general for their accuracy (Sheets 2003:292). Webster
(2000:90) notes that epigraphic inscriptions of war events are always written by the elite individuals who commissioned them, despite the fact that they may not always be the victors. The greater challenge is interpreting missing portions of text due to erosion, breakage, defacing, as well as ambiguities in decipherment. The Naranjo Hieroglyphic
Stairway is suggested to have been erected to commemorate the A.D. 626 "star-war" defeat of Naranjo by Caracol (Martin and Grube 2000:106; Scheie and Freidel 1990:176;
Stuart 1998:414-416). It was originally suggested that step six documented a ceremony of torture or cannibalism following the defeat (Scheie and Freidel 1990:178). But, a more recent interpretation of the text by Tokovinine (2007) suggests, instead, that the correct interpretation of the verb simply indicates the downfall of the Naranjo ruler and his lineage at this time.
Late Classic Period. Falling largely within the Late Classic Period are Morley's
(1909) middle period, dated between 9.13.10.0.0 and 9.14.15.0.0 (A.D. 702-726); and late period, dated between 9.17.10.0.0 and 9.19.10.0.0 (A.D. 780-820). A middle-late period hiatus is suggested to occur between A.D. 726 (9.14.15.0.0) and 780 (9.17.10.0.0)
(McGovern 2004:89).
Epigraphic evidence indicates that Naranjo regained its independence from
Caracol in A.D. 680 (Chase and Chase 2003:178; Martin and Grube 2000:73). In A.D.
682, Lady Six Sky was sent from Dos Pilas in the west, apparently to begin a new royal lineage, which begins with the birth of Smoking Squirrel five years later (McKillop
2004a: 188). Smoking Squirrel assumes the throne at age five (between A.D. 693 and
695) and almost immediately four "expansionist" wars ensued (McKillop 2004a: 188).
The wars were waged with B'ital (likely located between Naranjo and Caracol), Tuub'al
(probably located towards Lake Peten-Itza), K'inichil Kab' (unknown location), and a battle at the site of Yellow Rabbit with Tikal forces (Martin and Grube 2000:76).
Epigraphic references to the victories indicate that B'ital and Tuub'al were burned,
K'inichil Kab' was "brought down", and a lord named Siyaj K'awiil was captured.
Recent evidence (McAnany et al. 2005:317) has revealed a Naranjo emblem glyph at the site of Hershey, in the upper Sibun Valley, which suggests that during its peak in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, Naranjo's influence extended as far east as the northern Maya Mountains (Harrison-Buck et al. 2007; Helmke and Awe 2008:82).
A period of ongoing warfare with Tikal is evidenced by a virtual hiatus in monument erection at Naranjo between A.D. 726 and 780, when only one stela (Stela 20 in A.D. 746) was placed (Martin and Grube 2000:50;79). Tikal Stela 5 (dated to A.D.
747; Martin 1996) depicts a captured and bound Naranjo king (McKillop 2004a:62). The
next period of stelae placement appears to begin again in A.D. 780 (9.17.10.0.0), at the
half-K'atun celebration, and documents the events of the previous quarter century.
Dynastic references on Stela 13 document the parentage of the Naranjo king, K'ak'
Ukalaw Chan Chaak, who acceded in A.D. 755 (Martin and Grube 2000:82). Historic
references on Stela 13 document another war with B'ital, which results in its defeat and
burning in A.D. 775. Six stelae erected between A.D. 790 and 810 document military
campaigns, the most notable of which was against Yaxha in A.D. 799 (Martin and Grube
2000:80).
The Terminal Classic Period. Naranjo's final stela was erected on 9.19.10.0.0
(A.D. May 2, 820; Gann 1918:58; Leventhal and Ashmore 2004). This monument, Stela
32, is noted as particularly interesting for its lengthy tribute, referencing the life of
Naranjo ruler Waxaklahun Ubah K'awil (Le Fort and Wald 1995:112). There is no
known current record of any ruler subsequent to Waxaklahun Ubah K'awil (Martin and
Grube 2000:83). At this time, there appears to have been a reallocation of the former
restricted administrative epicentral structures to use as an informal combined living and
working area (Aquino 2004). The early tenth century shows evidence of reseating of
monuments, with rededication to an earlier ruler (Fialko 2004:11). This formal
rededication was among the final acts prior to site abandonment. Later Postclassic
occupation of the epicenter is opportunistic in nature (Aquino 2004).
THE VACA PLATEAU CENTERS
Caledonia The Preclassic Period. Awe (1985:388) indicates that occupation at Caledonia begins between A.D. 100 and 350. No carved monuments have been identified at the site
(Awe 1985:392; Healy et al. 1998:263). Dating is based on ceramic typology of the
Belize Valley.
The Classic Period. Caledonia is described as a small, predominantly Classic period site (Healy et al. 1998:261). The main part of the site consists of two clusters of mounds running along the southern bank of the Macal River (Awe 1985:23). The site very likely benefited from its strategic location on the banks of the Macal River, at the headwaters of the eastern branch of the Belize River, which could have functioned as a major transportation route (Lentz et al. 2005:581). For this reason, Awe (1985:387) proposes that Caledonia may have acted as a possible trade and commerce center, operating as a "commercial middleman", supplying granite and other local resources to
Caracol, and other sites. Lentz et al. (2005:581) suggest that bulky pine products may have travelled the same Macal River trade route, with Caledonia at the gateway.
Additionally, the presence of Caribbean and/or Atlantic marine shell species at this inland site is strongly suggestive of an active involvement in commercial trade beginning in the
Early Classic period (Awe 1985:377).
The discovery of a looter's hole into a burial, which exposed the interior to the elements, and concerns about possible further looting attempts, prompted excavations of
Burial 1 in Structure A-l (Healy et al. 1998). Ceramic and charcoal (radiocarbon) evidence date this vaulted tomb to between A.D. 450 and 650 (Healy et al. 1998:270).
The tomb contained a minimum of nine individuals. Grave goods included polychrome ceramics, jade beads, marine shell beads and buttons, obsidian blades, and possible mosaic pieces (Healy et al. 1998:266). Distinctive "Ek" shaped jade beads (elongated, 109 dual incised bands above center, pierced for suspension) are dated to approximately A.D.
550 (Awe 1985:323-324; Healy et al. 1998:270). The hieroglyphic use of the "Ek" symbol is described in detail by Beyer (1929), and this specific type of bead is referred to as "Ex" shaped by Pendergast (1979:Fig. 21 :b-e;70:200/228). The assortment of funerary artifacts and placement of so many adult of human remains suggest use as a family crypt, which remained functional for several centuries. Type and form of the mortuary ceramics are suggested to be most similar to those found at Caracol (Healy et al. 1998:266), as is the practice of multiple interments (Chase 1994:Table 10.1; Chase and Chase 1996b).
The interments themselves are described as volumetrically similar to the smaller tombs of the Caracol site core (Chase 1992:43). Caledonia's ceramics are described by Chase
(1992:43) as a "straightforward Caracol assemblage". These are among the similarities which lead Chase (1992) to suggest that the site has social and political affiliations with the nearby center of Caracol, located only 15 km away, to the south.
Between A.D. 534 and 593, Caledonia and the Chiquibul area, in general, continued to prosper (Awe 1985:391-392). Awe (1985:393-394) suggests that stability was maintained through the development of large scale, intensive agricultural production systems. Healy et al. (1980) report a large concentration of agricultural terraces in the
Zayden Creek area, approximately one km south of Caledonia. Awe (1985:390) likewise notes agricultural terraces at Caledonia's southwest periphery. Investigations by Healy in the late 1970s and early 1980s were significant in confirming that the use of intensive agricultural practices, rather than milpa (slash and burn) farming, was required and utilized by the ancient Maya population, likely to sustain their large and growing population numbers (Healy et al. 1980; Pendergast 1993). Heavy calculus build up on tooth enamel, a result of a high starch diet, may very likely be attributed to consumption 110 of maize as a major foodstuff at Caledonia (Healy et al. 1998:268). At Pacbitun, 23 km to the north, analysis of ancient human bone collagen is strongly indicative of maize as the major food staple (White et al. 1993). This may also be true of the Caledonia diet.
Recently, Rand's (2011) testing of the Caledonia skeletal remains has revealed dietary patterns consistent with the centers of Pacbitun and Caracol, as well as Guatemalan sites in general, yet dissimilar to other Belizean sites.
The Middle to Late Classic (A.D. 600-800) period at Caledonia was witness to considerable architectural growth in size and complexity. Awe (1985:396) reports that all excavated structures showed enhancement at this time. He also notes the introduction of large vaulted masonry superstructures. The many new construction projects included an open ended ballcourt positioned between Plazas C and D (Healy et al. 1998:263).
Terminal Classic to Postclassic Periods. Final occupation is dated between the
Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1000) (Awe 1985:388).
Abandonment is not suggested to be the result of military upheaval, but instead a reflection of the breakdown in local and long distance exchange networks, perhaps resulting from collapse of trade partners throughout the Maya Lowlands (Awe 1985:400).
Camp 6
The Preclassic Period. Thompson (1931) makes no estimation as to the initial date or length of occupation at the site. Based on surface investigations, Thompson
(1931:228) suggests only that the sites of Camp 6, Minanha, Benque Viejo, Hatzcap Ceel,
Cahal Pichik, as well as Ucanal, and Ixkun may have been contemporaries.
Among the many documented artifacts found at the site are specialized ceremonial figurines found in Votive Cache 8, which are described by Thompson (1931:278), and illustrated on Plate XXXIX. Others are described (Thompson 1931:281 -283), with Ill particular emphasis on those found in Camp 6 Votive Caches 9 and 10, and several at
Cahal Pichik (Thompson 1931:282, 1939:192). These share stylistic features with cached offerings found throughout central western Belize and the eastern Peten during the
Terminal Preclassic to Early Classic (Taschek and Ball 1999:221). In an early reference,
Thompson (1939:191) may have coined the phrase when he refers to the figurines as
"Charlie Chaplin" types.
The Classic Period. Surface and cached ceramics and artifacts are largely dated to
Holmul V (ca. A.D. 633-889) by Thompson (1931:314,317-318,336). Similar Holmul V sherds were found at Minanha and in Mountain Pine Ridge caves (Thompson 1931:318).
Thompson (1994:160) indicates his initial intrigue with investigating a diminutive site, and spent in excess of three weeks there in 1928. His disappointment with the results, however, is expressed later in his reference to the site as "insignificant"
(Thompson 1970:140).
Morris (2004b: 144) suggests a political and economic sphere of interaction with the nearby Mountain Cow group of sites. The abundance of varieties of non-local resources, including marine and lithic items, indicates extensive trade with other regions to the south, including Zacapa, Guatemala, as well as with the Yucatan to the north and west (Thompson 1931:228).
Recent mention of Camp 6 include brief comment by Iannone (2005a:29) in reference to proximity to Minanha, inclusion on maps of the eastern Maya lowlands
(Iannone 2005a:28), of the southern Cayo district (Healy et al. 1998:263), and inclusion in a study of the spatial analysis of Vaca Plateau sites by Jones (2009).
Based on similar ceramics and votive cached artifacts, Thompson (1931:228, 333,
336) suggests the site of Camp 6 is a contemporary of Hatzcap Ceel and Cahal Pichik. If 112 this contemporaneity is extended to abandonment, this would occur loosely between the tenth and eleventh Baktun (A.D. 830 - 1224). However, this is largely speculative on the part of the writer.
Caracol
The Preclassic Period. Earliest settlement at the site of Caracol is dated to approximately 500 B.C. (Chase and Chase 2007a:60). Evidence of Middle Preclassic remains have been documented at the epicenter and at residential settlement groups,
Veracruz and Monterey, both located within a eight km (five mile) radius of the epicenter
(Chase and Chase 2006b:42). Chase and Chase (2006b:47) note the presence of substantial Preclassic activity in the area of the South Acropolis and Caana. Preclassic ceramics discovered at Caana B19-3rd indicate that, by A.D. 150, Caana had reached a height of 38 m (Chase and Chase 2006b:47). Worked marine shell identified to this period appears to come from both the Pacific and Caribbean coastlines (Chase and Chase
1994a:9; Cobos 1994:140).
An E-Group complex has been identified in the A Group Plaza (Chase and Chase
1995:95-99). The complex has undergone significant structural changes from initial building construction in 300 B.C. (Chase and Chase 2007a:63). Construction began with
Structure A2 on the western side (Chase and Chase 2006b:49). This was followed by eastern structure, Structure A6-lst, also known as the Temple of the Wooden Lintel, radiocarbon dated to between A.D. 10 and 60 (Chase and Chase 2006b:53), most possibly to commemorate the beginning of the Eighth Baktun of the Maya calendar (A.D. 41;
Chase and Chase 2007a:63). This important ritual construction suggests that Caracol may already have been a major lowland center hosting cyclical ceremonies by the Late
Preclassic (Chase and Chase 2006b:49). The Terminal Preclassic to Early Classic (A.D. 150-400) transition is very well
represented in the archaeological record by ceramics found in burial, cache, and midden
contexts (Chase and Chase 2005:20). "Charlie Chaplin" figurines found cached in
Structure A6-lst have been dated to ca. A.D. 210.
The Early Classic Period. As population grew during the Early Classic (A.D.
