JOURNAL OF THE WARBURG AND COURTAULD INSTITUTES

LXXIII

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i THE STARS IN THE LEIDEN ARATEA PICTURE BOOK EllyDekker (with a stardescription in collaborationwith Kristen Lippincott ) 39 PADUA, ITS ARENA AND THE ARENA CHAPEL: A LITURGICAL ENSEMBLE MichaelViktor Schwarz (with an appendixin collaborationwith Michaela Zöschg) 65 TOWER-LIKE TORAH ARKS, THE TOWER OF STRENGTH AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE MESSIANIC TEMPLE Ilia Rodov 99 MARY MAGDALEN AND THE BURGUNDIAN QUESTION Susan Haskins 137 THE NUDES IN LIMBO: 'S DONI TONDO RECONSIDERED ChiaraFranceschini 181 A RELIEF BY PETER DELL (1548) AFTER A DRAWING BY PAUL LAUTEN SACK, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE TERM ' GNADEN STUHL' BertholdKress 195 CREATION, THE TRINITY AND PRISCA THEOLOGIA IN JULIUS CAESAR SCALIGER KuniSakamoto 209 MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS AS SUSANNA IN CATHOLIC PROPAGANDA JeremyL. Smith 221 ASTROLOGY AND EMPIRE. A DEVICE FOR THE VALOIS KING OF POLAND Ewa Kociszewska 257 BARN OWL PAINTERS IN ST PETER'S IN THE VATICAN, 1604: THREE MOCKING POEMS FOR RONCALLI, VANNI AND PASSIGNANO (AND A NOTE ON THE BREECHES-MAKER) MaddalenaSpagnolo 297 THE PRINCE OF ARABISTS AND HIS MANY ERRORS: THOMAS ERPENIUS'S IMAGE OF JOSEPH SCALIGER AND THE EDITION OF THE PROVERBIA ARABICA (1614) ArnoudVrolijk Notes 327 HABEO CUBICULUM HOLOVITREUM. A NOTE ON THE INTERPRET ATION AND GENEALOGY OF TWO ASTROLOGICAL PASSAGES IN THE ACTA SEBASTIANI MARTYRIS PetrKitzler 335 THREE NOTES ON ANTIQUITIES IN DIOMEDE CARAFA'S COLLECTION Bianca deDivitiis 355 ERASMUS: PECULIAR WORDS IN THE COLLOQUIES AND HIS CONCEPT OF PROPER LATIN DICTION Ari Wesseling

367 Indexof Manuscripts 369 Informationfor Contributors to theJournal

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 09:59:13 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BARN-OWL PAINTERS IN ST PETER'S IN THE VATICAN, 1604: THREE MOCKING POEMS FOR RONCALLI, VANNI AND PASSIGNANO

(and a note on the breeches-maker)* Maddalena Spagnolo

the most prestigious public painting commissions awarded in Amongduring the pontificateof Ippolito Aldobrandino Pope ClementVIII (1592-1605), were those forthe decoration of the six chapels adjacent to the fourpiers in St Peter's in the Vatican, located in the small aisles. A vast amount of surviving material concerning this commission has been published.1 Particular attention has been devoted to the series of six enormous altarpiecesfor the chapels, which were assigned between 1599 and 1604 to CristoforoRoncalli, Francesco Vanni, Domenico Cresti ('il Passignano5),Ludovico (the substitutefor Tommaso Laureti who was orig- inally engaged),2 Bernardo Castello and . According to theirfirst biographers, the works of Roncalli, Vanni and Passignano were well received: their paintingswere praised by Giulio Mancini and Giovanni Baglione, who note that the artistswere awarded the titleof Knight of Christ.3Hitherto unpublished contempo- rarysources, however,show thatthe unveilingof the threepaintings was also accom- panied by slatingcriticism. This paper will focus on three anonymous sonnets which

* Theresearch for this article was made possible Mancini= GiulioMancini, Considerazioni sulla thanksto a Fellowshipfrom the Warburg Institute pittura,ed. A. Marucchiand L. Salerno,2 vols, anda Fellowshipfrom the Italian Academy, Columbia Rome1956-57; University.I wish to expressmy gratitude toJenny Shearman= J. Shearman, Raphael in Early Modem Boyle,Charles Hope, ElizabethMcGrath and Sources(1483-1602) , 2 vols, New Haven, CT and AlessandroScafi for their stimulating comments. I am London2003; gratefulalso to CroftonBlack, Valeria Cafà, Marco Sickel= L. Sickel,'Künstlerrivalität im Schatten Collareta,Flora Dennis, Marina Innocenti, Giorgio derPeterskuppel. Giuseppe Cesari d'Arpino und Masiand François Quiviger for their help. dasAttentat auf Cristoforo Roncalli', Marburger Jahrbuchfür Kunstwissenschaft , xxvin,2001, pp. Thefollowing abbreviations areused throughout: 159-89; ASC = ArchiviodiStato Capitolino, Rome Tommaseo= N. Tommaseo,Nuovo dizionario della ASR= ArchiviodiStato, Rome linguaitaliana, 4 vols, Turin 1865-79. BAV= BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana, Vatican City i. Themain studies on this commission are H. BL = BritishLibrary, London. Siebenhüner,'Umrisse zur Geschichte der Ausstat- Frequentlyquoted sources: tungvon St Peterin Romvon Paul III bis PaulV Abromson= С. M. Abromson,'Painting in Rome (1547-1606)',Festchrift fürHans Sedlmayr, Munich duringthe Papacy of Clement VIII (1592-1605): 1962,pp. 229-320 (289-302); Chappell and Kirwin; A DocumentedStudy', Ph. D thesis,Columbia Abromson. University1976, New York and London 1981; 2. The SicilianTommaso Laureti was originally Baglione= GiovanniBaglione, Le Vitede ' pittori, assignedthe altarpiece but died in Sep. 1602:see scultori,architetti ..., Rome 1642 [ed. J. Hess and Chappelland Kirwin, p. 130;Abromson, pp. 68, 341- H. Röttgen,3 vols, Vatican City 1995, vol. i]; 42,points out the mistake of Baglione (p. 73),who Chappelland Kirwin = M. L. Chappelland C. W. claimedthe altarpiece was assigned to Roncalli after Kirwin,'A PetrineTriumph: The Decorationof Laureti'sdeath. theNavi Piccole in San Pietrounder Clement 3. Mancini,i, pp. 210,237, 240, states that all VIII',Storia dell'arte, xxi, 1974, pp. 119-70. threeartists were awarded the title because of their

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This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 258 MOCKING SONNETS mock the altarpieces (published here as Appendix I.i-3).They are preservedtogether in BritishLibrary MS King's 323, which contains a miscellanyof late sixteenth-and earlyseventeenth-century verses dedicated to artists.4As both literaryand documen- tary sources, the sonnets are valuable in providinga rare first-handaccount of the public reception of the three altarpieces,together with new informationabout their dates, iconographyand style.5

I. Contextof the mockingsonnets

The six altarpieces forthe small aisles were conceived by Clement VIII as elements of a homogeneous pictorial cycle, arranged in a semi-circlearound Peter's tomb and the papal high altar.6Contemplated together,the paintingswere to conveya symbolic meaning- in thisway, the concept was similarto that of the ciborium commissioned by Sixtus IV, which stood overthe high altar.7None of the six altarpiecesis stillin situ; althoughsome were painted on supportsof slate (whichwas consideredmore durable than canvas or panel), theyall deterioratedsoon thereafter,with those by Passignano, - Cigoli, Castello and Baglione being ruined entirely.8The which that survive by Roncalli and Vanni- have been removedbecause of theircondition.9 The importance of the commission, however,was such that each artistproduced several preparatory drawings;and in the earlyseventeenth century, Jacques Callot made printsafter each painting.10 The subjects of the altarpieces are fivemiraculous eventswhich occurred in the life of St Peter, togetherwith his martyrdom: The Death of Sapphira by Roncalli,

altarpiecesfor St Peter's.Baglione, pp. iio-ii, 332 7. Forthe ciborium and its Petrine cycle see F. [234],290 [192],connects only Vanni's and Passi- Caglioti,in TheBasilica of St Peter in the Vatican , ed. gnano's knighthoodstotheir altarpieces forSt Peter's, A. Pinelli,Modena 2000, 4 vols,и (Notes),pp. 806- althoughhe reportsthat Roncalli's work was 'ben 17;also Chappell and Kirwin, p. 135.The structure fatto,e diede assai soddisfazione'. In fact, Roncalli's wasdismantled in1594 or slightly earlier. titlewas not awarded in connectionwith this com- 8. On thesupports for the six paintings see M. mission:see Abromson, p. 76 n. 101;W. C. Kirwin, Gallo,'Tavole e quadria oliosu stucco dipinti: Gio- 'TheLife and Drawing Style of Cristofaro Roncalli', vanniBaglione a San Pietro e a S. MariaMaggiore. Paragone, xxix, 1978, no. 335, pp. 18-62 (p. 25 and n. Un contenziosoestimatorio con l'Accademia di San 53).The same can be said for Vanni's knighthood: see Luca nel 1614',in GiovanniBaglione (1566-1644): below,n. 40. pittoree biografo diartisti , ed. S. Macioce,Rome 2002, 4. London,BL MS King's323, fols 204-05 (pub- pp.27-42. lishedbelow as AppxI) . Thethree sonnets, together 9. Roncalli'saltarpiece was removed in the i8th witha fourth(Appx II), arein the same 17th-century century. Atthat time a mosaiccopy of it was (and still handwriting.The codexbelonged to JosephSmith is) heldin St Peter'sin the position once occupied (1682-1770),consul at , who also owned MSS by Passignano'saltarpiece. (The originalplace of King's281 (containing Teofilo Gallacini's Degli errori Roncalli'spainting isnow occupied by a mosaiccopy degliarchitetti ..., of 1625) and King's 155 (containing of Raphael's Transfiguration ; seeAbromson, p. 71.) a dialoguebetween Pasquino and Marforio);see Vanni'spainting was removed inthe 20th century. CatalogueofWestern Manuscripts inthe Old Royal and 10.For the engravings made by Callot during his King'sCollections , ed.Sir G. F.Warner and J. P. Gilson, stayin Rome (1608-11) see Jacques Callot 1592-1635 , 4 vols,London 1921, in, pp. 58-60. exhib.cat. (Nancy 1992), ed. P. Choné, Paris 1992, p. 5. On thepublic interest inthe decoration ofSt 135,nos 13-16; S. Loire,'Les TableauxdeRome gravés Peter'ssee L. Rice,The Altars and Altarpieces ofNew parJacques Callot: leurs sources et leur contexte', in StPeter's. Outfitting theBasilica, 1621-1666, Cambridge JacquesCallot (1592-163$) (Actes du colloque organisé 1997,PP- 164-67. parle Serviceculturel du muséedu Louvre,Nancy 6. Rice(as inn. 5),p. 28;Chappell and Kirwin, andParis 1992), Paris 1993, pp. 99, 109-10. pp.131, 138.

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St PeterHealing the Crippleat thePorta Spetiosa by Cigoli, The Fall of Simon Magus by Vanni, ChristWalking on theWater to St Peterby Castello, The Raising ofTabithaby Baglione, and The Martyrdomof St Peterby Passignano. Most of these episodes were alreadydepicted in the portico of the old St Peter's.11The theme promotedthe saint's primátůmand in turn legitimatedthe role of the pope as his successor, an aim which was particularlyimportant now against the Protestantcontroversy. According to Baglione, the distributionof the subjects among the chosen artists was delegated by Clement VIII to Cardinal Cesare Baronio, his confessorand theo- logical adviser. On this basis, Baronio has been identifiedunquestionably as the iconographer of the cycle, although his exact role has not been defined precisely.12 Baglione furtherrelates that the prelatiof the Reverendafabbrica of St Peter's chose the six painters carefully,so as to engage the 'most excellent artistsof that time'; and 'if they were not to be found in Rome, they should be called fromanywhere to do this work, no matter how great the expense'.13 Indeed, only Baglione himselfwas Roman. No doubt due to the Florentine bias of the familyof the pope, three artists (Passignano, Vanni and Cigoli) were brought fromTuscany, while Castello came fromGenoa. Roncalli, called 'il Pomarancio', had been in Rome for some years but was born and trained in Tuscany, although his familycame fromBergamo. The fact that almost all the artists involved were forestieri(outsiders) in Rome is crucial to understanding the vein of wounded municipal pride expressed in the three poems I examine here. Moreover, since each of the six painters received the commission through the sponsorship of a cardinal or some other influentialfigure, the assign- ment of the altarpiecesinvolved a competitionnot only among artistsbut also among aspiring patrons.14Hence, the mocking sonnets may have been intended to under- mine not only the work of the threepainters but also the patrons who had promoted them.15

11 . Forthe old portico as modelfor the decoration ofthe six artists (pp. 290-91): 'il CavalierRoncalli ofthe new St Peter'ssee L. Teza,'La decorazione favoritoda MonsignorGiusti Fiorentino, Auditore figurativaa stucco del portico di San Pietro al tempo dellaRota Romana, e Prelatodella fabrica... . Il di PaoloV', in San Pietro.Arte e storianella Basilica CavalierDomenico Passignani favorito dal Cardinal' Vaticana, ed. G. RocchiCoopmans deYoldi, Bergamo Arigone,e da Monsignor Paolucci, all'hora Datario, e 1996,pp. 259-60. Canonicodi s. Pietro ... .11Cavalier Francesco Vanni, 12.Baglione, p. no: 'perchèilPontefice Clemente portatodal CardinalBaronio... . LodovicoCivoli, Vili,havea dato a lui [Baronio]la caricadi scom- favoritodal Gran Duca di Firenze,e da D. Virginio partirel'historie, e le opere,che si doveanolavorare'. Orsini,Duca di Bracciano... . BernardoCastelli On therole played by Baroniosee Chappelland Genovese,portato dal Cardinal Pinelli, e Giustiniani Kirwin,pp. 132,138, 147; W. C. Kirwin,'Cardinal .... Gio.Baglioni Romano .. . co'lfavore del Cardinal Baroniusand the 'Misteri' in St Peter's',Baronio e s. Cecilia,Nepote di GregorioXIII'. It has been l'arte, ed. R. De Maio(atti del convegno), Sora 1985, shownthat Giovan Battista Marino interceded with pp.4-20; Rice (as inn. 5), pp. 31-32. CardinalsGiusti and Pietro Aldobrandini for Cas- 13.Baglione, p. no: 'e diedesiordine che si facesse tello:see M. V. Brugnoli,'Il soggiornoromano di sceltalecita delli più eccellenti Pittori di queitempi, BernardoCastello e le sue pitturenel palazzodi e se nonfossero stati in Roma, si facessero venire da Bassanodi Sutri',Bollettino d'arte , xlii, 1957,pp. quellaCittà, dove si ritrovassono, percompiere questa 256-60;R. Erbentraut,Der Genueser Maler Bernardo opera;né si guardassea spesa, per grande ch'ella si Castelloi5$7?-i 629: Leben und Ölgemälde , Freren 1989, fusse'. pp.36-38, 295-97. 14.Baglione, p. no: 'E conquella occasione [the 15.On conflicts between cardinals, often expressed commissionof thesix altarpieces]furon proposti throughartistic patronage, see A. Cirinei,'Conflitti diversisoggetti da variiPrincipi, e da' SignoriCardi- artistici,rivalità cardinalizie e patronage a Roma fra naliper effigiare questi quadri'. He liststhe sponsors Cinquee Seicento.Il caso del processocriminale