250-550), monumental architecture also increased (Chase and Chase 2007a:60). The
Early Classic ruling dynasty maintained connections with communities as distant as
Copan, Honduras (Chase and Chase 2007a:60). Caracol's many carved hieroglyphic
monuments have contributed greatly to our social and political knowledge of the Maya
Lowlands. Chase and Chase (2008) report a total of 53 monuments identified to date,
including 25 stelae and 28 altars. Monument inscription dates range from A.D. 331 to
859, with the majority of recorded dates corresponding to the sixth and seventh centuries
(Chase and Chase 2008:97). Epigraphic evidence reported by A. and D. Chase
(1996a:215) indicate details of at least 29 rulers during this time period.
Ritual deposits of this period include distinctive "finger bowl" caches, noted to
first appear during the Preclassic period, and then span the entire Classic Period (Chase
and Chase 2005:30; Chase and Chase 1998b).
The Middle Classic Period. The accession of the Caracol king Y-ahawte' K'inich
in A.D. 553 was noted as having been under the patronage of a Tikal ruler (Martin and
Grube 1995:44, 2000:89). An "axe event", with Tikal as victor, took place in A.D. 556, but by A.D. 562, Caracol is free of Tikal's rule (Chase and Chase 1996a:215-216; Martin and Grube 2000:88-89). The years between A.D. 534 and 593 are notable as Caracol fluoresces and sets numerous stelae (Chase and Chase 1987:60; Healy et al. 1983:401). 114
Beginning in the mid-sixth century, "face pot" caches are noted in Caracol residential structures (Chase and Chase 2005:30). Face pots are described as lidded ceramic urns featuring a modelled human face (Chase 1994:129). Some feature closed eyes and sewn lips, which may be representative of a deceased individual (1998b:319).
The agricultural terraces of Caracol Hill "A", which covered an area of 6.2 hectares, were mapped and excavated in 1980 (Chase and Chase 1998c:62; Healy et al.
1983:402). The terraces built between ca A.D. 600 and 900, were found to be very uniform. Healy et al. (1983) concluded that the terraces were extensive enough to support the large resident population of between 400 and 1600 persons per square km. When compared to the earlier investigations at Mountain Cow and Zayden Creek (Caledonia), it was determined that there existed at least three types of terrace wall construction, each adaptively suited to different environmental conditions (Healy et al. 1983:404). The most common type was a double wall construction, separated by an average of 70 cm, with smaller stones serving as fill between the walls. The second type was a single wall construction with large rocks in front of up to 130 cm of smaller stones. The third type was a combination of the two types. All types functioned as retaining walls which held the soil and trapped moisture. A core boring by the Trent project, of the mud at the bottom of Caracol reservoir produced the first radiocarbon dates for Caracol, and, secondary evidence for maize (in the form of pollen). More recent isotope analysis of
Caracol Terrace soils have revealed further (direct) evidence of maize agriculture on the terrace beds (Webb et al. 2004; Webb et al. 2008). The Trent investigations demonstrated, unequivocally, that Caracol was encircled by dense housemound settlement and intensive terrace farmsteads, to support an enormous population, estimated to reach a peak of 115,000 during the Classic period (Chase and Chase 2009:21). 115
Caracol's spatial organization is suggested to adhere to a strict civic model (Chase and Chase 2007a). A vast causeway network connects outlying areas with the center. A system of hilltop aguadas provided drinking water to Caracol's inhabitants. Household plazuela groups are separated by consistent spacing. Termini groups placed at causeway extremities probably supported both administrative and marketplace functions (Chase and
Chase 2001:278). Caribbean and Pacific marine shell was imported, and craft items produced (Chase and Chase 1994a:9). Household waste appears to have been recycled into nearby agricultural fields (Chase and Chase 2007a:61). Workshop areas are evident in both palace and residential groups (Chase and Chase 2004a). Craft specialization includes shell and bone working, lithic production, and cotton yarn spinning. Citing these examples, Chase and Chase (2007a), and Chase et al. (2010), liken ancient Caracol's civic structure to the urban planning counterpart of a typical, modern North American city.
Caracol's extensive sacbe (causeway) system, referred to above, warrants further description. Intra- and inter-site roadways extended at least 75 km, and perhaps as much as 160 km (Chase and Chase 2001:273). Shorter roads, called vias, connected household groups to the more formal sacbob (Chase and Chase 2001). This roadway system linked the epicenter with the outlying areas by facilitating the transportation of goods, and enhancing communications (Chase and Chase 2001:273). Chase and Chase (2004a: 121,
2007a:61), suggest that Caracol's termini are ideally suited as administrative centers, and as marketplace areas for the redistribution of goods.
Caracol's warfare campaigns were documented epigraphically. However, due to damaged or missing information, many important details are lacking. The "star war" defeat of Tikal in A.D. 562 was perhaps at the hands of Caracol (Chase and Chase 1987:60; Scheie and Freidel 1990:173); arguably, instead, the victor may in fact have been Calakmul (Martin and Grube 2000:90) or perhaps both (Sagebeil 2006). Later, in
A.D. 631, Caracol defeated Naranjo (Chase and Chase 1998a:22; Scheie and Friedel
1990:177), purportedly in alliance with Calakmul (Ashmore 2010:55; LeCount and
Yaeger 2010:339; Martin 2005:4; Martin and Grube 2000:92; McGovern 2004:156).
The Late Classic Period. Caracol Stela 21, dated to A.D. 702, may portray a captured Pacbitun lord (Helmke and Awe 2008:74). Following this display of victory, and for almost a century between A.D. 702 and 798, there are no known carved stelae erected at Caracol (Chase and Chase 2003:185; LeCount and Yaeger 2010:339).
With reference to trade goods, by the Late Classic, marine shell is imported almost exclusively from the Caribbean coast (Chase and Chase 1994a:9).
By the Late to Terminal Classic (A.D. 780-900), Caracol appears to have developed two disparate ceramic sub-assemblages, one found in the residential areas, and the other found in the epicenter. Due to the nature of the sub-assemblages, the Chases
(2007b) have chosen the name "class-linked ceramics" to describe the types. Not surprisingly, the site epicenter holds the largest assemblage of the diagnostic Late to
Terminal Classic sub-assemblage (Chase and Chase 2007b).
The Terminal Classic Period. The Terminal Classic period at Caracol is indicated by continued construction sequences, including erection of stelae (Chase et al. 1991).
Notably, for the first time, stelae are erected to commemorate non-ruling individuals, thereby de-emphasising the institution of "sacred kingship" (Chase et al. 1991).
Occupation and construction appear to have continued for some forty years after the last dated monument, Stela 10, dated 10.1.10.0.0 (A.D. 859; Chase and Chase 2004b:363,
2007b:21). At about A.D. 895, the epicenter shows evidence of burning, followed by 117 depopulation (Chase and Chase 2007a:60). This act is suggested to be either the consequence of warfare or a ritual termination (Chase and Chase 2000:74). A palace suite at Caana reveals a child's unburied body, and on floor materials, including weapons left behind, as well as elaborate vessels (Chase and Chase 2000:74). Despite the abandonment of the epicentral palaces, approximately 25 percent of the remaining residential groups remained occupied (Chase and Chase 2000:75, 2007b: 18). Occupation outside the epicenter continues into the Terminal Classic (Chase and Chase 2004b).
The Postclassic Period. Based on ceramic and radiocarbon dating evidence, it is suggested that intermittent Postclassic ritual use of the abandoned epicentral buildings may have continued beyond A.D. 1000 (Chase and Chase 2004b:350).
Hatzcap Ceel
The Preclassic Period. Occupation at Hatzcap Ceel began during the early
Middle Preclassic period (ca. 900-600 B.C.; Morris and Ford 2005:92), with the first
"large scale" occupation during the Terminal Preclassic period (ca. A.D. 100-250; Morris
2004a: 190). During the Late Preclassic, Hatzcap Ceel becomes the main public ceremonial center of the Mountain Cow group of sites (Morris 2004a:200; Morris and
Ford 2005:94). Population increased steadily between the Late Preclassic (beginning 400
B.C.) and throughout the Classic (Morris and Ford 2005:93).
The discovery of a finely carved diorite celt, a valuable portable symbolic art object, in Cache 1 by Thompson (1931:270-271), highlights the importance of both the interred individual and of the site at this time. The celt is stylistically dated to the Late to
Terminal Preclassic period (Mora-Marin 2005:75; Morris and Ford 2005:92). Chase and
Chase (1995:93) similarly indicate that ceramics recovered in Hatzcap Ceel Votive Cache
3 are dated to the Late Preclassic period. Preclassic ceramics at the Mountain Cow sites are indicated to reflect the Peten monochrome and polychrome assemblage (Morns
2004a:220).
Construction of E-Group complexes in the Maya Lowlands begins during the Late
Preclassic and possibly earlier (Aimers 1993:82). Thompson's (1931:Figure 7) site plan clearly illustrates the E-Group assemblage, later verified by Chase and Chase (1995:93), as including western Structure A and eastern Structures I, E, and F, and dating to the Late
Preclassic. Morris (2004b: 132,135) indicates this to be one of two examples at the
Mountain Cow sites, with the other at Cahal Pichik.
The Classic Period. Mapping of the periphery of Hatzcap Ceel by Trent
University, with test excavations of housemounds, has revealed evidence of abundant settlement and intensive agriculture, beginning in the Early Classic period (Healy et al.
1980). Unlike the terracing seen at Caracol, which looked uniform and centrally- managed, the terracing seen at Hatzcap Ceel was more haphazard in layout, suggesting informal, or local management.
Ceremonial and public architecture at the site suggest it held some importance in the local area. The probable existence of a ballcourt between Mounds C and D, Group I, is suggested by Thompson (1931:252-253), and confirmed by Morris (2004b:133).
Architecture is comprised of Structures C (on the west side) and D (on the east side), and annex Dl, constructed in the Late Classic to delineate the ballcourt (Morris 2004b:133,
136). A round carved altar is located to the north, at ground level, directly in line with the ballcourt entrance (Morris 2004b: 136, Thompson 1931:264). A 10 m wide by 1800 m long causeway connects the two ritual/administrative complex centers of Cahal Pichik and Hatzcap Ceel (Morris 2004b: 132). Access to the Cahal Pichik causeway is gained through the Hatzcap Ceel ballcourt (Morris 2004a: 184). Morris (2004b: 143) dates causeway construction to approximately A.D. 600. Another, longer ancient causeway documented by Chase and Chase (2001) spans a distance of 9.2 km to connect the two centers (Cahal Pichik and Hatzcap Ceel) to Caracol's epicenter. By the end of the sixth century, ceramics at the Mountain Cow sites begin to reflect the typology of the Caracol assemblage, as well as show influences from the Belize Valley and Yucatan (Morris
2004a:220). Notably, excavated at Tzimin Kax Burial IV, within a kilometre of Hatzcap
Ceel, were 16 pairs of bowls, dated to Holmul V (A.D. 633-889), three containing human phalanges (Thompson 1931:320).
Late to Terminal Classic Periods. During the Late to Terminal Classic, population pressures at Caracol appear to have resulted in annexation of Hatzcap Ceel
(Chase and Chase 1987; Morris 2004a: 145,157). The political connection is documented on two Terminal Classic period (A.D. 810 and A.D. 835) carved altars. Hatzcap Ceel
Altar 1, set in A.D. 835, represents the earliest epigraphic reference to Caracol's penultimate ruler, K'an III (Martin and Grube 2000:99; Morris 2004a: 184). K'an III
{Turn Ohl K'inich) is also depicted on Caracol Altar 17 (Houston 1987:92; Martin and
Grube 2000:99; Morris 2004b:133). Notably, the detailed epigraphic inscriptions of the
Hatzcap Ceel monuments are described by Morris (2004a: 156) as surpassing, in both detail and grandeur, the stelae erected in his honour at Caracol. The act of setting this monument at Hatzcap Ceel is suggested to symbolize Caracol's assertion of authority over the region (Martin and Grube 2000:99).
Disruption of trade is evident by the Late to Terminal Classic. Morris
(2004a:232) reports that a mere 2.1 percent of the Mountain Cow assemblage of jades and imported artifacts are dated to this period. As Caracol's power diminishes during the
Terminal Classic, Hatzcap Ceel reaffirms its former position as the central administrative capital of the Mountain Cow group (Morris 2004a:200). This apparent "last gasp" return to its former responsibilities is short lived as population declines sharply beginning approximately A.D. 780, until final abandonment by A.D. 890 (Morris and Ford
2005:93).
Postclassic Period. Thompson (1931:332-333) did identify some evidence of post-contact, European ceramics at the site, but suggested that this was the result of intermittent visits by locals in the centuries following abandonment.
Minanha
The Preclassic Period. Minanha is strategically located on one of the area's highest hills, and borders three ecozones which include the fertile Belize Valley to the north; the mineral and timber rich Mountain Pine Ridge to the east; and the flora and fauna of the Peten to the west (lannone 2005a:29). Earliest evidence of settlement in the area dates to the late Middle Preclassic, between 600-400 B.C. (lannone 2009:34). These early settlers may have been attracted by a small water source which was later enhanced for use as the principal reservoir (Primrose 2003). The Terminal Preclassic period (ca.
A.D. 100-120) is represented archaeologically by recovered pottery sherds (lannone et al.
2008:150) and period architecture (lannone 2005a:29). In the periphery, one km southeast of the Minanha site center, the MRS4-M3-F/1 Terminal Preclassic to Early
Classic transition period cache offering in a peripheral eastern pyramidal structure of a residential courtyard contained a pair of finger bowls with a single human finger bone
(Schwake 2008:162).
The Classic Period. Site excavations have revealed that Early Classic (ca. A.D.
250-550) to Middle Classic (ca. A.D. 550-675) construction typically consists of structures with perishable walls and roofs, faced with cut stone (lannone et al. 2008:150). Gradual growth in population in a small rural population is noted up to the Middle Classic
(A.D. 550-675). Then, during the Late Classic (A.D. 675-810), population increases exponentially (lannone et al. 2008). Minanha's inhabitants appear to have enjoyed relatively equal access to both groundstone and obsidian raw materials, as well as specific popular ceramic wares, which are found throughout the center regardless of socio political standing of the household (lannone 2009:34). Slate capstones are in use in mortuary contexts, possibly beginning as early as the Early Classic, and are found in residential courtyards (lannone 2005a, 2009; Joyce 1927:323). Slate burial capstones are also documented at Caracol (Chase and Chase 1987; lannone 2005a), and at Pacbitun
(Healy et al. 1995; Sunahara 1995).
While population estimates are currently unavailable for Minanha (Macrae
2010:81), the evidence suggests a period of significant population increase during the
Late Classic period (lannone 2005a:29). During this time, large scale agricultural terracing systems are employed to augment the increased nutritional requirements
(lannone 2005a:29). Also noted at this time is increased construction activity in both the
Site Core and the Contreras Settlement Zones (lannone et al. 2008). An epicentral complex constructed atop the highest hill in the area displays the architectural characteristics of a royal court complex (lannone 2009:34) including temples, range structures, shrines, ballcourt, stelae, and a royal residential acropolis with throne room.
This hilltop construction signals the establishment of a royal court at Minanha during the eighth century (lannone et al. 2008:151). Epicentral construction has been noted
(lannone 2005a:31) to emulate the Calakmul-style civic plan defined by Ashmore and
Sabloff (2002). Further, Minanha is observed (lannone 2005a:31-32) to display architectural, ceramic, funerary and caching features which emulate Caracol cultural 122 traits. For example, a Late Classic cache recovered in the Structure 38J temple within the royal residential courtyard contained three finger bowls with human phalanges
(McParland 2003:143-144). In the Group S Shrine, Structure 77S, Zehrt (2007:48-49) reports one set of lip-to-lip finger bowls with human finger bone inside, and a second finger bowl broken and disturbed by natural root action. Another partial finger bowl was found to the east of the shrine cache and is suggested to have originally been associated with the former. The Group 77S dedicatory caches are likely contemporaneous with the
Late Classic period refurbishment of this platform (Schwake 2008:311; Zehrt 2007:49).
Minanha's Late Classic fluorescence takes place during the period of contracting political power of both Caracol and Naranjo, with the resulting power vacuum providing an ideal opportunity for Minanha's development (Iannone 2005a). Just as Minanha's fluorescence is temporally linked to the waning political forces of Caracol and Naranjo in the early eighth century, so is the demise of Minanha's royal court, following a century of autonomy, occurs as the two major centers return to prominence at the end of the eighth century (Morris et al. 2007:5).
The Terminal Classic. Final architectural enhancements to the Structure 4A platform of the main public plaza in Minanha's epicenter at this time served to complete the second E-Group configuration at the site (Schwake 2008:139). Partial depopulation takes place in the early Terminal Classic (Iannone 2005a:40). Not surprisingly, Pollock
(2007:200) indicates that the agricultural terraces in the periphery fall into disuse at approximately the same time. Prior to this, infilling the royal residential courtyard is evident (Iannone 2005a, 2006, 2010). First the floors and stairs were carefully swept, then the first protective layer of fine sediment was deposited, followed by large limestone slabs, and finally total infilling with rubble. Contemporaneous destruction of stucco 123 friezes and stelae (lannone 2005a:40; Schwake 2008:125) served to obliterate references to the former ruling dynasty. Similar behaviour has been documented at a number of lowland centers at the onset of the Terminal Classic collapse sequence of events (lannone
2005a:39).
Following early Terminal Classic depopulation, habitation at the epicenter and site core is described as "ephemeral" (lannone et al. 2008:155). Sometime after the demise of
Minanha, in the early ninth century, a small non-elite population took up residence at the site (lannone et al. 2008:157). This Terminal Classic population built new platforms and structures above the old construction (lannone 2005a:34). During the ninth century, the imposing basal epicentral platform surface was reused for construction of low status perishable structures (lannone 2005a). There is evidence for occupation through the
Terminal Classic into the Early Postclassic (lannone 2005a:37), including construction of a Terminal Classic c-shaped Structure 76S-lst in Group S (lannone et al. 2008:156).
Postclassic artifacts recovered in the vicinity of the epicenter include a small side-notched lithic point, as well as scrollfooted ceramic sherds (lannone et al. 2008:157).
SUMMARY
This chapter has detailed the individual site chronologies of centers in the
Belize Valley and area, including Naranjo in the west, as well as the Vaca Plateau centers.
Dates of initial occupation vary considerably, from the terminal Early Preclassic at
Blackman Eddy and Cahal Pech; early Middle Preclassic at Pacbitun; through Late
Preclassic beginnings at Baking Pot; to the Classic period latecomer Xunantunich, which was constructed upon the razed debris of an earlier Preclassic settlement. While the dates of early settlement vary by almost a millennium (even excluding the outlier 124
Xunantunich), population decline and abandonment are more generally fixed to a much shorter timeframe between the end of the Late Classic and the beginning of the Terminal
Classic period. Some sites experienced reoccupation, but none regained their former grandeur.
This overview of the 15 centers has described the local natural resources and their exploitation, as regards subsistence, craft specialization, and trade. This chapter details the many architectural accomplishments, including monumental, public, and domestic construction. It documents inter-and intra-site causeways, reflecting the connectedness both between sites and within center boundaries. Also detailed is the symbolic and epigraphic information written by the Maya inhabitants themselves, which divulges political affiliations and conflicts, as well as providing references to important lineage and dynastic information. Societal differences are reflected in displays of material wealth exhibited in the archaeological record. These cultural traits serve to merely hint at the overall picture of cultural complexity exhibited by the centers in west-central Belize. CHAPTER FOUR:
CHRONOLOGICAL ASSESSMENT OF CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
This chapter reviews the archaeological data from a regional perspective to assess cultural development in the areas of ideology and religion, economics, and socio-political organization in west-central Belize over time. The use of local and exotic raw materials including marine shell, ceramics and lithics is assessed. The production of items from these natural resources, areas of production, and scale of distribution is reviewed. Some of these materials were exchanged locally; others appear in the archaeological record at other sites separated by great distances. In addition to the crafts produced for use within the ancient Maya household, a survey of elite sumptuary goods includes specialized ceramics gifted by nobility, and other high status goods of various descriptions. Also, culturally important, are literacy and numeracy - these allow us to hear the voices of the members of the Maya civilization and to read the historic and dynastic records written by the informants themselves over a millennium ago. Architectural forms allow us, as archaeologists, to glimpse the secular and ritual spaces used, and to consider their significance in isolation and as a component of the sum of parts.
Ideology and Religion
Ideology / Symbolism Expressed in Architecture. The E-Group complex is significant as "the earliest consistent architectural form" with construction beginning in the Middle Preclassic period (Hansen 1998:63). For this reason, it has been selected as one of two structural types I have selected for comparative purposes. The other form, ballcourt configurations, follows in the next section. Notwithstanding suggestions of E-Group assemblages as representative of the
Preclassic or Preclassic/Classic Transition (Chase 1985; Chase and Chase 1995), various researchers propose dates of construction ranging from the Middle Preclassic to the
Terminal Classic (Aimers 1993; Aimers and Rice 2006; Aveni et al. 2003). E-Group assemblages at the sites of Cahal Pech, Minanha, and Pacbitun have been dated to the
Late Preclassic (Aimers 1993:81-83; Healy 1992; Schwake 2008:116). Chase and Chase
(2006b:49-54) indicate an initial Late Preclassic construction date for the Plaza A complex at Caracol, with modifications leading to the E-Group configuration beginning
A.D. 10 - A.D. 60, and continuing into the Late Classic. These many construction phases, as well as a variety of other issues (see explanation by Aimers 1993:79-83), make these construction remains exceedingly difficult to securely date.
E-Groups have been identified at the majority of the 15 sites investigated by this study, including Actuncan, Baking Pot, Blackman Eddy, Buenavista del Cayo, Cahal
Pech, Caracol, El Pilar, Hatzcap Ceel, Minanha, Naranjo, Pacbitun, Xunantunich, and probably Las Ruinas de Arenal. No E-Groups have been identified at the sites of
Caledonia or Camp 6. However, this is not to suggest that the local populace did not participate in E-Group rituals. These latter two sites may have simply been too small to warrant individual construction. The local inhabitants could journey relatively short distances to the nearest larger center to participate in the seasonal ceremonies connected with E-Groups.
The original investigation by Blom (1924) at Uaxactun proposed the E-Group's function as an astronomical observatory for marking the solstices and equinoxes. More recently, the astronomical functionality of similar architectural assemblages at the majority of other sites has been largely disproven. In their investigation of 27 mostly Peten assemblages, Aveni and Hartung (1989) found that none appear to have accurately registered either the solstices or equinoxes. Aimers (1993:167) documents their general
"orientational inaccuracy". In both cases, the investigators have suggested that these structural assemblages, instead, held ritual significance. Ashmore (2010:48) suggests that construction forms replicating Uaxactun's functioning observatory as indicative of the local rulers' strategic utilization of self-promotion and "affiliation by emulation". The preponderance of these architectural groupings in the area of study and indeed wide distribution in the Maya Southern Lowlands (Chase and Chase 1995:87) attest to the long-standing cultural significance of the rituals associated with the E-Group structures, as does the early construction date and continuous use of the Minanha assemblage.
The Mesoamerican ballgame holds ritual, social, and political significance. My limited sample of 15 centers reveals that ballcourts were constructed at even the smallest of these mid-level or larger sites. While ballcourts were documented at all 15 centers, there was found to be a great deal of variation found in construction and dimensions.
These stylistic variations are documented throughout the lowlands.
The vast majority of ballcourts sampled were constructed during the Classic period (Ferguson 1999:51, 69), with the exclusion of Actuncan (Ferguson 1999:51;
LeCount and Blitz 2005:69), Buenavista del Cayo (Ball and Taschek 2004:153; Hansen
1998:74), El Pilar (Ferguson 1999:51), and Pacbitun (Healy 1992:238), where construction took place during the Preclassic period. The presence of two ballcourts is also noted at Buenavista, Cahal Pech, Caracol, El Pilar, Naranjo, and Xunantunich (Chase and Chase 1987:31; Ferguson 1999:69; Tokovinine and Fialko 2007:3). Keller (2006:30) has suggested that while the significance of the dual-ballcourt pattern is unclear, it is suggestive of "a high level of intra-regional interaction at least at the level of the elite". 128
The existence of a total of three ballcourts at the site of Baking Pot, is noted by Ferguson
(1999). This constitutes the greatest number of occurrences amongst sites in this study, and is a significant divergence for the Belize Valley norm. Ferguson (1999:145) suggests that the construction or modification of these three ball court complexes during the Late
Classic period may be interpreted in terms of an attempt at ideological reaffirmation during a time of stress.
Ideology / Symbolism Expressed in Mortuary and Caching Practices. The Maya practiced a variety of burial techniques. The most prevalent practice was interment in and around residential groups (McKillop 2004a:263; Schwake 2008:44). At Caracol, Chase and Chase (1996a, b) document human skeletal remains in a variety of contexts from simple cists to crypts to inclusion in refuse deposits. For the region, in general, individual interments, of an extended variety, are the norm, with Belize Valley single interments accounting for 86 percent of the surveyed burials, 90 percent in the Southeast Peten, and
60 percent in the Vaca Plateau (Schwake 2008:249). However, at Caracol, a record number (85 percent) of interments are categorized as multiple interments (Schwake
2008:258), and at Minanha, although at 13 burials the sample is small, 72 percent of interments are classed as multiple contexts (Schwake 2008:268). At Pacbitun, multiple burials account for 40 percent of the total sample (Robertson 2011:104), identical to the more distant Vaca Plateau, and a great deal higher than incidence of the closer Belize
Valley (Robertson 2011:142). Four of the elite multiple burials have been determined to be male-female pairs, with the male possibly pre-deceasing the female, perhaps suggesting the female to be a sacrificial victim (Robertson 2011:135).
Caching Practices - "Charlie Chaplins". Ritual figurines of the "Charlie
Chaplin" variety are found in cached contexts at Caracol beginning in the Late Preclassic period. At Hatzcap Ceel these figurines are noted in Votive Caches 1, 2, and 3, dated as early as the period between 400 B.C and A.D. 250, based on the style of a contemporary inscribed diorite celt found in votive cache 1 (Morris 2004a:187-188; Thompson 1931).