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Although the poems concern the works by Roncalli, Vanni and Passignano, it seems that Castello's and Cigoli's altarpieces generatedunfavourable comments as well. In a letter to Castello in April 1605, Giovan Battista Marino states that the artist's painting had proved to be admirable in spite of the maligni (malicious people).16 Unfortunately,we have no evidence of the precise nature of theircriticism. Perhaps an echo of it may be found, some years later,in Giulio Mancini's comment that Castello's paintingwas deficientin 'composition and decorum'.17 On the other hand, according to , the altarpiece was greatlyadmired. On 20 December 1605, Chiabrera wrote appreciativelyto his friendCastello, adding that according to some intendentiat St Peter's,it was 'the best paintingever done there'.18 A few years later he praised the altarpiece in verse.19His poetic hommage, however, may have been intended as a response to the criticismof the painting as attestedby Marino. It appears that Cigoli did not have an easy time in Rome either,as more than one of his Roman works was ill-received.20Yet it seems that his altarpiece for St Peter's was a success, as Cigoli himselfmodestly testified in a letterto Michelangelo Buonar- roti the younger.21The work was praised by Chiabrera, Mancini and Baglione, and was said to have been appreciated by Passignano and later by Andrea Sacchi.22 controil Cavalierd'Arpino', inLa nobiltàromana in 19.These verses form part of a poemdedicated to etàmoderna. Profili istituzionali e pratiche sociali , ed. Castello'sfrescoes in theChurch of the M.A. Visceglia, Rome 2001, pp. 255-305. inSavona (executed 1608-10). See Operedi Gabriello 16.G. В.Marino, letter to В. Castello(Aprii 1605): Chiabrerae di Fulvio Testi (Biblioteca Enciclopedica 'La tavoladi V.S. è riuscitaa dispettode' maligni Italiana,xxxiv), 1834, p. 89, no. XX. mirabile,e credo che '1 signor Cavalier d'Arpino gliene 20.M. Chappell,'Cigoli, Galileo and Invidia', Art abbiascritto, il quale vive al solitosuo affezionatis- Bulletin , lvii, 1975, pp. 91-98.Chiabrera seems to simo.'See G. В. Marino, Lettere , ed. M. Guglielminetti,allude to the problems faced by Cigoli in Rome in a Turin1966, p, 54, no. 34; see also the precedent letters letterof i Oct.1613, in which he warns Castello about (ibid.,nos 29-31)concerning Castello's altarpiece movingto thecity: see GabrielloChiabrera (as inn. whichtestify that Marino, on hisintercession for 18),p. 200, no. 237. Castello,was supported by d'Arpino. It mighthave 21.L. Cigolito M. Buonarrotithe younger, from beenadverse criticism which led to thepremature , 21 Jan.1607: 'Circa il sentireV.S. le lodi departureof Castellofrom Rome, by April 1605. dellamia tavola di S.o Pietro,tutto prociede dalla Certainlythe compensation paid to Castello was the affezionedegli amici...'; in A. Matteoli,'Cinque smallestdisbursed tothe six artists: see Brugnoli (as in letteredi LodovicoCardi, Cigoli a Michelangelo n.14), Chappell and Kirwin, p.145 and Erbentraut (as BuonarrotiilGiovane', Bollettino della Accademia degli inn. 14). Euteletidella Città di SanMiniato , xxxviii, 1964-65, 17.Mancini, i, p. no: '... il Castelligenovese P-ЗЗ. d'intelligenzae disegno ma non di gran composition 22. SeeOpere di Gabriello Chiabrera (asin n. 19), p. nèdecoro, come si vede nell'altare diS. Pietro'. 164;Mancini, I,p. 229; Baglione, p. 154.G. B. Cardi, 18.G. B. Chiabrerato В. Castello,, 20 Vitadi LodovicoCardi Cigoli (1628), ed. G. Battelli Dee. 1605:'Questo agosto passato io andaia Roma andK. Busse,San Miniato 1913, p. 40,reports the .... Dico a V.S.che in Romai pochigiorni che io praiseof Cigoli's altarpiece by Passignano, who said praticaividi l'ancona in S. Pietroe rimasiconsolato, thatit was 'una gioia di queltempio [S. Pietro]'.G. e maggiormentecheuomini intendenti miafferma- В. Passeri,Vite de' pittori scultori edarchitetti chehanno ronosinceramente, chequella era la migliorpittura lavoratoinRoma... [MS ante 1673], Rome 1772, ed. J. fin'orafattavi. Eravi il Passignano ilquale mi commise Hess,Leipzig and Vienna 1934, p. 303,reports the a salutarlaa suo nome, e cosìfaccio...'; in Gabriello praiseby Sacchi. Ioanne Michaele Silos, Pinacotheca Chiabrera,Lettere (1585-1638), ed.S. Morando,Flor- siveRomana Pictura etSculptura (Rome 1673), ed. M. ence2003, p. 136,no. 156. In an earlierletter from BasileBonsante, Rome 1979, 2 vols,1, p. 9, dedicates Chiabrerato Castello(5 Apr.1603), we learnthat anepigram to Cigoli's altarpiece (as wellas tothose Passignanowas then working at St Peter's,and that ofRoncalli and Vanni) . Castellohad in mindto go thereto work:ibid., p. 126,no. 144.

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Nevertheless, the fact that Cigoli abandoned the firstversion of his altarpiece has been read as a reaction to the envious response it had aroused. According to both Giovan Battista Cardi and Filippo Baldinucci, the first,uncompleted version gener- ated the envyof various Roman artistswho went to St Peter's and opened the enclo- sure of the paintingbefore it was finished.They then commissioned a Flemish artist to make an engraving from it so that they could accuse Cigoli of plagiarising his composition from a print,demonstrating how little a 'foreign' ( forestiero, straniero) painter could enrich the splendour of St Peter's.23Without furtherdocumentary support, Cardi and Baldinucci's accounts are both too late and partisan to be con- sidered reliable. As we shall see, however,something close to what they describe in the case of Cigoli's paintingoccurred in St Peter's in the springand autumn of 1604, although the events in question concerned the altarpieces of Vanni, Roncalli and Passignano. Baldinucci also tells us that Passignano 's work was bitterlycriticised by Cara- vaggio; the reliabilityof this account will be discussed below. Anecdotes like these are fairlyfrequent in seventeenth-centuryart literatureand have usually been considered withreasonable scepticism,but documentaryresearch has demonstratedthat in some cases such stories had, at least, a basis in truth.24Seventeenth-century Rome was a harshly competitivemilieu for artistsand patrons, and a commission for a church such as St Peter's was inevitablysurrounded by a cloud of envy and jealousy. Rival- ries between artistscould lead to verbal and even physical violence. For example, a controversybetween Roncalli and Giuseppe Cesari, known as Cavaliere d'Arpino, over the decoration of the dome of St Peter's,was deemed by the authoritiesto be a possible reason for a violent attack on Roncalli in i6o7.25The Cavaliere was held to be responsible and put on trial; the officialrecord of the trial proceedings proves to be an invaluable source in understandingthe three poems analysed here.26

23.Cardi (as in n. 22), pp. 38-40,claims that Borgianni,which partly confirms Baglione's account: Cigoli'saltarpiece 'vista dagli emuli abbozzata ... M. Pupillo,'Il "Virtuosotradito". Una societàtra andavanruminando inche modo potessero (per così OrazioBorgianni, e FrancescoNappi e dire)far divenire tenebrosa la luce,e di poivistala i rapporticon GiovanBattista Crescenzi', Storia finita... preseroespediente ... di subitodisegnarla dell'arte, xciii-iv, 1998 (1999), pp. 303-11. perfarla intagliare ... permano di un fiammingo, 2$.The animosity between d'Arpino and Roncalli e speditamenteimpressala in una cartasudicia, datedfrom 1603, when d'Arpino substituted Roncalli andavanodicendro che egli [il Cigoli] l'aveva cavata inthe enterprise ofthe decoration ofSt Peter's dome; da unastampa forastiera, e quella mostravano...'. F. seeSickel, esp. pp. 167-79; and H. Röttgen,Il Cavalier Baldinucci,Notizie dei professori deldisegno da Cimabue GiuseppeCesari d'Arpino. Unpittore nello splendore della in qua, ed. F. Ranalli,7 vols,Florence 1846, repr. famae nell'incostanzadella fortuna , Rome 2002, pp. 1974,in, pp. 262-63: 'Un Pittore [Cigoli] che copiava 129-36. le cose sue dallestampe, esser quello l'onore che 26.The record of d'Arpino 's trial, which started in allaBasilica erano per contribuire glistranieri pittori, March1607, is preserved atASC, Camera Capitolina, inveced'arricchirla d'opere magnifiche, l'imbrat- Cred.XIV, voi. 107, Processo Criminale contro Giuseppe tarla...'. Baldinucci'saccount is basedon Cardi's, d'ArpinoPittore [referred to hereafter as ASC, Pro- althoughitis slightlydifferent. The reliability ofthe cesso]. This document is referred toby Cirinei (as in twoaccounts is discussedand discarded by Chappell n. 15)and Sickel, who both publish excerpts from it; andKirwin, pp. 140-43. seealso Röttgen (as inn. 25) . 24. See, e.g.,the recentlydiscovered evidence aboutthe rivalries between Gaspare Celio and Orazio

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II. The sonnetssent to Cavaliere ď Arpiño