Others are described as having been found in a Terminal Preclassic to Early Classic cache located in Ballcourt 2 at Buenavista del Cayo (Ferguson 1999:36; Taschek and Ball
1999:221). They are also found in caches at Pacbitun, one dating to the Early Classic
(Cheong 2011; Healy 1992:234, Figure 7; Healy et al. 1995:342), and are made of marine shell and local slate. Similar findings at Las Ruinas de Arenal, consisting of two sets of four Early Classic "Charlie Chaplin" figurines, have been identified by Taschek and Ball
(1999:221-222). At Camp 6 figurines of this type are identified in Caches 8, 9, 10, and dated to Holmul V and earlier (Thompson 1931:282).
These "Charlie Chaplin" figurines may have replicated the cosmological cardinal points colour values: red for east, white for north, black for west, and yellow for south
(Coe 1984:151-2; Trigger 2003:448). The colour green, signifying the ceiba tree
(Henderson 1981:83) was generally placed at the center and often represented with a jade or greenstone bead in ritual contexts. The appearance of these specialized artifacts at select sites occurs at the earlier settled and thriving centers on the Vaca Plateau, and extends to centers similarly endowed to the north and west of Caracol, including the
Belize Valley centers noted above. In addition, Moholy-Nagy (1994:44) notes the appearance of these "Charlie Chaplins" at the large site of Tikal, Guatemala, during the
Early Classic, following the "virtual disappearance" of pottery figurines of the Preclassic period.
Caching Practices - "Finger Bowls ". At Caracol, distinctive "finger bowl" caches are generally associated with eastern structures (Chase and Chase 2001:278). The earliest documented "finger bowl" caches at Caracol date to the Terminal Preclassic to
Early Classic transition period (Chase and Chase 2006b:42). Dated approximately to this same timeframe are examples from Las Ruinas de Arenal (Taschek and Ball 1999:228), and Minanha (Schwake 2008:162). Early Classic examples are noted at Baking Pot
(Audet and Awe 2004; Awe and Helmke 2005; Helmke and Awe 2008), and Middle to
Late Classic at Tzimin Kax Burial IV, near Hatzcap Ceel, and Zopilote, near Cahal Pech, where the cache contained roughly 200 small bowls with 225 human phalanges representative of between nine and seventy-four individuals (Cheetham 2004:137;
Schwake 2008:246). This cultural tradition is also identified in the vicinity of Camp 6 and Mountain Cow where ceramics date to the Middle to Terminal Classic (Thompson
1931:320). Interestingly, "finger bowl" caches are also absent at the site of Pacbitun, which shares many other cultural traditions with Vaca sites, including Charlie Chaplins and the use of slate in mortuary contexts.
At Minanha, in addition to the above noted earlier sample, are documented several
Late Classic "finger bowl" caches (McParland 2003:143-144; Zehrt 2007:48-49).
Schwake (2008:162) points out that the Minanha MRS4-M3-F/1 offering is held within a pair of Mount Maloney dishes stylistically affiliated with the Belize Valley. So, similar to the Cahal Pech and Baking Pot instances of finger caching, this illustrates the convergence of northern vessels with this specific Caracol tradition.
While finger bowls are found in the locations noted above, nowhere are they encountered in the quantity suggested at Caracol, where they are "found in domestic groups throughout Caracol" (Chase and Chase 1994b:59), and "in virtually every plazuela group excavated" (Chase and Chase 1996c:72). It is interesting to note that this unique caching practice has dispersed cultural links with centers as far north as Cahal Pech. Particularly significant is the pattern of distribution, beginning in the Terminal Preclassic at Caracol and centers in the immediate vicinity and radiating outward over time.
Schwake (2008:305) summarizes further this lesser elite and commoner practice:
"Because this ritual practice is relatively rare, has a geographic occurrence that transcends other noted patterns of ritual mortuary behaviour, and also because it occurs at the lower levels of the social status hierarchy at each site, it is interpreted to be part of a generalized folk tradition of sacrifice associated with mortuary ritual." While the upper strata may have sometimes practiced human sacrifice as a part of the burial ritual, the lower strata, who shared the same belief system, used a truncated variation of this theme, with offerings of human phalanges, some notably from live donors (Chase 1994:124; Chase and Chase 1998b:319; Davies 1984:212; Robertson 2011:135; Scheie 1984:38-45;
Schwake 2006:304). Similar scaling down of mortuary materials is noted at Minanha
(Schwake 2008:304) where commoners' use of small slate pieces replicate grave capstones.
Caching Practices - Eccentrics. Taschek and Ball (1999:220) note a regular pattern of Late Classic stelae caches of carefully arranged, finely made obsidian and/or chert eccentrics covering an area from Naranjo east into the Belize Valley. Commenting on the Hatzcap Ceel and Cahal Pichik stelae caches however, Thompson (1931:270) specifically notes the absence of obsidian eccentrics in these contexts. At Caracol, Chase and Chase (1998b:318) describe unique obsidian core and eccentrics caches found in public architecture at the epicenter at the end of the Early Classic. By the Late Classic, obsidian eccentrics appear in residential areas in Caracol's core, but in numbers fewer than either finger caches or face pots (Chase and Chase 1998b:318). At Minanha, the caching of crude obsidian eccentrics has been noted by Iannone (2005a:32). 132
At the site of Caracol, Chase and Chase (1998b) have documented specific
changes in caching practices suggested to be reflective of Classic period ideology. Late
Classic caching is focussed on monumental architecture, and is attributed to ancestor
veneration and sanctifying of specific ritual space. By the Late Postclassic, caches appear
in domestic areas, and are suggested to sanctify ritual space related to the greater
community Chase and Chase (1998b:327).
Economy
Hammond (1990:221-239) describes three levels of trade. In this model, local
exchange was conducted among individuals in the same or nearby communities. At the
regional level, a marketplace brought individuals together from greater distances. Long
distance trade was suggested to be conducted by a merchant class.
Local exchange is evident in several areas including ceramics and shell
ornaments. With regard to pottery production, as a result of the widespread availability of
raw materials used by the Maya to produce utilitarian ceramic items, the majority were
produced for local use at the household level (Drennan 1984:29). At Cahal Pech, Awe
(1992) has documented Cunil Phase (1100-900 B.C.) ceramics, the earliest known
ceramic assemblage identified in the upper Belize Valley. While classified as Kanocha
ceramics at Blackman Eddy (Garber et al. 2004a), it is proposed that one complex is
represented (Brown 2007; Lohse 2009; Lohse et al. 2006; Taschek and Ball 1999:218).
In addition to the findings at the above sites, small quantities have been found at the basal
platform of the Castillo at Xunantunich (LeCount et al. 2002), and Plaza B Pacbitun, where the samples come from mixed (not stratified) deposits (Powis et al. 2009). While
representative of the earliest known Maya ceramics, stylistically, they reveal the quality
end product of lengthy experimentation. Objects of worked shell are ubiquitous throughout the lowlands. In the Belize
Valley, there are a few loci of production where it is evident that shell ornaments were produced on a significant scale. Belize Valley Preclassic shell production zones have been identified only at Pacbitun and at the peripheral groups Cas Pek and Tolok at Cahal
Pech. In both cases, the workshops were likely indicative of localized family cottage industries (Hohmann 2002). Similarly, a particularly long term example is evident at
Blackman Eddy Structure Bl, where shell ornaments were produced for local use over a period of two millennia, beginning in the terminal Early Preclassic (Cochran 2009).
Hohmann's (2002:206) examination of the Preclassic shell assemblage throughout the southern Maya lowlands suggests a shared tradition of ornament production with a preference for use of marine shell.
Ground stone tools of granite from the Maya Mountains have been documented in the Belize Valley, the Vaca Plateau, and Guatemala (Abramiuk and Meurer 2006). Awe
(1992:287) reports that granite was washed downstream along with alluvium from the
Mountain Pine Ridge. Consequently, non-local granite was available for manufacture into durable implements at centers along the river beds and beaches of the Macal River.
Numerous granite boulders along the river's edge make Caledonia a likely source or production center. At Baking Pot, the majority of grinding stones from the 23 Late
Classic to Terminal Classic samples provided by the Institute of Archaeology were found to be composed of granite (Abramiuk and Meurer 2006:348). Granite grinding stones, non-local to Chan Noohol and Dos Chombitos Cik'in near Xunantunich, have been identified at all house groups (Robin 1999:373). At Cahal Pech, Awe (1992:286-303) reports that the majority of manos and metates (27 of 29) were made of granite. At Pacbitun, also close to the Maya Mountains, granite grinding stones were plentiful
(Hohmann and Powis 1996:115-117).
At Minanha, on the Vaca Plateau, granite mano and metates appear to have been
locally produced, with stone obtained from quarries in the nearby Mountain Pine Ridge.
Datable raw materials in Turuk's (2007) sample fall within the Late Classic to Terminal
Classic period. Granite grinding stones make up 84.62 percent of the Late Classic
collection, increasing to 100 percent of the identified Terminal Classic artifacts (Turuk
2007:214-215). Samples from disturbed or mixed contexts were found to comprise 96.67
percent granite. These examples show local production, probably by select members of
the community, who produced utilitarian items in excess of their own needs. The excess
goods were likely exchanged locally for foodstuffs or durable goods also produced
locally.
Ubiquitous throughout the Maya Lowlands, chert is a widely available lithic
resource, and consequently, chert artifacts are noted at virtually all centers. Several
centers exhibit local production areas. Chase and Chase (1994a: 10) describe a workshop
area at Caracol's northeast sector, where debitage dumps consists of literally "thousands
of flakes" of chert dated to the Late Classic period (Pope 1994:152). This local mineral
resource was found in great concentrations in a workshop area beside the Plaza Faisan, at
El Pilar (Ford 2004:251). In contrast, nearby evidence for chert production at the household level is noticeably absent, arguably supporting the workshop hypothesis (Ford
and Fedick 1992:43). Ford, Whittaker, and Kamp (2009:97) have identified this as a
specialized workshop for the production of chert biface tools from prepared blanks, a practice found throughout the Late Classic period at Cahal Tok, El Pilar. The volume of 135 production noted at these centers may be indicative of exchange in excess of that of a
cottage level industry, perhaps instead at the level of a marketplace.
Similarly, in Buenavista's East Plaza, Yaeger et al. (2009, 2010) are investigating the potential location of a central market place, in operation between the Middle and Late
Classic. Keller (2010:201-203) suggests that a large open area of Xunantunich, known as the Lost Plaza, was well situated to function as a marketplace. The presence of fibre
spinning artifacts, as well as large quantities of lithic waste lends support to the
hypothesis (Keller 2010:208). On the Vaca Plateau, Caracol's termini are suggested to
serve administrative and marketplace functions (Chase and Chase 2001).
Not surprisingly, given these centers' proximity to the navigable waterways of the
Belize River system, early evidence of long-distance trade is manifest throughout the
Belize Valley. At Cahal Pech, exotic goods identified in Cunil phase levels include jadeite or greenstone, obsidian, as well as marine shell (Awe 1992). The diversity of
exotic goods identified at Cahal Pech and Blackman Eddy suggests participation in long distance exchange already by the first millennia B.C. Obsidian, jade, and marine shell
long-distance trade networks existed by about 500 B.C at Pacbitun (Healy, Hohmann, and
Powis 2004:225). Caledonia's river bank location makes it a good candidate for involvement in the transportation of bulky commodities such as pine and granite for trade with Caracol and elsewhere (Awe 1985:387; Lentz et al. 2005:581). Marine shell
identified at Caledonia and dated to the Early Classic suggests commercial trade in this commodity at this time or earlier (Awe 1985:377).
Distinct from utilitarian production for domestic use and local trade, ceramics are also known to have been produced specifically for consumption by the highest strata of
Ancient Maya society and consist of elaborate polychrome vessels. Their unique 136
attributes provide an archaeological opportunity to locate their area of origin. Similarities
in Classic period ceramic materials, manufacturing techniques, style, and iconography
lead Reents-Budet et al. (2005) and Audet and Awe (2005) to suggest economic and possible socio-political relationships between Baking Pot, Buenavista del Cayo, and
centers in western Belize, eastern Peten, and northern Honduras. Reents-Budet et al.
(2000) propose that one or more palace schools of production in operation, one located at
Buenavista, suggest a broader network of trade school education in a context of elite
"overlapping social, political, economic, and ideological spheres."
This complex trade network was a part of a multifarious economy in which certain
exotic status goods were regulated and used exclusively by the elite component of
society. Culbert (1974:65) suggests the existence of a prosperous peasantry. He argues
for a complex social pyramid of lower class workers, a prosperous middle management
support group, with an apex of hereditary and educated elite. LeCount (1996:297)
suggests the emergence of a "middle class" based on wealth accumulation, but lacking the
status of social recognition enjoyed by members of the elite dynasty. This "middle class"
likely included merchants who traded in both staples and exotics.
Exotics reserved for use by rulers included quetzal plumage, whose green colour was considered royal, and reserved for use by rulers (Sharer 1994:726). Jade use was similarly limited to elites, and appears in the archaeological record as serving purposes of status and ritual (Taube 2005). The upper Motagua valley in Guatemala is the sole confirmed source of jade for use and consumption throughout eastern and western
Mesoamerican, including the region of this study (Gendron et al. 2002; Hammond
1990:237; Joyce 2004:13). Even the smallest pieces of jade or jadeite were made into beads or mosaic pieces, thereby eliminating any lapidary evidence (Moholy-Nagy 137
1994:87; Pope 1994:156; Thompson 1994:163). The earliest Preclassic examples of these valuable exotics are noted at the sites of Cahal Pech (Awe 1992:348), Blackman Eddy
(Brown 2003:19), and Pacbitun (Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004:225). Jade artifacts
are noted to be obvious status items, interred with their owners and included in dedicatory
caches (McKillop 2004a: 182, 249). Thompson's (1931:334) summary of Mountain Cow
sites confirms that the majority of the temple pyramid votive caches contained jade and
shell objects in ceramic urns.