On 26 March 1604., at dawn, a friend of Cavaliere ď Arpiño saw in St Peter's 'two sonnets, one attached to Vanni's painting, the other to that of Pomarancio [Roncalli]'.27 He judged the poems 'very good and in perfectstyle'; and he copied them with great care, 'just as theywere in the original', claiming to imitate even the shape of the letters.This anonymous friendalso found two sonnets which praised Pomarancio but did not bother copyingthem 'because theywere extremelyclumsy'. He wanted to give copies of the firsttwo sonnets to d'Arpino because he knew how much he would delightin seeing the criticismof those who bore an extremehatred of him. Since many copies of the sonnets could be seen in Rome, he feltd'Arpino should be made aware of them.28He was concerned about the legalityof circulating such slanderous material, especially since he always met d'Arpino together with 'unreliable people'; so he had decided to send his friendthe copies of the sonnets, togetherwith a letter.Three years later, in March 1607, the authoritiesfound that letterand the copies of the two sonnets in a 'little drawer' in d'Arpino 's house. All this materialwas subsequentlytranscribed in the record of d'Arpino's trial,together withthe sonnets themselves- in a slightlydifferent version to those published below in Appendix 1.1-2, which are taken fromthe manuscriptin the BritishLibrary.29 In a later letter,dated 15 November 1604 and also found in the littledrawer in d'Arpino's house, the same anonymous aquaintance wrote that he had been able to obtain another sonnet, one dedicated to Passignano's painting, and was prompted to informd'Arpino that he had seen it in the hands of some of his friends,who were 'foolishlyclaiming to be the authors' of the poem.30This last sonnet was not found togetherwith the letterin d'Arpino's house and is thereforenot transcribedin the record of the trial. It is described, however, as 'fatto all'Istoria del Passignano'; accordingly,I believe it to be the sonnet which is preserved togetherwith the other two in the BritishLibrary manuscript (see below, Appendix I.3).

27.ASC, Processo , fol. 3Ó4V: 'L'ultimo venerdì di above).Therefore, A was writtenafter Friday 26 marzoio veddi in San Pietro la mattinaal(l') Alba doi March1604 and before the end of Lent on Saturday sonettiattachati uno al Operadel Vanni - etl'altro a 17April (Easter falling on 18April). I must therefore quelladel Pomarancio, etper che mi parvero boni et disagreewith Sickel, pp. 176 and 178, who dates A in di stileperfecto gli volsi copiare ne micurai tenere a diiferentway (probably toMarch 1606; not earlier memoriadi altridoi fattiin lodedel Pomarancio thanMarch 1605). Both letters (A andB) arecited as perchèerano goffi oltramodo. Hora mi è parsofarne anonymousinthe record of the trial. partecipeVosignoria glimando le copie giuste a posto 28.ASC, Processo , fol. зб5г (A): 'perRoma se ne comeerano gli originaliquali ho imitatoanco la vedonomolte copie [di questi due sonetti] et perchè formadella lettera ...'.The complete text of this letter Vosignoriahabbia anco lei la memoriadi cosìbelli (whichI will refer to as 'Л') is published,with slight capriccifatti contro a persone quali gli portono odio variations,by Sickel,p. 188.A is notdated but its estremogli la mandoper un mio servo ...'. Cf.Sickel, datecan be deducedfrom another letter ('В'), with pp.188-89. whichit was found in d'Arpino's house and which is 29.The sonnets as documentedinthe trial record dated15 November 1604. In В theauthor writes that havebeen published by Sickel, pp. 187-88. 'questaquaresima passata mandai a Vosignoriadoi 30.ASC, Processo , fol. зб4г (В): 'Horaessendomi sonetticopiati da mein San Pietro sopra l'opere del capitatoalle mani un [sonetto]fatto all'Istoria del PomarancioetVanni'. This reference tothe sending Passignano,non ho volsuto mancare di farne parte a ofthe two sonnets which he had copied in St Peter's Vosignoriaperchè so cheli furonogravi et io liveddi impliesthat A mustbe precedentto В andof the inmano de certi amici soi che sciocamente sene face- sameyear ('this last Lent'). A waswritten some time vanoautori per l'istesso rispetto de horanon li gli do afterthe appearance of thesonnets in St Peter's, inmano propria .. .'. whichtook place on 'thelast Friday of March' (see

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Asked by the authorities about these letters and the sonnets, d'Arpino first claimed to know nothingabout them.31He said that someone, 'out of capriciousness and malevolence', must have put these papers in his house unbeknown to him- 'since myhouse is continuouslyvisited by all kinds of people'.32 He admittedremem- bering that 'some sonnets and other compositions were attached to the walls' in St Peter's; but he denied attachingthem himselfand finallyclaimed they had been sent to him by his friends.33His account is confused,riddled with contradictionsand reliant on weak excuses, such as his too-short memory.34At one point, he seems to confuse Baglione's Raising of Tabitha with Roncalli's Death of Sapphira, but his apparentmistakes could be part of his pretence.35Although there has neverbeen solid evidence of d'Arpino's involvementin the commission or authorshipof the mocking poems, it is difficult,as we will see, to believe in his complete innocence.36

III. The sonnetaddressed to FrancescoVanni

The firstof the altarpieces to be completed was Vanni's Fall ofSimon Magus (Fig. 1), signed and dated 'MDCIII'. 37Vanni started his work between December 1602 and January1603, and the firstdocument which records it as 'painted' is a 'sale or final

31.ASC, Processo , fols 345v-46r (d'Arpino): 'non dicendoche quella era più grande e quellaaltra più merecordo che a mesia statamai mandata lettera piccolae dicevail similed'altra che di questome condentro queste compositioni e materie simili ... recordo'.In factRoncalli's painting shows the dead pole essereche me sonostate scritte e mandate bodyof Sapphira in the foreground. qualcheuna di questecompositioni dentro nelle 36.D'Arpino claimed to be on goodterms with letterema io ineffetto non me recordo ... perchèin Roncalliand referred during his trial to his financial casamia vi è statoanco alcuni giovani et [un] giovane evaluationofRoncalli's paintings. ASC, Processo , fol. abruzzeseche si chiamavaAntonio che si dilettava 335r:'con il SignorPomarancio inmateria della pro- depingereet scrivereassai bene et perchè serviva lì fessionequando me è venutaoccasione l'ho sempre a mepoteria essere che lui havesse havuta qualche stimatoet honorato, sìcome in occasione delle stime mialettera e l'havesseaperta che io in effettonon de operesue, come anco de chiamarlonelle opere meravvidi di havere havuto simil lettere et composi- miee li dettianco a fareun guadrio[яге] in San tioni...'. GiovanniinLaterano a ...' (seeSickel, p. 185n. 32.ASC, Processo , fol. 349v (d'Arpino): 'se queste 72).D'Arpino's associates, however, reported during letterecon le compositionidentro sono state trovate thetrial that Roncalli and d'Arpino fell out over the frale miescritture in casa mia al Popolo...,io non decorationof the dome of St Peter's:see thetrial lo so,so beneche in casa mia vi pratica ogni sorte de recordsquoted by Cirinei (as inn. 1$),pp. 259-60; genteet qualche d'uno per capriccio о per malavo- Sickel,p. 169;and Röttgen(as in n. 25), p. 135. lentiale potea havere portate con sè ...'. D'Arpino(and Antiveduto della Grammatica) valued 33.ASC, Processo, fol. 344r (d'Arpino): 'Signor Passignano'sand Baglione's altarpieces for St Peter's mioho intesoche in ocasionedelle pitture la in at1300 scudi , Roncalli's and Vanni's at 1000 scudi and SantoPietro sono stati fatti diversi sonetti e compo- Castello'sat 700 scudi ; see W. Gramberg, Die Düssel- sizionianche sono anco stati attaccati la in sulle mura dorferSkizzenbücher desGuglielmo della Porta , 3 vols, etne ho ricevuti alcuni non l'ho . . . attaccatimi sono Berlin1964, 1, p. 136,no. 235 (Aprii 1606). statimandati da amici'. 37.'FRA[NCISCUS] VAN [NIS] EQ[UITES] 34.ASC, Processo, fol. 339r (d'Arpino): 'Signore SIE[NESIS] MDCIII'. On Vanni'saltarpiece see la professionedella pittura fa alle volte scordare se G. Incisadella Rocchetta, 'Le vicendedi trepale stessoperchè sta giorni interi così in astratto inquella d'altare',Roma , x, 1932,pp. 255-70; Chappell and applicazioneche non si racorda la mattinaquello che Kirwin,pp. 130,137-38, 163-64; P. A. Riedl,'Zu si(h)a fatto la sera.. .' FrancescoVannis Tätigkeit für Römische Auftrag- 35.ASC, Processo , fol. 347r"v (d'Arpino): '... me geber',Mitteilungen desKunsthistorischen Institutes in recordoin particolare che il Vanni haveria fatto quel Florenz, in, 1979,pp. 313, 325-46; С. Savettieri,in guadrio[$гс] in quale San Pietro del Mago et l'haveria TheBasilica (as in n. 7), pp. 601-02;С. Garofalo, fattopresto et il Pomaranciohavea fatto quel San 'FrancescoVanni (Siena, 1563-1610)', inNel segno di Pietroche resucitava quel morto grande et andava Barocci.Allievi e seguaci tra Marche , Umbria , Siena , ed.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 264 MOCKING SONNETS payment' of 19 December 1603.38 There are good reasons to consider this latter date the terminusante quem forthe completion of the altarpiece,rather than - as has become usual - connecting its completion to the date when Vanni was awarded the title of Knight of Christ, some six months earlier.39Vanni signed his painting as 'EQ(UITES)', thereforeafter having been awarded the knighthood.Moreover, the avviso of 25 June 1603, which announces the honour, does not say that the knight- hood was a rewardfor the completion of the altarpiece in St Peter's; on the contrary, it suggeststhat the paintingwas stillunfinished.40 Like all the other artistsinvolved in the commission of the altarpieces for the small aisles,Vanni receivedfurther payments in the months (and in some cases years) followingthe 'finalpayment'.41 In the poem addressed toVanni and foundin St Peter's on 26 March 1604, it is reportedthat the workhad not yetbeen completelyfinished, probablybecause worksas huge as these needed frequentretouching, especially those which had been painted on slate.42 The poem opens in the vocative,which is frequentlyused in thisliterary genre to mime the colloquial tone of a livelydiscussion between a hypotheticalpopular audi- ence and the artist.The criticismof the paintingrelies on topoi, forinstance bewailing its lack of proportion and decorum, and the lack of clarityin the composition; this too is typical of poems mocking works of art, as well as of Counter-Reformation

A.M. Ambrosini Massari and M. Cellini,Milan 2005, dell'ordinede Cavalieridi Cristodi Portogallo, P.357- havendoglifatto venir tal habito dal Re Cattolicoet 38.On 6 Dec. 1602Vanni received a payment 'a fattoloanco accettar da S. B.neper pittore, volendo, bonconto della Icona che ha da farein sanPietro' cherieschi molto bene.' (BAV MS Urb.lat. 1071, andthe earliest document which testifies that he is citedby E. Rossi,'Roma ignorata', Roma , xiv, 1936, actuallyworking ('per la pitturache fa') is of31 Jan. p. 61;25 June was a Wednesday,thus the knighthood 1603(Chappell and Kirwin, p. 163,nos 1 and2). On wascreated on Sunday 22 June.) Vanni was, therefore, 19 Dec. 1603Vanni received a 'saldo о finalpaga- awardedthe honour by CardinalPaolo Sfondrato mento...per la tavolache ha dipinta':Abromson, p. inhis titular church of S. Ceciliain Trastevere, and 346,no. 84; other documents ibid., pp. 345-47. By 15 notby Baronio as claimedby Baglione and Baldi- Jan.1604, he was back in Siena: see Gramberg (as in nucci;see S. Pepper,'Baglione, Vanni and Cardinal n.36), I, p. 136,no. 233. Sfondrato',Paragone , xviii, no. 211, 1967, p. 73n. 20. 39.Mancini, i, p. 210,and Baglione, pp. 110-11, Sfondratohad good reason to award the knighthood 290[192], and Baldinucci (as inn. 23), ill, p. 454, all toVanni, who had painted some successful works for statethat Vanni was awarded the knighthood because him,not least the famous Death of St Ceciliain his ofhis altarpiece in St Peter's;modern scholars con- titularchurch, which has beenrecently dated to siderthe date when the knighthood wasawarded (i.e., 1601-02(F. Profili,'Francesco Vanni e il Cardinal 22June 1603; see next note) as theterminus ante quem Sfondrato',Decorazione e collezionismo a Roma nel forthe completion of thework: see Chappelland Seicento.Vicende di artisti, committenti e mercanti , ed. Kirwin,p. 130;Abromson, p. 75; and recently Garo- F. Cappelletti,Rome 2003, p. 68 and pp. 67, 69). The falo(as inn. 37), p. 357.This would mean that Vanni lastsentence in theavviso is, however, a probable wasable to complete his enormous altarpiece (c. 770 referenceto the altarpiece for the pope, to whom X 430 cms)within six months at themost, an un- Sfondratohad introducedVanni: he expressesthe realisticallyshort period of time. For Mancini's and wishthat Vanni will work well. Baglione'sunreliable accounts of theknighthoods 41.Vanni received other payments inMarch 1604 see alsoabove, n. 3. Cf.Isidoro Ugurgieri Azzolini, andin Jan., Sept. and Dec. 1606but in thedocu- Le Pompesanesi , Siena 1649, 11, p. 370,who quotes mentswhich attest this, the painting isalways referred a privilegiothen in the hands of Vanni's son. Cf. G. to as already'fatta' or 'dipinta':see Abromson,p. DellaValle, Lettere sanesi sanesi sopra le belle arti , 3 vols, 346,Chappell and Kirwin, p. 163. Rome1786, I, p. 340. 42.Appx I.i, w. 22-23.Since the work of Roncalli 40. Theavviso reads: 'Roma li 25Giugno 1603. Il isquoted in the poem (Appx I.i, w. 41and 48), it was CardinaleSfondrato domenica mattina ins.ta Cecilia probablywritten around March 1604. creòun tal Francesco Vanni pittore sánese Cavaliere

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i. FrancescoVanni, The Fall of Simon Magus. Vatican, St Peter's,octagon of Simon Magus

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 266 MOCKING SONNETS literatureon art.43It also includes polemic about the honour given to the painter (i.e., his knighthood).44The author describes the composition as ill-considered ('Vanni, che pensi far?'),suggesting that Simon Magus appears about to falldown on the spectators and kill fiveor six of them in the process. He adds that the lower part of the paintingis crowded withpeople who look like pygmies,by comparison withthe figuresin the upper part of the paintingwho look like giants.45The composition is clumsyand confusedbecause thereare too many onlookerssuch as maidens and girls in the lower part, and people with'fronds on theirheads' in the upper part (referring to the laureated senators at Nero's court).46 The criticismis brought to a sharper level when a nude figurebelow Nero - presumablythe man on the right-handpier who looks out at the viewer- is described as someone who 'doesn't know what to do with himself'.47The insertionof a male nude in such a prominentposition was a common device to show offartistic skill in drawing anatomy.Aware of this,the poet mocks the artist,claiming that the ground- less presence of the nude has the opposite effect,showing how much Vanni himself knows about art. In doing so, he touches on a sensitive issue forVanni: he was acknowledged unanimously for his coloritorather than his disegno.And the poet undermines even this skill,by sayingthat the painter has underestimatedthe expec- tationsof his viewers,assuming that colorito would sufficeto satisfythem.48 He laments the lack of good painters in his time and, with increasingindignation, rants over the decision to importVanni from Siena and Roncalli from Bergamo, when the work could have been done by any painter in Rome.49 Then his criticismgoes back to the motifintroduced in the opening quartine, that of the lack of proportion.Everyone in the paintingis tiny,and this becomes an even more serious mistakeas it concerns the figureof St Peter himself,who deserved to be depicted on a much larger scale.50 Moreover, the issue of proportion inter- twines with that of decorum. In comparison with the littlefigures painted by Vanni, the figureof St Peter painted by Roncalli (Fig. 2) is 'gigantic',51but the following verses clarifythat this is not intended as a compliment to Roncalli. By noting the