Other essential but locally unavailable goods were secured for trade, with
distribution to all levels of society. These products included obsidian and salt.
Although there are no natural sources of obsidian in Belize, this exotic raw material was widely imported for use in ritual contexts and also for utilitarian tools.
Marcus (1983:479) states that "it now appears that virtually all Maya sites in all periods
had some obsidian". Sidrys' (1976) analysis of Maya lowlands obsidian artifacts during the Late Preclassic to Early Classic (300 B.C. - A.D. 600), suggests that, at this time,
obsidian was a status good restricted to the elite populace. By the Late Classic, however,
obsidian usage had become considerably more widespread, and was probably available as
a common utilitarian item to the majority of lowland inhabitants.
Trade with merchants of the Maya highlands procured obsidian and basalt (which produces superior grinding stones) which were exchanged for lowland cacao and cotton
(Sharer and Traxler 2006:633). Guderjan (1995) points out that some Maya trade items are visible at their points of consumption, and these include obsidian, jade, granites, schists, basalt, chert, marine shells, and pottery; others are not very visible at their points of origin, these include fish and copal; some are virtually invisible at their consumption points, these include salt, dyes, cacao, cotton, textiles, honey, wax, and henequen fiber; one which is visible at the production source rather than the consumption point is salt.
Salt is a mineral required by humans and available in generally smaller than necessary quantities in animal and vegetable food sources (MacKinnon and Kepecs
1989:522). Investigators initially suggested that the majority of salt produced by the
Maya came from "coastal salinas, primarily the Yucatecan salt flats located mostly on the north coast of the Yucatan peninsula, and the Pacific Salinas, which extended along the coasts of Chiapas, Guatemala, and El Salvador" (Andrews 1983:16). MacKinnon and
Kepecs (1989:531) disagree that the Yucatan supplied the majority of prehispanic Belize with salt, suggesting that transportation as far as the Peten would significantly increase the value of the mineral, making it unattainable for the majority of the population.
McKillop (2002) suggests that salt may have also been produced along the Belizean coast. A rise in sea level following the end of the Late Classic period has made the search for these artifacts difficult, however, underwater reconnaissance in the early 1990s has revealed artifact scatters suggestive of ancient salt making equipment (McKillop 2002:5,
Figure 5.8). A systemic survey of Punta Ycacos Lagoon in 2004 suggests a total of 45 sites with some connection to salt production (McKillop 2005:5631). At this location, salt was produced by boiling sea water in ceramic pots, while the more northerly site of
Ambergris Cay, solar evaporation was utilized (McKillop 2002:22-23). Measurement of the salt-making artifacts suggests that the salt cakes were standardized in manufacture, as would be expected of a trade item (McKillop 2002:22). A canoe paddle found at Punta
Ycacos, radiocarbon dated to A.D. 680 - 880, suggests that the probable method of transportation along the Belize River system was the canoe (McKillop 2005:5632). 139
During the Late Classic period trade networks begin to break down. For example, as many inland centers are depopulated, the market for salt declines substantially, resulting in the abandonment of the Punta Ycacos saltworks (McKillop 2002, 2004b:258).
Similarly, at the site of Caledonia, Awe suggests the collapse of its trade partners in the
Terminal Classic played a large part in emigration from the center (Awe 1985:400).
Socio-Political Organization
Beginning in the Late Preclassic, the earliest carved Preclassic stelae are erected at
Cahal Pech and Actuncan. Cahal Pech Stela 9, based on stylistic considerations, is dated to the First Century A.D. by Awe et al. (2009). Awe et al. (2009:182) describe the precocious iconography:
"The absence of hieroglyphs on the monument suggests that it may have been carved at a time before the development of Maya writing, or before Maya writing became transferred from small portable objects, mostly jade, to monumental sculpture. Conservative estimates would date the first inscribed objects from the Lowlands in the first century A.D."
Between the Late and Terminal Preclassic period another early Belize Valley sculptured stone monument, Stela 1, is erected at Actuncan. These two stelae are significant as the only freestanding Late Preclassic Lowland monuments known outside the Peten (Awe et al. 2009:183).
Power consolidation is an incremental process which begins in the Preclassic.
Preclassic Lowland Maya society is described as kin based and was ranked but unstratified (Marcus 1983:461). Ashmore (2010:47) dates the earliest evidence of autochthonous social stratification to A.D. 1 or earlier. Lucero (2003:523) describes the transition to kingship in stages of expansion of familial dedication, termination, and ancestor veneration rites into increasingly larger communal gatherings and gathering spaces. Architecturally, this is manifest in the construction of "monumental architecture" defined by Trigger (1990:119) as houses, buildings, or structures, exhibiting scale or elaboration significantly in excess of normal requirements. As McGovern (2004:51) points out, "architecture is labour" and implies control of the workforce. These massive construction projects required vast expenditures of human energy, by other than those residing or presiding in the structures. Thus, this form of conspicuous consumption also serves to reinforce the hierarchy of power.
On the Vaca Plateau, Caracol's Caana, the main epicentral building complex, imposes dramatically on the landscape. By A.D. 150, it already towered to a height of 38 m (Chase and Chase 2006b:47). This structure was likely decorated with brightly coloured paint, no doubt creating a striking view visible from a great distance. At
Xunantunich, the massive Castillo rises to a height of 43 meters to dominate the local landscape (Keller 2006:22). Some of Minanha's epicentral buildings were painted red with specular hematite (lannone 2005a:31). Located on one of the highest hilltops in the area, this would present a brilliant exhibition for the greater Minanha community.
During the sixth and seventh centuries, the Cahal Pech site core undergoes structural changes to enhance its height and restrict access from many areas (Awe et al. 1991:28).
Maya architecture has been shown to be accretional in nature. New structures were constructed over previous building phases, resulting in layers of construction. As a result of this practice, a single structure excavated at Blackman Eddy, Structure Bl, is significant in illustrating a 2000 year construction history. One feature, a late Middle
Preclassic stucco mask, which had flanked the frontal staircase, is particularly notable as predating others with similar elements in the lowlands by centuries (Brown and Garber
2005; Healy 2006). This may be an early attempt by an emerging elite group to legitimize their newly assumed status. The mask and structure were badly damaged in antiquity, most probably as an act of warfare. This example is cited by Marcus (2003:80) as one of the earliest instances of a Middle to Late Preclassic "impressive chiefdom" which exhibited "evidence for raiding, violence, and trauma, as well as palisades, roads, and control of a large labour force."
Evidence of another Preclassic period architectural mask, long since deconstructed, has been reported by Aimers, Powis, and Awe (2000:74) at Structure B4,
Cahal Pech, but it too was covered by another structure. During the Early Classic, architectural modifications of Actuncan South Plaza A included the addition of painted stucco masks to the largest structure (LeCount 2004:33). Traces of painted modelled stucco, once a part of Early Preclassic masks, have been noted from Pacbitun (personal communication, P. Healy, 2011). At Caracol, Chase and Chase (1987:23-24, Figure 17) describe the Structure B20-2nd architectural mask, dated between A.D. 537 and 634
(Chase and Chase 1996a). At the base of the eastern building on the summit of Caana and set into a stairway, the mask serves as an opening to a small vaulted room. A human burial was discovered in the mouth of the mask. Partial burning suggests that this may have been a sacrificial offering. Additional architectural masks are described by Ishihara et al. (2006) at Caracol B5, B5-sub and B16-sub, dating to the mid-seventh century.
The inclusion of stucco masks as architectural components ends by start of the
Late Classic period (LeCount 2004:32). We now see the construction of monumental funerary shrines at many centers including Actuncan (McGovern 2004:32-34), Baking
Pot (Audet and Awe 2004:53), Buenavista del Cayo (Taschek and Ball 1992), Minanha
(Schwake 2008:319), and Pacbitun (Healy 1988:25; Healy, Awe, and Helmuth 2004).
Comparison of these architectural forms is suggested to reflect a conceptual departure in depictions of rulership from earlier supernatural imagery to formalization and documentation of royal genealogy (LeCount 2004). This phenomenon is described as one
component of cultural memory which facilitated "transferring these ritual maps between
multiple generations" (Schwake 2008:319). At Minanha, this is suggested by Schwake
(2008:319) to have been "initiated in order to provide legitimacy during a time of
significant political change".
Highly visible on the landscape are white intra and inter-site causeways called
sacbe. One of the most extensive systems is found at Caracol (Chase and Chase 2001;
Normark 2006), with systems also documented at many centers, including Actuncan
(LeCount and Blitz 2005), Baking Pot (Audet 2006; Audet and Awe 2005; Ferguson
1999; Reents-Budet et al. 2005), Buenavista del Cayo (Ball and Taschek 2004:Figure 9.1;
Reents-Budet et al. 2000:Figure 7; Yaeger et al. 2009:210), Cahal Pech (Awe et al. 2009;
Cheetham 2004; Schwake 2008), El Pilar (Ford et al. 2001, 2009; Ford and Wernecke
2000; Morris and Ford 2005), Las Ruinas de Arenal (Taschek and Ball 1999), Minanha
(lannone 2009; Schwake 2008), Mountain Cow (Morris 2004a,b; Morris and Ford 2005),
Naranjo (Fialko 2004), Pacbitun (Healy 1990a, 1992; Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004,
Powis et al. 2009;), and Xunantunich (Keller 2006; LeCount et al. 2002). lannone
(personal communication, 2011) reports following a causeway at Camp 6. While I have
been unable to substantiate the existence of sacbeob at the Vaca Plateau center of
Caledonia so far, they almost certainly existed at least at the intra-site level.
Caracol's causeways are constructed during the Late Classic period and are
reported to have reached heights of up to three meters above the surrounding terrain
(Chase and Chase 2001:273). This must have been an impressive sight, even at a
distance. Chase and Chase (2001:273) indicate that their excavations suggest that
Caracol causeways are generally founded on bedrock, enhancing the stability and 143 durability of these roadways. These causeways radiate outward from the access-restricted epicenter and serve as the formal connection with the outlying settlement areas. Indeed, their function seems to be a direct connection from the elite residence area at the center of the city of Caracol to various administrative termini. Termini buildings are located at points along the sacbe and are assumed to be earlier ceremonial sites. Cheetham
(2004:125) notes that the raised causeways required an enormous expenditure of material and labour, which is particularly interesting given the use of neither wheeled vehicles nor draft animals. In addition, it indicates the scale of human labour available to the ruling elite for these monumental construction works. Xunantunich's sacbe and termini system has been investigated by Keller (2006) who suggests that while simpler, less elaborate roadways would have sufficed, the monumental overbuilding observed in their construction alludes to displays of political power as well as importance in ritual contexts.
For detailed information of these ancient Maya road systems in general and Xunantunich in particular, refer to Keller (2006).
With regard to political organization, despite decades of research of the Classic
Maya in Mesoamerica, the debate concerning its structure continues. There are two general schools of thought in this regard. One argues that political organization was centralized into several powerful regional states which exerted direct power and control over the other, lesser centers (Marcus 1973:915; Martin and Grube 1995). Martin and
Grube (1995) proposed a hierarchy of approximately 40 kingdoms ruled by only a few large "super states", including rival states Tikal and Calakmul. Joyce Marcus (1973:911) offered a quadripartite view of lowland Maya political organization, using Central-Place
Theory. Around the four regional capitals of Copan, Tikal, Palenque and possibly
Calakumul, Marcus suggested the development of secondary centers in a frameworko f hexagonal lattices. Marcus (1973:915) envisioned at least a five-tiered administrative hierarchy consisting of a capital, secondary center, tertiary center, village and hamlet.
In comparison, the city-state model of organization envisions a number of independent city-states with varying population sizes, participating in peaceful or antagonistic relations with other city-states (Grube 2000; Mathews 1991; Trigger
2003:94; Webster 2000:86). These city-states were self-sustaining and self-governing polities. The Classic period conflicts suggest that at this time they are more correctly defined as hegemonic city-states, allowing for the possibility of one center to exert influence on another. These oscillations are well documented epigraphically and are detailed in this chapter. Trigger (2003:99) suggests that the victors of these conflicts did not appear to incorporate the defeated into a larger territory but, instead, reduced the rival center to tributary status. I suggest that this model provides the best fit with the events of the Classic period in west-central Belize.
Inscriptions on stelae beginning in the Classic period have allowed us to reconstruct historic events documented on these stone monuments. The earliest non- retrospective date in the Maya region is given by Tikal Stela 29, and is dated to A.D. 292.
Stelae inscriptions document conflict, battles, victories, place names, royal lineages, marriages, alliances, and affiliations. Houston (2000:166) suggests "that stelae were in part set up as permanent presences of rulers." Marcus (1974:92) stresses the preponderance of political events and warfare details. Stuart (1998:375) proposes that in addition to chronicling elite dynastic history, inscriptions documented significant ritual events, activities, and spaces. The epigraphic, artifactual, and architectural data is synthesised chronologically in the sections following, in an effort to present the clearest picture of the events and political affiliations of the 15 centers beginning in the Classic period.