43.For these topoi in sonnetsmocking works of 44. AppxI.i, v. 12.The polemicabout rewards artsee M. Spagnolo,'Poesie contro le opered'arte: occursalso in the mocking sonnets against Baglione arguzia,biasimo e ironianella critica d'arte del whichwere transcribed inthe record of the famous Cinquecento',in Ex mármore.Pasquini, pasquinisti, trial of and other artists: see M. Cinotti, pasquinatenell'Europa moderna , Lecce 2005, ed. P. 'Fontidocumentarie e letterarie', appendix to G. A. Procaccioliet al.,Rome 2006, pp. 321-54 (350-51). Dell'Acqua,Caravaggio e le suegrandi opere da San Similarcriticism of proportionsand decorumwas Luigidei Francesi , Milan 1971, pp. 153-57 (153); cf. levelledby Bolognese painters at FedericoZuccari's M. SmithO'Neil, Giovanni Baglione: Artistic Repu- ProcessionofSt GregorytheGreat (1580) for S. Maria tationin Rome , Cambridge 2002, p. 27. delBaraccano in Bologna,as canbe deducedfrom 45.Appx I.i, w. 1-3. thewords of Passignano: see A. Bertolotti,'Federico 46.Appx I.i, w. 4-6. Zuccari',Giornale dierudizione artistica , v, 1876,pp. 47.Appx I.i, v. 28. 140-41;R. Zapperi,' censurato a 48.Appx I.i, w. 8-9. Bolognadalla corporazione dei pittori', Städel-Jahr- 49.Appx I.i, w. 30-38. buch, XIII, 1992, pp. 177-90. For similar criticism in 50.Appx I.i, w. 39-40.More recently, Vanni's Counter-Reformationwritings on artsee, especially, altarpiece was criticised insimilar terms by H. Voss, GabrielePaleotti, Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e Die Malereider Spätrenaissance inRom und Florenz , profane...(Bologna 1582), ed. P. Barocchi,Trattati Berlin 1920, 2 vols,и, p. 514. d'artedel Cinquecento: framanierismo e Controriforma , 51.Appx I.i, v. 41; cf. n. 35 above. 3 vols,Bari 1960-62, il, pp. 375-76 and 378.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MADDALENA SPAGNOLO 267 disharmonybetween the scale of the two works,52the anonymous poet implies that he considers the altarpieces as an homogeneous cycle, which was the intention of Clement VIII. Interestinglyenough, a preparatory drawing for the Fall of Simon Magus shows thatVanni initiallygave greaterprominence to the figureof St Peter, whereas in the finishedpainting he reduced the scale of the saint and increased the number of spectators,perhaps to complement the painting by Passignano (cf. Figs 4-6), since the two could have been seen together from the east side of the tran- sept.53 The accusation of confused or entangled composition became particularly common in late sixteenth-centurywritings on art,in line with the new concern with clarityand simplicityof composition,typical of the Counter-Reformation.54Although in early seventeenth-centuryRome both Caravaggio and devel- oped styleswhich, in differentways, led them to organise theircompositions around a fewlarge-scale figures, their model was not immediatelyfollowed. Still around 1620 Mancini stressed the importance of not overfillingthe composition with too many figures:painters should concentrate on the main figureof the historia, who should be located where he or she can be immediately seen and recognised, thus gaining adequate prominence. Furthermore, Mancini advises painters not to follow the example of Jacopo Bassano and some Flemish and German artists,who failed to place the main figurein the foreground.55 The end of the poem is addressed to Vanni and Roncalli together. Seen as two forestieriamateurs who had been undeservedly assigned such important com- missions, the two artistsare franklyadvised to leave Rome as soon as theyhave put 'the money into theirpockets', and to go back respectivelyto Siena and Bergamo.56 The sonnet ends withthis strongand personal attackin the styleof the sonetticaudati , where the saltiest argumentsare reserved forthe so called 'tail', the last part of the composition which ends in rima baciata.51 Nothing is said in the sonnet about the subject of the painting; the episode comes from apocrypha of the New Testament and had probably been chosen on account of its anti-hereticalvalue.58 The poet's omission implies that he was not a

52.Appx I.i, w. 39-41.This point has also been - La ragioneè - diss'egli-perchè la codaha questa notedby modern scholars; see Chappell and Kirwin, proprietà,di far ridere e di darpiacere alla gente: e p. 136. peròsi suolmettere a' matti,a' buffonied a certe 53.For the drawing and the changes in the final personepiacevoli.' Apologia degli academici diBanchi versionsee Chappell and Kirwin, pp. 136, 138. diRoma contra M. LodovicoCastelvetro da Modena . In 54.See, e.g., Paleotti (as in n. 43), pp. 376-78. formad'uno spaccio di MaestroPasquino ..., Parma 55.Mancini, i,pp. 117-18 and 319-20. 1558,p. 223. 56.Appx I.i, w. 46-50. 58.The story of the Fall of Simon Magus, which 57.An eloquent description ofthe metrical devices is notin theActs of Apostles (Acts 8.13), is based of'sonetti caudati' is found in Annibale Caro 's Apolo- onthe Acta Petri cum Simone (§30-32) and the Passio giain a fictivedialogue between Caro, Burchiello and sanctorumapostolorum Petriet Pauli (§49-56): see Acta Petrarch:'E quantoallo stile, interrogandoli qual di apostolorumapocrypha , ed. R. A. Lipsiusand M. lorodue dovessi imitare:- Me - risposeil Burchiello. Bonnet,Leipzig 1891, pp. 45-104 and 119-77.The ... Consigliandomipoi sopraquesto particolare, se maindifferences between these two texts are high- io glidovea far con la codacome il Burchiello,о lightedby A. Ferreiro,Simon Magus in Patristic, senza,come il Petrarca:- Con la coda!con la coda!- Medieval, and Early Modern Traditions , Leiden 2005, s'accordaronoa dir l'uno e l'altroin un tratto. Ed io, p. 145.Jacopo da Voragine's Legenda aurea is mostly rivoltopur al Petrarca,glidomandai la ragione perchè basedon thePassio. An anti-hereticalvalue of the piùcon essa che senza, e perchèi suoi non l'avevano. subjectispointed out by Paleotti (as in n. 43), p. 348;

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Protestantbut someone inside the Roman Church, who was concerned not withthe choice of subject but only with how it had been depicted. The legend of the fall of Simon Magus had been included in the officialhistory of the Roman Church by Baronio. In his Annates, he explicitlyconnected Simon Magus (defininghim 'the prince of all the heretics') to the currentReformist tendencies, as the firstof those who advocated Justificationby faith alone.59 It is unclear whether Baronio, who probably approved or even proposed the subject, gave precise iconographical in- structionsto Vanni. Most of the details of the painting, except for the theatre,are definitelynot based on his Annales.60 For instance, Baronio does not report the presence of St Paul, the laureated senators or the vestal virgins.61Yet it is exactly those details which, in the opinion of the poet, contributeto the confusion of the composition. In this way,the pedantic criticismof the sonnet reflectsat a colloquial level the persisting complexity of the debate on religious iconography inside the Roman Church, even at this time. The Church's increasing unease with legendary aspects of its own history,and evidence uncovered by contemporaryarchaeological studies of early Christian monuments, conflictedwith the need to create persuas- ive narrative images adhering to traditional iconography,easily recognisable and delectable by the public. As we will see, this issue is brought up also by the sonnet dedicated to Passignano's altarpiece. Despite its crowded composition, it seems thatVanni 's Fall ofSimon Magus was well received in its day by artistsand critics:the paintinginspired a stucco bas-relief in the Cerasi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo62 and was highlyacclaimed by the firstauthors who described it. One of these was Mancini who, with clear pride for his fellow-citizenVanni, praised the figureof the flyingMagus as a model of a lively and virtuous depiction of movement. He observed that one of the greatest artistic challenges of this subject was to depict the very moment when the Magus fell. cf.Giovanni Andrea Gilio, Dialogo nel quale si ragiona seeMancini, 1,pp. 118-19, who points out the import- deglierrori e degli abusi de' pittori circa Vistorie... (1564), anceof depicting a recognisable sitoscenico : '. .. si deve inBarocchi, ed., Trattati (as inn. 43), и , p.43. considerareilsito scenico, cioè il luogo dove fu quella 59.С . Baronio,Annales ecclesiatici> 12 vols, Ant- talattione et historia, come, per essempio, la caduta werp1597, i, p. 258: 'Hic [SimonMagus] enim diSimon Mago che fu appresso ilteatro di Marcello, hereticorumomnium princeps et auctorhabetur, hoggidetto Monta Savello .... Questosito si devein ex quo suntceterae haereses propagatae: Nam et pitturatalmente rappresentare chesubito sia ricono- eiusmodipatriarcha gloriari etiam possunt Nova- sciutoper qualche particolarità contrassegnata, e se tores,quem ipsorum suorum dogmatům cognoscant nonvi fosse, è lecito di ampliar il sito et ancor mutar auctorem.Simonis quippe prima vox fuit: Per gratiam iltempo'. Mancini suggests that, in the absence of any tantumsalvari homines, et non secundumopera particularlandmark, itis appropriateto'ampliare il iusta...'. sitoe mutareil tempo'and to depict famous monu- 60.Baronio (as inn. 59),1, p. 648:'Porrò editum mentssuch as theTrajan column, to makeit clear fuissein theatro eiusmodi sub Nerone spectaculum, that the event of the fall of Simon Magus took place ut in eo Icariusexhiberetur volatus, auctor est inRome, even if not in the time and the place of the Svetonius...'.There was disagreement about the place Trajancolumn. See also ibid., 1, p. 320. whereSimon Magus fell. According to thePassio , 61.Baronio (as inn. 59),1, pp. 648-49. St Paul's §51,it was the Campo Marzio. On thisdebate see, presenceisrecorded inthe Passio (and in the Legenda e.g.,the various views reported by F. M. Torrigio, Aurea)but not in the Acta Petri. Compendiodelle grandezze della Sacrosanta Basilica 62. SeeA. MignosiTantillo, 'La CappellaCerasi, Vaticana...(c. 1623-27),BAV MS Vat.lat. 9907, vicendedi una decorazione', inCaravaggio, Carracci e fol.I7r_v; and the Antiquarie prospetiche romane , ed. Maderno:la Cappella Cerasi in , G. Agostiand D. Isella,pp. 100-01 nn. 229-31. Not ed.M. G. Bernardini,Milano 2001, pp. 66-67. surprisinglytheissue became important invisual art:

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Hence, he pointed out that although the action was frozen, as it must be in a painting, nevertheless it had the power to inspire in spectators the imagination of movement.63 Except for a briefcritical remark of Giovan Pietro Bellori, most commentators praised Vanni's altarpiece;64and still in the eighteenthcentury, the Congregation of St Peter's defined the painting as 'applaudita', and Guglielmo Della Valle dedicated a long and enthusiasticencomium to it.65In 1745-46, however,the idea was mooted of substitutingVanni's Fall of Simon Magus with a painting of the same subject by Pompeo Batoni. As we learn from Batoni's biographer, Vanni's work had been criticised as overcrowded and as failingto give St Peter the proper prominence- complaints similarto those expressed in the sonnet. ApparentlyBatoni triedto avoid these pitfalls,but in the end his paintingtoo was judged crowded and confused.66

IV. The sonnetaddressed to CristoforoRoncalli

CristoforoRoncalli was the firstartist assigned to the decoration of the small aisles, and he was chosen as the superintendentfor the works in the Cappella Clementina. Unlike Vanni, Passignano and Castello, Roncalli already had a good reputation in Rome and was a highlyesteemed member of the Academy of St Luke.67 His promi- nent role, particularlyamong the group of Tuscan artistsworking in St Peter's,68 may explain why he sufferedthe harshest criticismof all the painters involved with the cycle. Indeed, his work was mocked not only in the poem addressed to him, but also in the sonnets addressed to Vanni and Passignano. Roncalli's Death of Sapphira, today in S. Maria degli Angeli (Fig. 2), is first mentioned as 'done' ('fatta') in a document of 4 June i6o4.69Three sonnets,however,

63.Mancini, i, p. 159:'Dice [Plinio]che con la 66.O. Boni,Elogio di PompeoGirolamo Batoni , pitturaviene dimostrato il moto delle cose corporee Rome1787, pp. 44-45: 'Ascrivasi pertanto alla infe- cheva immitando... et il pittoreimmita le cosein licecircostanza diuna tela sproporzionata al soggetto quelloistante indivisibile nelquale non vi è temponè unpoco di confusione e di affollamento difigure che moto,ma sol quiete. ... comeil S. Pietronella Caduta regnanel quadro della caduta di Simon Mago, dipinto di SimonMago condotta dal Cavalier Vanni, ancor- dal Batoniper la BasilicaVaticana... . Francesco chési veda star ferma, nondimeno, per la positiondel Vanniche pure al Vaticanoaveva prima del Batoni capoall'in giù, con occhi spaventati, bocca aperta da dipintolo stessosoggetto, per ingrandire il sito che gridare,con i diavoliappresso, allontanati da Simone, eraun teatro pieno di spettatori insieme coll'Impera- ci andiamoimmaginando che si muovaet caschi toreaveva fatto le figurealquanto più piccole: lo che all'ingiù; talché veramente non si dipingeil moto, produce,che la figuraprincipale diSan Pietro che per masi figuran talmente le parti per le qualici andiam farladi facciaconviene collocare alquanto indietro immaginandochesi muovano et cammino'. ondepossa comandare al magoche cada è troppo 64. G. P. Bellori,Le Vite de' pittori scultori etarchi- piccolanè si presentasubito all'occhio come dov- tettimoderni , Rome 1672, ed. E. Borea,Rome 1976, p. rebbecercandosi a stento nella moltitudine di gente 196:'in Roma nella Basilica Vaticana, dipinse [Vanni] chela circonda.Il Batoni pertanto, ad evitarequesto latavola grande della caduta di Simon Mago, in modo difetto,scelse di tenersinelle figure più grandiose a peròinferiore all'altre sue fatiche'. For other praising scapitodel sito,che veramente apparisce angusto.' remarks(apart from those of Mancini and Baglione, On Batoni'saltarpiece see A. M. Clark,Pompeo mentionedabove) see Silos (as inn. 22), 1, p. 15. Batoni, Oxford 1985, pp. 260-62. 65.Della Valle (as inn. 40),p. 353.Vanni's altar- 67.For Roncalli see Kirwin (as inn. 3). piecewas described as 'applaudita'ina resolutionof 68.Baglione, p. 291[193]: 'Il Roncalli,che diede theFabbrica of St Peter's,of 29 Mar.1756: see I. occasionea questi sì nobili Dipintori insan Pietro .. .' BelliBarsali, 'Documenti vaticani per il Batoni', Studi 69. Chappelland Kirwin,p. 161,no. 7. Cf. I. Romani, xxi, 1973, p. 370,no. XI; fora judicious Chiappinidi Sorio,'Cristoforo Roncalli detto il commenton the document see p. 367. Pomarancio',inI PittoriBergamaschi: Il Seicento (I),

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 270 MOCKING SONNETS two praising and one mocking,were attached to his painting on 26 March 1604, so this date provides a terminusante quemfor the completion of the work.Unfortunately no evidence survivesof the encomium poems, and even the mockingone is problem- atic in terms of transcriptionand comprehension (in both the version of the text at the BritishLibrary and that transcribedin the record of d'Arpino's trial).The poet's main criticismconcerns Roncalli's lack of inventionand his academic ambitions. In particular,Roncalli is accused of stealingfigures and ideas fromother painters, thus failingin creativity. The sonnet begins in the usual vocative form,inviting 'Cristoforo' - who is the only one of the three painters to be addressed by his firstname - to returnwhat he has stolen from others: 'a Turk' should be returned to 'Federico',70 while another element in the painting is owed to a Venetian painter. Quite what that element is remains obscure, since neitherversion of the text is clear (BL - 'Give back ... that Giusippo to Jacoppo Venetiano'; ASC, Processo- 'Give back ... that group to Gio- seppe Venetiano'). It is likelythat one or both of the copyists failed to understand the allusion and, perhaps in consequence, made mistakesin transcribingthis part of the sonnet.71 A clue to understanding the criticism of the poem in a wider frameworkis offeredby Roncalli's lecture to the Academy of St Luke on 26 June 1594, the text of which was published in 1604. 72The topic of the lecture was the 'historia', and in it Roncalli questioned the practice of drawing on the ideas of other artists. He warned artistsof the Academy against using the inventionsof others,and the many prints which were then being produced, 'confusing our minds and repressingour creativity'.73Roncalli startedhis lecture with a captatiobenevolentiae , excusing him- self forbeing just an artist- expert in paintingwalls, tables and canvas, though not in theoretical issues- but in fact he was an artistwith a certain education, used to consorting with cardinals and nobles.74 According to Mancini, his works were usually appreciated more by the intendentithan by the common people; more by 'those who have a taste forthe profession [of painting] than by the vulgarwho judge