At Blackman Eddy, Stela 1 is dated to between A.D. 376 and 396. This monument is significant as the first carved stela with a long count date identified to date in the Belize Valley. Stela 6 at Pacbitun, dated to A.D. 475, depicts a member of the local royal lineage and thus may be declaring the center's independence (Healy 1990b;
Healy, Hohmann, and Powis 2004; Helmke, Grube, Awe, and Healy 2006:72). These early examples illustrate a probable period of autonomous relationships in the Belize
Valley.
As the Classic period progresses, it becomes apparent that this time of comparative independence and peaceful coexistence is ending. Emblem glyphs appear for the first time in the fifth century A.D., and proliferate after A.D. 650 (Mathews 1985;
Munson and Macri 2009:Figure 3a; Webster 2000:84-85). Tokovinine (2008:162-163) describes emblem glyphs simply as titles of royal status, whereas Helmke and Awe
(2008:75) suggest references to specific royal courts, rather than place names or toponyms. They argue, as does Matthews (1991), that because ruling lineages tended to remain at one center, these glyphs may have been interpreted as place names.
Folan et al. (1995:326) succinctly summarize the historic significance of the data provided by emblem glyphs: "the mention of one site's emblem glyph by another has been crucial in establishing regional hierarchies, documenting military alliances, showing participation in various rites, and highlighting intersite royal marriages". References to the emblem glyphs of other centers are noted at Buenavista del Cayo (Naranjo; Houston et al. 1992; Taschek and Ball 1992), Hershey (Naranjo; Harrison-Buck et al. 2007; Helmke and Awe 2008:82; McAnany et al. 2005:317), Naranjo (Caracol; Beetz 1980:7;
Chase 2004); Hatzcap Ceel (Caracol; Martin and Grube 2000:99; Morris 2004a: 156),
Xunantunich (Naranjo; Houston et al. 1992:507; Keller 2006:21), and at Caracol
(Naranjo; Martin 2005), (Pacbitun; Helmke and Awe 2008:74), and (Tikal; Martin and
Grube 2000:89). Marcus (1993:144-145) has noted that major centers such as Tikal,
Palenque, and Copan rarely refer to the emblem glyphs of minor centers, but those minor centers do reference the major centers' emblem glyphs. Small centers without emblem glyphs are noted to frequently reference those of nearby larger centers (Keller 2006:20).
Epigraphic evidence suggests that Naranjo regained its independence from
Caracol in A.D. 680 (Chase and Chase 2003:178; Martin and Grube 2000:73). As
Naranjo fluoresces in the late seventh and into the eighth centuries, so does the site of
Baking Pot (Audet and Awe 2004:58). Ball (1993:254-257) suggests the centers of
Baking Pot, Buenavista del Cayo, and Pacbitun were participants inNaranjo's Late
Classic ceramic interaction "sphere" of common cultural traditions. Helmke and Awe
(2008:86) suggest that during the Late Classic period, Naranjo held sway over Baking Pot and Buenavista, while Caracol's influence in the Belize Valley waned.
Several centers are purported to have controlled the Belize Valley at various times. These include the sites of Actuncan in the Late to Terminal Preclassic (LeCount
2010; LeCount et al. 2002:43), Buenavista del Cayo in the Late Classic (Leventhal and
Ashmore 2004:171), and Xunantunich in the Terminal Classic (LeCount 2010; LeCount et al. 2002; Leventhal and Ashmore 2004:171).
At Naranjo, a new lineage begins with the arrival of Lady Six Sky from Dos Pilas in A.D. 682, and the birth five years later of son, Smoking Squirrel (Martin and Grube
2000:75; McKillop 2004a: 188). Under their joint reign, four "expansionist" wars between A.D. 693 and 695 are documented (McKillop 2004a: 188). Recent evidence suggests that Naranjo's influence around this time may have extended as far east as the
Upper Sibun Valley (Harrison-Buck et al. 2007; Helmke and Awe 2008:82). Notably,
Caracol Stela 21 references the capture of a possible Pacbitun king in A.D. 702 (Helmke and Awe 2008:74). This scenario would then suggest border expansion attempts by
Caracol to the north, concurrent with Naranjo's attempts at increasing tributary centers, extending to the same or overlapping regions.
While there is evidence of power-jockeying in the Belize Valley (Helmke and
Awe 2008; LeCount 2010; LeCount and Yaeger 2010), and Vaca Plateau (Chase and
Chase 1987; 1996a:215-216; Martin and Grube 1995:44, 2000:88-89; Morris
2004a:145,157; Scheie and Freidel 1990:173), those most greatly impinged upon are noted in border areas. At the borderland centers of Xunantunich and Minanha, complete reconstruction of the central downtown is observed.
Prior to the mid-sixth century, McGovern (2004:95) finds no evidence that
Naranjo sought to influence centers in the Belize Valley. Most significantly, beginning approximately A.D. 600, Xunantunich undergoes drastic structural alteration (Keller
2006:26). The site's earlier architecture was levelled prior to new construction, which is suggested to closely emulate Naranjo's central plaza (Ashmore 2010; Ashmore and
Sabloff 2002; Keller 2010; LeCount et al. 2002).
So too, Minanha was a small rural center prior to the eighth century. Then new construction of the central plaza utilizes specifically Late Classic period Caracol type architecture, ritual and mortuary artifacts (Iannone 2005a). For example, finger caches have been identified in several locations at Minanha (McParland 2003:143-144; Schwake
2008:311; Zehrt 2007:48-49), but no "Charlie Chaplin" figurines, prominent at Caracol in 148
the Preclassic to Early Classic have been found. This is significant in establishing the
probable relocation of a displaced elite group who sought also to transfer their ritual and
cultural practices.
Events in the Terminal Classic period include the setting of Naranjo's final
monument in A.D. 820, which is notably retrospective (Gann 1918:58; Leventhal and
Ashmore 2004). The setting of the first of Xunantunich's stela that same year is generally
suggested to proclaim its newfound independence (LeCount and Yaeger 2010:363;
LeCount et al. 2002:55). As Naranjo experiences decline in the early Terminal Classic,
Baking Pot's prosperity continues throughout the Terminal Classic period (Audet and
Awe 2004:58). By the end of the Terminal Classic period however, the majority of the
west-central Belize sites, with the exception of EL Pilar, and possibly Caledonia and Las
Ruinas de Arenal, have been largely abandoned.
SUMMARY
This chapter has endeavoured to condense the rich and variable cultural history of
the early Maya inhabitants of west-central Belize. It has briefly outlined many important
facets of ideology and religion, economics, and socio-political organization of the 15
centers. The centers made use of local natural resources, and participated in an expansive
trade network. As centers grew in size and complexity, the smaller kin-based groups of
the Preclassic were replaced gradually with the Classical period institution of kingship,
organized into ruling lineages. All indicators suggest that social status was hereditary.
Landa's Relation de las Cosas de Yucatan (Tozzer 1941:27, 62, 87) indicates that
"worthy" first born sons were entitled to rulership succession, and second born sons to the priesthood. The ruling elite possessed the means to direct construction of monumental 149 architecture, requisition large stelae and altars commemorating political, social, and ceremonial events, and appear to have had leisure time to perfect an array of arts and crafts, to enjoy musical entertainment, and other diversions.
Each center had its own trajectory of growth and prosperity, at the same time participating in local and area economy, society, religious ritual, and politics. The growth in human population and site expansion could not be sustained indefinitely and, by the end of the Terminal Classic, the socio-economic and socio-political machinery had begun to break down in the Eastern Maya Lowlands.
The next chapter provides a conclusion, addresses the research questions, and suggests areas of future research. CHAPTER FIVE:
CONCLUSIONS
The preceding chapter has summarized the cultural development of the ancient
Maya centers of west-central Belize. Beginning with earliest occupation, through growth and fluorescence, to collapse and limited reoccupation, the tenacity of this remarkable civilization has been documented. Local expertise in ceramic, shell, and lithic crafts are well preserved in the archaeological record, and reveal the considerable skill of local artisans. The appearance of these goods at distant centers indicates extensive social, political, and economic relationships. Architectural forms, ranging from small outbuildings to monumental structures, provide insights into both the daily lives of commoner and elite, and illustrate the ritual significance of places and spaces. Trade routes are established beginning in the Preclassic and continue throughout the Classic, with some disruption as the centers decline in the Terminal Classic and beyond. The archaeological evidence suggests that the Maya elite had leisure time for artistic pursuits, including polychrome ceramics, carved shell and jade working, and a large repertoire of musical instruments. Some of these musical instruments were also used in ritual performances, and many types appear to have been restricted to elite individuals.
Mortuary goods and practices present a great deal of information that proves invaluable to our understanding of cultural connectedness. However, our ultimate resource lies in the writing of the ancient Maya themselves, in the form of texts on monuments, as a component of the most valued ceramics, incorporated into architecture and sadly, on the 151
few remaining codices, the majority of these beautifully plastered bark books lost to history forever.
ADRESSING THE THESIS QUESTIONS
When Did Initial Habitation of the Individual Centers Begin?
Settlement in the Belize River Valley begins in the Early Preclassic (1200 - 900
B.C.). These early inhabitants resided in perishable domiciles constructed of local materials in small villages of kin based groups. The manufacture of ceramics as early as the Cunil Phase (1100 - 900 B.C.) is indicative of a sedentary, and increasingly agrarian population.
Xunantunich is rather an anomaly, which presents its own unique temporal perspective to the settlement demographics of west-central Belize. Archaeological evidence suggests that after initial settlement in the Early Preclassic, it exists as a very minor center prior to the Middle Classic, at which time it embarks on a period of sudden and intense development. Prior to the Classic period construction activity almost all earlier phases were levelled. This departs from the usual practices in which the Maya builders covered older, earlier structures with new architecture, resulting in the accretion of construction layers. This shorter period of occupation at Xunantunich has afforded a unique cultural snapshot in time of an almost pristine perspective of Maya social, cultural, and political life during the Late to Terminal Classic.
As the population base increased, settlement becomes necessary farther from the prime agricultural river valley lands. Thus, we see the Middle Preclassic settlement of the 152
remainder of the Belize Valley, at the large center of Naranjo in the Peten, as well as
Caracol and Minanha on the Vaca Plateau. The last areas to be settled during the Late
Preclassic are the Vaca Plateau centers of Caledonia and Camp 6. Temporally, the settlement evidence is strongly supportive of the precedence of selection of lands with priority given to agricultural potential. In this scenario, the, the Pulestons' (1971) writing over 40 years ago were prescient.
Where Did Initial Habitation of the Centers Take Place?
The earliest Maya settlers appear to have been drawn to the most fertile soils of the Belize River Valley. Settlement in the upper Belize Valley (Belize River headwaters,
Macal and Mopan tributaries) including the sites of Cahal Pech, Buenavista del Cayo,
Actuncan, (nascent settlement at) Xunantunich, and Baking Pot on the Belize River, follow in close proximity to the riverbank. It is noteworthy that Pacbitun is situated near a river which provided water, various aquatic resources, and facilitated enhanced transportation. Pacbitun may also have been selected to provide access to resources of the adjacent Mountain Pine Ridge (Healy 1990a). Centers with seasonal water sources employed a variety of natural and human-made water management systems. At many of these centers, including Caracol, El Pilar, Hatzcap Ceel, Pacbitun, and Minanha, human- made reservoirs or aguadas have been identified. At El Pilar, a complex system of channels and parapets directed and controlled water flow. This unique hydro logical system is undocumented elsewhere in the lowlands (Ford et al. 2001).
The Belize Valley centers of Xunantunich, Cahal Pech, Baking Pot, Blackman
Eddy, and Camelote roughly follow the river, with centers spaced consistently at 9.9 km 153
apart (Driver and Garber 2004). Pacbitun, located slightly farther from the Belize River, also falls within the 9.9 km spacing between districts (Driver and Garber 2004:Map 4).
West of the confluence of the Mopan and Macal Rivers, the centers of Actuncan, and
Buenavista del Cayo are proximally closer. Helmke and Awe (2008:77) propose that the sites of Actuncan, Buenavista, and Xunantunich functioned as major political centers at various times - Actuncan during the Early Classic, Buenavista during the Middle to Late
Classic, and Xunantunich during the Terminal Classic. LeCount and Yaeger (2010:343) agree with the shift of power between the three centers during these times. Under this rubric, at various times during the history of the Belize Valley, these sites fit within
Driver and Garber's proposed small major center boundaries.
The rigidity of spacing observed in the centers of the Belize Valley is not observed on the more expansive Vaca Plateau. At Caracol, termini are spaced in concentric rings outwards from the epicenter. These termini are suggested to represent former minor centers "engulfed" by the expansion of Caracol during the Late and
Terminal Classic (Chase and Chase 2001:276; Martin and Grube 2000:99). The nearby
Mountain Cow sites are closely spaced within a very few kilometres of one another and feature a system of causeways connecting Hatzcap Ceel and Cahal Pichik with Caracol, nine km distant. As Caracol continued to grow into the early ninth century, Hatzcap Ceel was annexed as part of the expansion.
Several researchers have investigated these spatial patterns. Classic Maya monument terminal dates and locations were analysed by Neiman (1997) in an effort to calculate the spatial extent of political competition prior to collapse. Neiman (1997:284) 154
proposed that spheres of political influence extended as far as 65 km, but averaged about
50 km in diameter. This supports Houston's (1993:137-138) proposed 52 km mean nearest-neighbour distance between autonomous centers in Classic times. A distance of
52 km is the approximate maximum two day walking distance in this terrain, with a midway distance of one day's walk. Houston (1993:138) indicates the maximum distance between major and minor centers to be 25 km.
Minanha is described as a frontier center between bordering polities (Iannone
2005a:32). The center is geographically situated equidistant between the two power zones, 25 km from the sites of Naranjo in the northwest, and Caracol in the southwest.
Minanha, then, fits neatly within the 30 km spacing between borderland centers as proposed previously (Grube 2000:552; Iannone 2005a:38; Marcus 1983:462).
What Might be the Reasons for Selection and Timing of Initial Habitation?
Earliest settlement appears to be inexorably tied to proximity to natural resources, the most important being potable water. The earliest settlers also show a preference for selection of the most fertile riverine lands. In addition to the sustenance provided by water for humans and crops, another important benefit of riverine settlement is enhanced travel, communication, and trade via the natural waterway system. Once these prime areas became populous, expansion into peripheral areas became necessary. In the latter regions a variety of water collection techniques were employed to capture the seasonal rainfall and store it for dry periods. The seasonal rainfall however, may manifest itself as torrential downpours. Due to the natural swampy areas and seasonal flooding of the 155
rainforest of the Maya lowlands, a preference for high and dry areas is noted (McKillop
2004a:234).
The ancient Maya also held certain natural features of the landscape in high
esteem and based their selection of important ceremonial centers on the existence of these
natural features. Higher elevations were particularly desired (Keller 2006:26; Willey and
Bullard 1956:29). This preference is evidenced by majority of centers in this study where
only three (Baking Pot, Buenavista del Cayo, and Camp 6) are located in valleys, with the
other 12 situated on hilltops or ridges. Naranjo is situated in a potentially sacred space
created by the natural regional topography, including five hills and numerous caves
(Fialko 2004; Tokovinine and Fialko 2007:13). Caves are particularly important, and many Maya centers are constructed over or near to caves, or have had artificial caves dug
under the center. A cave with a major spring underlies the massive Caana platform at
Caracol (Ishihara et al. 2006).
Aimers (1993:51) succinctly explains the importance of these natural features in
site selection: "Just as ancient astronomers tried to make sense of the night sky and the
movement of the sun through observation and attendant ritual, a system of geomancy
'explains' physical geography and provides a system of rules for manipulating the perceived power of the landscape". Prufer and Brady (2005:405) summarize thus:
"Across Mesoamerica, religious symbolism has important terrestrial components, and these are most frequently manifested as mountains and caves, which are the natural features considered the most sacred". In combination, the two are said to represent the
"idealized manifestation of the power of the earth". 156
Martin and Grube (2000:87) refer to textual information inscribed on Caracol
Stela 15, which provides the ancient name of the site of Caracol - Oxwitza, meaning
Three Hill Water. At the Bedran Group of Baking Pot, a recently discovered vessel with emblem glyph references a different site named "four-waters" by the ancient Maya
(Audet 2006:168; Colas et al. 2002). It is currently not possible to ascertain whether the emblem glyph references the site of Baking Pot itself, or was gifted to an individual there.
However, these examples illustrate the fact that geographic attributes were thematic and important to the ancient Maya.
Which Congruities and Incongruities Do We Observe As the Centers Grow In Area and Complexity?
While no two site layouts are alike (Jones 2009; Mosher 2005), there are distinct similarities in site layout, including elite residences within a central location, often elevated above other areas; main open plazas for public ceremonies and perhaps civic functions; semi-restricted plazas for audiences or ceremonies. Mimicry in site planning was employed by the ancient Maya to make dramatic political statements. Minanha's architectural emulation of Caracol's epicenter and, likewise, Xunantunich's emulation of
Naranjo, serve as highly visible and identifiable reinforcements of the power of affiliation.
Various archaeological indicators of wealth differentiation, such as the existence of larger domiciles with associated high quality ceramics and exotic goods, become evident by the Early Classic. At this time, it is becoming apparent that mass labour is being mobilized by the upper level of Maya society to construct the group's monumental structures. During the Classic period, elite residence construction is noted to occur 157
regularly at the visually dominant highest site elevations, which are spatially separated through by architecturally restricting access.
The largest urban centers appear to have benefited from services similar to modern centers. Investigations ongoing since 1985, by Chase and Chase, at the site of
Caracol suggest the existence of an organized infrastructure which handled municipal services including water management and distribution, garbage handling, maintenance of roadways, and perhaps the enforcement of building codes.
Architecturally, the E-Group complex is among the earliest diagnostic Maya building types. These groupings have been identified at the majority of the centers under study in this thesis, with the exception of Caledonia and Camp 6. It is interesting to note that initial settlement during the Late and Terminal Preclassic periods places these same centers as the last settled in the study area. Perhaps these late rising sites had not yet achieved the size and status required for such a construction, since E-Group complexes continued to be constructed at other centers throughout the Classic period (Aimers 1993;
Aveni et al. 2003; Hansen 1998), as late as the Late Classic period at the site of
Xunantunich (Keller 2006:27).
Ballcourts have been identified at all 15 centers and also, interestingly, at the smaller settlement of X-Ual-Canil. Due to the lack of household artifacts excavated at the site of X-Ual-Canil, it appears to have served an administrative rather than a residential function (Iannone 2003). Ferguson (1999:47) notes that in addition to existence of a ballcourt, this minor center exhibits other features more consistent with a major center, including monumental architecture, a causeway, and a "stela/altar/shrine complex". 158
A period of growth peaks at each of the centers as they enjoy fluorescence beginning as early as the mid sixth century at Caracol. On the Vaca Plateau, Caracol fluoresces during the sixth century. Nearby Hatzcap Ceel enjoys fluorescence during the seventh century; however, by the early ninth century it is annexed by Caracol. El Pilar experiences its greatest period of construction during the seventh century, as do
Blackman Eddy and Caledonia during the seventh and eighth centuries, and Pacbitun during the mid-sixth through the ninth centuries A.D.
Naranjo's fluorescence during the late seventh and into the eighth centuries sees related prosperity enjoyed by Baking Pot, Cahal Pech, and Las Ruinas de Arenal.
Xunantunich's rise at this time hints at establishment of a provincial center. Naranjo's influence may have extended non-contiguously as far east as Hershey, where the luxury crop, cacao, is suggested to be the subject of economic and political interest (Harrison-
Buck et al. 2007, 2008). During this time Actuncan appears unaffected by Naranjo's rise and sees little growth, and Buenavista del Cayo sees its population decline. As Caracol and Naranjo's powers wane in the early eighth century, Minanha capitalizes on an opportunity for expansion and establishment of a seat of political authority.
Clear ties with Caracol funerary practices are documented at centers dispersed throughout west-central Belize. The most northern extension of the complete Caracol cultural tradition, evidenced by ceramics and mortuary practices, is suggested to be represented at Pacbitun by Chase (2004:330). Cheetham (2004:137) notes similar
"finger-bowl" caching practices at Cahal Pech, as does Iannone (2005a:32) at Minanha,
Taschek and Ball (1999:228) at Las Ruinas de Arenal, and by Thompson (1931:320) just 159
outside Hatzcap Ceel. Interestingly, however, no evidence of "face pots", abundant in the
Caracol archaeological assemblage, also known at Hatzcap Ceel (Thompson 1931:257,
310, Plate XXVII), have been found to date at Minanha (Iannone 2009:36). Other specialized funerary artifacts known as "Charlie Chaplin" figurines are documented at
Buenavista del Cayo, Camp 6, Caracol, Hatzcap Ceel, Las Ruinas de Arenal, and
Pacbitun, but not at Minanha. This suggests that centers were free to create, select or modify their own unique cultural forms of expression.
When Do the First Signs of Decline Become Evident at the Centers?
Morley's (1946) data and Erickson's (1975) statistical analysis document steady increases in stelae setting beginning between 8.16.0.0.0 (A.D. 357) and 8.17.0.0.0 (A.D.
376), until 9.18.0.0.0 (A.D. 790) and 9.19.0.0.0 (A.D. 810). The last known Lowland
Maya long count date inscription was recorded on Monument 101 at Tonina, and dates to
January 15, A.D. 909 (McKillop 2004:348) Increasingly, the inscriptions refer to war events (Chase and Chase 1998a:22-23; Grube 1994:84; Keller 2006:Tablel.2; Webster
2000:96). Stuart (1993) suggests that during the Late Classic, not only are narrative references to warfare increasing in occurrence in the epigraphic record, the depictions of warfare are becoming more explicitly graphic. These represent rather profound changes in the writing of the Maya's own historical record. Sharer (1994:346) has suggested that the beginning of the katun in A.D. 790 (9.18.0.0.0) signals the first troubles in the Maya lowlands. Perhaps, not coincidentally, Martin and Grube (2000:226) indicate that more centers erected stelae during this year than any other time period. The ninth century is described by Martin and Grube (1994:30) as "a period where Maya states seem more 160
independent, but also more isolated. Indeed, the concomitant increase in centers raising
monuments for the first time, may suggest a period of "balkanization" (Iannone 2002,
2005a; LeCount et al. 2002; McAnany et al. 2005; Tokovinine 2008:233).
By the end of the Late Classic period, societal breakdown is becoming evident
throughout the Maya Lowlands. Lines between class divisions are "blurring" as a result
of the increasing numbers of familial ties to nobles as well as their administrative support
machinery (Demarest 2004a: 162). In an analysis of polychrome ceramics at
Xunantunich, LeCount (1999) finds Late Classic samples dated A.D. 670 - 790
exclusively at elite residences. Beginning in the Terminal Classic (A.D. 790 - 900) and
into the Postclassic (A.D. 900-1000), these elaborate polychrome wares are no longer
limited to the elite domiciles and appear at all residences.
Trade disruptions and discontinuities are notable in the archaeological record. At
Mountain Cow, exotic imported artifacts are almost nonexistent in the archaeological
record during the Late to Terminal Classic period occupation. At Caracol, by the Late
Classic, marine shell is almost exclusively imported from the Caribbean coast (Chase and
Chase 1994a). In the Chiquibul region, trade disruption is so adversely affected as to be
noted as a major contributing factor in final abandonment of the site of Caledonia (Awe
1985:400). Naranjo Stela 12 records presentation and tribute themes, including exotic textiles, ceramics, feathers, cacao, shells, and probable jades (Webster 2000:94) related to events of attack and retaliation during A.D. 799 and 800. Webster suggests that exacting of tribute may be a motivator for war, and I suggest also that this could represent a response to the disruption of trade. 161
While there is some evidence of dietary stress documented at Pacbitun in the late part of the Late Classic, some construction modifications continue throughout the period
(Healy 1992; White et al. 1993). Coincident with an area population peak, offerings appear to be related to petitions for conditions favourable to increased agricultural production.
Are These First Signs Occurring Individually by Center or in Relation to Other
Centers?
As population increases throughout the Belize Valley and Vaca Plateau between
A.D. 600 and 900, more intensive agricultural strategies become necessary. Kirke's
(1980) groundbreaking ancient Maya agricultural intensification research in the Belize
Valley resulted in his concluding that the linear soil features "are the result of a deliberate act of human engineering, and are the remains of some form of Maya agricultural activity." The use of agricultural terracing was widely practiced in the Maya Lowlands and is documented in this thesis at the sites of Caledonia, Caracol, Minanha, and
Pacbitun. Intensive agricultural strategies are employed successfully to a point; however, this proves unsustainable for the long term. At Baking Pot, a new settlement area is established at Atalaya during the mid-seventh to early eighth centuries to accommodate the agricultural needs of the growing population. At Pacbitun, White et al. (1993) have found some evidence indicative of dietary stress in the period between A.D. 700 and 900.
Wagner (2009:50) speculates that despite the construction of agricultural terraces during the Late/Terminal Classic in an attempt to increase production, Pacbitun's abandonment may be related to a growing food shortage in the region. 162
Abandonment of centers in west-central Belize takes place largely during the
Terminal Classic to Early Postclassic transition period. In the Mopan Valley, Actuncan,
Buenavista del Cayo, Las Ruinas de Arenal, and Xunantunich are virtually abandoned by
the end of the Terminal Classic (Yaeger 2008). At Naranjo, during the ninth century, a
program of resituating and rededication of Early Classic monuments commemorating
revered ruler Aj Wosaj may have been a last attempt to maintain control of those areas.
At Baking Pot, the Early Postclassic sees abandonment of the site core as well as a
general state of disrepair of the center as a whole.
At many centers, including Caracol, Minanha, and Xunantunich, abandonment
takes place first in elite residence areas, which are first ritually decommissioned, with
other areas of site following. At Caracol, the burning of the epicenter could be construed
as either a hostile act of war, or a ritual termination (Chase and Chase 2004b). At
Minanha, the magnitude of labour involved in careful removal of dynastic or political
identifiers suggests an organized abandonment. At the Minanha epicenter and
Xunantunich royal compound, careful cleaning was followed by ritual infilling. The care
and labour involved in this ritual termination also makes prohibitive, in labour costs
alone, any possibility of reuse of these structures. This suggests (Iannone 2005a, 2007;
Morris et al. 2007) that the collapse of the kingship institution predates abandonment of the center as a whole.
What is the Sequence of Events Leading to Collapse?
Warfare inscriptions on stelae are written after the sixth century (Healy and
Prikker 1989:49; Webster 2000:90). Glyphs related to war events increasingly include 163
references to acts of: capture; tie up; grab; seize; to chop; to burn; prisoner; attack; fall
(Munson and Macri 2009:Table 2; Webster 2000:92). In the Belize Valley there seems to
be a final flurry of construction activity during the Late and Terminal Classic periods. At
Cahal Pech construction of a new Western Ballcourt between A.D. 800 and 850
represents enormous resource expenditure. A final surge of monument construction takes
place at Las Ruinas de Arenal during the late eighth to ninth century. At El Pilar
monument building does not end until A.D. 1000. This pattern suggests that elitism
continues to intensify. Some minor nobles may have capitalized on the disintegrating
political situation by declaring independence of their own center (Culbert 1991:326;
Yoffee 1991:306-307), or by competing with nearby centers (Neiman 1997).
At Las Ruinas de Arenal, a Middle to Terminal Classic ballcourt cache is
significant in its meagre and inferior contents, vastly dissimilar to contemporaneous
offerings at centers in the area. Taschek and Ball (1999) suggest that the importance of the ceremony may outweigh the actual offering. Additionally, this may be indicative of trade disruption. Xunantunich's abandonment was protracted, occurring over a period of
100 years, with some small scale building and monument erection continuing until
approximately A.D. 890 (Keller 2006:16). The abandonment of peripheral centers Chan
Noohol and Dos Chombitos Cik'in are described by Robin (1999) as locals "voting with their feet" to leave the area following breakdown of the local political economy. At
Naranjo, final acts prior to abandonment included ritual reseating and rededication of monuments. Minanha's abandonment takes place slowly during the ninth and tenth 164
centuries, in an organized manner, with time taken to perform termination rituals
(Iannoneetal. 2008:156).
In an analysis of polychrome ceramics at Xunantunich, LeCount (1999) finds samples dated A.D. 670 - 790 exclusively at elite residences. Beginning in the Terminal
Classic (A.D. 790 - 900) and into the Postclassic (A.D. 900-1000), these elaborate polychrome wares are no longer limited to the elite domiciles and appear at all residences.
At Minanha, Iannone (2009:34) notes similarly that access to groundstone and obsidian raw materials, as well as ownership of popular ceramic serving vessels, are evident in the domiciles of all levels of society, suggesting accessibility by all members of the community. At Caracol, however, Terminal Classic fine ceramic wares are suggested to be status-linked, and are regularly found in elite residences, but seldom in commoner households (Chase and Chase 2000, 2004b, 2007b, 2009). Ritual ceramics of this time, however, are not limited to any segment of Caracol society, and are found in elite and commoner contexts (Chase and Chase 2000:74).
In the Belize Valley, ceramic production volume is noted to decrease. Aimers
(2002:448-454) summarizes the Terminal Classic to Early Postclassic ceramic assemblage with stylistic changes reflecting northern (Northern Belize, Yucatan, and Gulf coast) and western (Peten) stylistic and cuisine influences. This convergence of styles is described as "increasingly cosmopolitan" by Aimers (2002:450).
What May Be Possible Causal Factors for the Sequence of Events?
Aimers (2007) presents a historic overview of the myriad of individual purported causes for the collapse including environmental causes such as soil exhaustion, 165
deforestation, insect infestation/plant blight, climate change, natural disasters (hurricane, earthquake, volcanic activity); human environmental threats including overpopulation, disease or plague; and socio-political threats including class conflict, intersite warfare, changes in trade routes, external interference including invasion, or competition. While
Aimers (2002:448) reports no evidence of large scale invasion, he notes frontier stylistic changes in artifacts reflecting Northern Belize, Yucatan, and Gulf coast influences.
The ancient Maya made use of and enhanced existing depressions in the landscape to collect and store water. Gill (2000:263) suggests that some large center layouts, for example Tikal, appear to be planned as watersheds using the pits and quarries where they obtained their construction materials. The control of water appears to be one way in which the elite garnered labour and tribute from the general population (Scarborough
1998:136). While there is some evidence to suggest that a drought of some proportion takes place during the Late Classic (Gill 1994, 2000; Gill et al. 2007; Haug et al. 2003;
Lucero 2002, 2006; Shaw 2003), it is important to note that the Belize River Valley by nature of sheer proximity to this important resource (which is unlikely to experience more than a drop in water level) is thus more immune to the effects of drought than the northern areas which witness population migration.
The Minanha case largely disproves the drought hypothesis, being situated in one of the driest areas of the Vaca Plateau (Iannone 2007; Morris et al. 2007). According to
Gill (2000:109-116) commoners and farmers are the first to feel the effects of drought inasmuch as lack of food. However, at Minanha, the royal court is the first group to abandon the center. Morever, the manual labour of ritual infilling of the courtyards 166
would fall to the commoner labours. This colossal task arguably could not be completed by a starving labour force. Similarly, a decades old analysis of radiocarbon dates suggests a consistent population rise from elite contexts which peak in the mid-eight century, with no corresponding pattern in dates or population numbers from commoner contexts (Sidrys and Berger 1979:271; Figure 3a, 3b; Tainter 1988:167-168). Among those arguing against drought as the prime motivator for collapse are Demarest (2004b), lannone (2005a, 2007), Neiman (1997), and Robichaux (2002), who suggest that this may have been one of several factors contributing to the ecological and cultural events leading to demise.
Decreases in numbers and variety of trade goods during the Late and Terminal
Classic signal the breakdown of trade networks (Awe 1985:400; Chase and Chase
1994a:9; McKillop 2002, 2004b:258; Morris 2004a:232; Weller 2009:400).
At Caracol, Chase et al. (1991) document that stelae set during the Terminal
Classic period notably are lacking in references to rulers. At Terminal Classic
Xunantunich, polychrome ceramics in commoner and elite contexts are equally dispersed for the first time (LeCount 1999:239). Increasingly, the variety of goods available to all segments of society increases. This relatively egalitarian access to formerly restricted commodities suggests a "levelling of status" during the Terminal Classic by Aimers
(2007:345), and is viewed as an attempt to garner support through gifting, for the first time between elite and non-elite members of the community by LeCount (1999).
By the Late Classic period, population pressures throughout west-central Belize had necessitated utilization of intensive agricultural systems to nourish the increased 167
population. Sustaining these large populations was not maintainable over the long term.
Warfare between centers was likely at least partially resource motivated. In reaction to these stresses, increased cave use and offerings are noted. At Pacbitun, three juvenile burials suggested to be sacrificial victims are interred at the height of dietary stress
(White et al. 1993:361). However, there appears to be no relief to the agricultural shortfall. As these shortages escalate, emigration follows. Lucero (2006:2) contends:
"When agricultural regimes yield less food for whatever reasons, people abandon their rulers, whose rituals have failed to bring forth prosperity."
The impact of political pressures and ecological problems may have been exacerbated by acts of "conspicuous consumption" (Neiman 1997), particularly monument construction during the final throes of political competition, in which frivolous expenditure of labour and materials fuelled the Maya decline already in progress. Despite these "last ditch" efforts by the hereditary elite, it is becoming obvious that the hierarchy was breaking down. At the centers of Caracol, Minanha, and Xunantunich, the elite residence areas are carefully ritually terminated in advance of other signs of impending depopulation. These areas are the first abandoned, with other areas of the center later following suit. The acts of termination and obliteration of the vestiges of kingship in the royal residential areas, which were the first to be abandoned, reveal the true nature of the southern lowlands collapse as the demise of the institution of kingship and its accoutrements (Aimers 2007; Demarest et al. 2004; Iannone 2005a, 2006).
Which Centers Show Evidence of Re-occupation after Collapse, and to What
Extent? 168
At Blackman Eddy, reuse or reoccupation is indicated by a small number of Early
Postclassic ceramics. Cahal Pech makes a final effort at construction of a ballcourt in the
early to mid ninth century, but to no avail, as by A.D. 900, the center is abandoned. A
small amount of Postclassic ceramics suggests the possibility of some Postclassic use. At
Baking Pot, the northeastern quadrant was resettled in the Late Postclassic period. At
Xunantunich, some Postclassic ceramics have been identified outside the site core.
At Actuncan a termination ritual takes place at approximately A.D. 884, however,
the south acropolis shows evidence of use as late as A.D. 1000. At Buenavista del Cayo,
evidence of residence continues as late as the eleventh century, then declines until total
abandonment by the late twelfth century. At the site of Baking Pot resettlement is
apparent in the site core and northeastern quadrant until the end of the Late Postclassic.
Aimers (2002:454), suggests that lowland centers surviving into the Postclassic were
often situated on rivers, lakes, or coasts.
At Terminal Classic Naranjo, former bureaucratic structures are repurposed as
amalgamated residential and work buildings. Final occupation of Caledonia is dated
between the Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1000). Minanha
sees occupation into the Early Postclassic only in the form of perishable structures. El
Pilar experiences a 50 percent drop in population during the Early Postclassic period, yet
monument construction continues until abandonment at approximately A.D. 1000. There
is some evidence of reoccupation in the northern area after this time. Las Ruinas de
Arenal experiences final abandonment in the Early Postclassic period. At Caracol ritual
use of select epicentral buildings continues later than A.D. 1000. At Actuncan, the south 169
acropolis saw reuse until as late as A.D. 1000. At Pacbitun, a single post-abandonment
burial indicates at least some ritual utilization. Post-abandonment refuse is documented
at Hatzcap Ceel by Thompson (1931:332-333), who suggests that the site was abandoned
by Cycle 10 (A.D. 830). The Camp 6 literature is extremely limited and lacking in any
evidence of post-abandonment reoccupation.
Reoccupation in the vast majority of centers occurs only in peripheral areas,
seldom in the former elite residential areas. However, at Minanha, the platform of Late
Classic royal residential compound did see reuse (lannone 2005a:34). It was levelled to
form the base of a newly plastered surface for residential structures.
The reoccupation of those west-central Belize centers was notably sans rulers or
kings. The institution of kingship was never to return to the southern Maya Lowlands
(Andrews 1993:59; Chase and Chase 2006a: 185-186; lannone 2005a; Lucero 2006:200).
Postclassic art is noted to represent communal and social themes replacing the royal
lineage depictions of the Classic Period (Trigger 2003:51). While the Terminal Classic
sees a population exodus from the lowlands, these displaced Maya appear to have
travelled north, where their involvement in this new homeland then contributed to the
Northern Lowlands fluorescence (Aimers 2002:49, 2007:331; Demarest et al. 2004:557-
558; Freidel 1981; Lucero 2006:200; Webster 2000:69).
SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS
This thesis has provided the opportunity to review the plethora of research of
cultural development of fifteen ancient Maya centers in west-central Belize. Each of the 170
centers was discussed individually with regard to past and current research. The centers were then discussed collectively based on common temporal, cultural, ideological, social, and political features, as well as any anomalies.
The chronological assessment of the cultural development sequence reveals the region's journey from initial settlement in the most fertile riverine regions, then expansion to outlying regions. Natural rich mineral, floral, and faunal resources contributed to the local inhabitants and local economy, surpluses were traded with centers located at distances of up to hundreds of miles. Long distance trade was enhanced by the
Belize River trade route to the Caribbean and beyond, but also included many overland routes. Ceramics beginning with the Cunil phase establish the chronological sequence and augment our ability to analyse and compare developments between centers, particularly those lacking in epigraphy. Ceramic type and manufacture reveal a wealth of information including shared social, political, economic, and ideological spheres. For example, analysis has revealed various economic, social, and political relationships between Baking Pot, Buenavista del Cayo, and centers in western Belize, eastern Peten, and northern Honduras. In addition to the ceramics production areas, workshops for the production and exchange have been identified at at Pacbitun and Cahal Pech where shell ornaments were manufactured, El Pilar where obsidian production and trade had a lengthy history beginning in the Preclassic, and Pacbitun, where the production and possibly trade of slate items begins in the early Middle Preclassic. Specialized areas have been tentatively identified as regular permanent market places in use during the Middle and Late Classic, and are located at the centers of Buenavista and Xunantunich. The 171
potential of more such discoveries is very likely with similar future investigations at other centers.
The centers experience their individual peak period of growth in the Middle to
Late Classic, and this in turn, affects affiliated centers. The height of population expansion, emphasis on monumental construction projects, and displays of elite epigraphic monuments is followed by a downward spiral of war, resource stresses, dynastic upheaval, large scale abandonment, and ends in a large scale population relocation north. West-central Belize was not entirely abandoned during the Terminal
Classic and Postclassic, as small populations remained to reclaim centers. This time, however, the context is one marked by the cultural influences of the newcomers, which adds to the diversity of the remaining Maya population.
FUTURE RESEARCH
This thesis has made very clear to me the need for closer evaluation of the elusive evidence of Postclassic reoccupation and reorganization in west-central Belize, specifically, but in general for the entire Maya Lowlands. In part, this is due to the dearth of archaeological documentation and evidence of Postclassic remains, which, as the most recent remains on the landscape, are the most subject to degradation by virtue of farming practices, bulldozing, and urban sprawl. REFERENCES CITED
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