Bergamo1983, pp. 117-18,with precedent bibli- Geneva2004, p. 406,for a discussionof Zuccari's ography,towhich can be addedSilos (as inn. 22), 1, copywithin the framework ofthe taste for Venetian p. 9. Documentsabout the painting are published by artin late 16th-century Rome. Abromson,pp. 342-44. 72.Romano Alberti, Origine, etprogresso dell'Acca- 70.Appx 1.2, v. i. Thismight be Federico Zuccari, demiadel Dissegno, de3 pittori, scultori etarchitetti di althoughit is difficultto understand what Roncalli Roma, Pavia 1604, facs. repr. Bologna 1978, pp. 67- hadstolen from him. 68. 71.Appx 1.2, w. 1-2;ASC, Processo, fol. 359b 73.Ibid., p. 69: '... ilservirsi dell'inventioni altri,e (citedbelow, n. 178).'Jacoppo Venetiano' might be dellequantità delle carte inventate à nostri tempi, JacopoBassano or Jacopo , but I cannot chefacendo confusione nell'animo nostro, ne rintuz- thinkany artist from Venice called Giuseppe who was zanol'ingegno, e levano la forzaallo spirito ...'. The famousenough to be quotedjust by name in a poem useby artists of other artists' prints and inventions likethis. Tintoretto's famous Miracle of the Slave , for wascriticised; see G. B. Armenini,De' veriprecetti theScuola Grande of S. Marco,shows the naked dellapittura (Ravenna 1587), ed. M. Gorreri,Turin figureof the slave in a similarforeshorted position 1988,p. 22$. Cf. п. 23above. of Roncalli'sSapphira. (I owethis observation to 74.Mancini, i, p. no: '[Roncalli]piace e piacerà DavidEkserdjian.) Tintoretto's figure was copied by piùagl'intendenti cheagli huomini communi'. Ibid., FedericoZuccari, despite his well-known dislike of p. 303:'[Roncalli] diletta ... piùquelli c'hanno gusto Tintoretto'swork; see M. Hochmann,Venise etRome , dellaprofessione che il volgoche giudica di certe i$oo-i6oo:deux écoles de peintureet leurséchanges , apparenze'.

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2. CristoforoRoncalli, 41Pomarancio', The Death of Sapphira. Rome, choir of S. Mariadegli Angeli

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 272 MOCKING SONNETS through appearances'.75 In the poem, Roncalli is accused of pretending to be a 'compositor' but ending up 'in una dietta'- that is, in a special isolated room where cultivated gentlemen would meet to converse.76The poet also refersspecifically to another sonnet, the styleof which, he says, betraysRoncalli's authorship:'unable to fish in the shallows or the deeps', Roncalli is neither a painter nor a poet.77 It is plausible to read this as a referenceto one of the two 'clumsy' sonnets which praised Roncalli's painting, mentioned by d'Arpino's anonymous friend.78The mocking sonnet would then be a polemical answer not only to Roncalli's paintingbut also to the praising sonnet supposedly writtenby him. As already noted, in the three poems published here, Roncalli is the artist criticisedthe most. In the version of the sonnet transcribedin d'Arpino's trial,there is also a pun on his toponímico: 'Pomarancio' is writtenas 'Pomo rancio' ('rotten apple').79 Nevertheless,by comparison withthat addressed to Vanni and Passignano, the criticism of Roncalli seems to be aimed more at the person than the work. Indeed, in terms of style and iconography,Roncalli's altarpiece is not attacked as much as the other two.This suggests a personal acrimonytowards Roncalli, which leads to the possibilitythat d'Arpino himselfmay have played a role in the com- mission of the three sonnets.

V. The sonnetaddressed to

About seven months afterthe sonnets againstVanni and Roncalli were found in St Peter's, a new mocking poem dedicated to another of the altarpieces in the small aisles was circulatingin Rome. In this case, d'Arpino's frienddoes not tell us if the poem was attached next to Passignano's painting: only that therewere many copies of it around. It is likely,however, that this poem too was posted in situ>since it is full of referencesand allusions to the iconography of the painting and would be fully comprehensible only if read in frontof the work itself. Passignano received the firstpayment for his altarpiece in October 1602, and until now its date of completion has been uncertain. He was still workingon it on 9 July1604, but no other documents referto it until 2 December 1605, when the altarpiece is referredto as 'done' ('fatta').80 The date when d'Arpino's friendsaw

75.Mancini, i, p. 236:'[Roncalli] stette sempre 77.Appx 1.2, w. 15-17and 23. The criticismof consplendore digentilhuomo praticando con persone Roncallias bothpainter and poet recalls, and may nobiliet in particolare con i signoriCrescentji': see referto the 'dictum Horatii' which was often quoted L. Spezzaferro,'Unimprenditore delprimo Seicento: indiscussions about artistic invention; seeA. Chastel, GiovanBattista Crescenzi', Ricerche distoria dell'arte , 'Le "dictumHoratii quidlibet audendi potestas" et XXVI,1985, pp. 50-73- les artistes(XlIIè-XVIè siècle)', Comptes rendus des 76.Appx 1.2, w. 21-22.The word dieta was used séancesde Г Académie des Inscriptions etBelles-Lettres , inthis way by Raphael in his letter describing Villa 1977,no. i, pp.30-45. Madama(before March 15 19): 'Sopra il turrione che 78.See above п. 27. è daman dritta della intrata nel' angulo una bellissima 79.See Sickel, p. 177,rightly pointing out the pun. Dyetavi è conlochata,ché così la chiamanoliantiqui. 80.For thedocuments about the painting see .. . Saràveramente questo loco piacevolissimo a starvi Abromson,pp.70, 344-45; and Chappell and Kirwin, d'invernoa ragionare con gentilhomini, ch'èluso che p. 163,citing the document of 2 Dec. 1605which sol darela Dietha'.See Shearman,I, pp. 406, 412, refersto 'la manifatturadell'oro messo .. . allatavola withthe quotation of the 'academicae dietae' from fattadal Sig.r.Dom. co Passignano';yet Chappell AndreaFulvio, De AntiquariaUrbis (1513). Clare andKirwin state that Passignano was still working on Guestkindly drew my attention toRaphael's letter. thealtarpiece in1605 (ibid., p. 130).

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3. DomenicoPassignano, preliminary sketch for The Martyrdom ofSt Peter. Florence, , Gabinetto dei Disegnie delleStampe, 3469 Sv the sonnet, 15 November 1604, provides now a reliable terminusante quem for the completion of the work,81as the incipitof the poem is a sarcasticthanksgiving to God that the altarpiece is at last finishedand unveiled.82 Although the painting is now lost, we can gain an idea of what it looked like fromPassignano's preliminarysketch and, afterthe work itself,Calloťs engraving, an anonymous drawing,and an eighteenth-centurycopy by Giuseppe Nicola Nasini 83 (Figs 3-6). We also know that Passignano's altarpiece was one of the two most

81.This is supportedby a letterfrom Passignano is notentirely justified. Certainly Vanni was quicker himselfto thecardinals of the Fabbrica of St Peter, thanPassignano at finishinghis work (as notedby dated16 Mar. 1624, which reports that the work was ď Arpiño:see above,n. 35) but Passignanowas done20 yearsbefore: 'Domenico Passignani fece quickerthan Roncalli. The poet seems to ignore the ventianni or sonoin S. Pietrola tavoladentro la factthat the three painters were assigned their com- crocifissionediS. Pietro.'O. Pollak,Die Kunsttätigkeit missions atdifferent dates. unterUrban VIII, ed. D. Freyet al.,2 vols,Vienna 83.On thelost painting and thethree copies, 1928-31,и, p.293, no. 936. whichseem to be independentofone another, see 82.Appx I.3, w. 1-3.The criticismfor the long J.L. Nissman,'Domenico Oresti (Il Passignano), timetaken by Passignano to completehis altarpiece 1558-1638,a Tuscan Painter in Florence and Rome',

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4. Anonymous,TheMartyrdom ofSt Peter , after 5.Jacques Callot, The Martyrdom ofSt Peter , after Passignano'slost altarpiece. Paris, Musée du Louvre, Passignano'slost altarpiece. Paris, Bibliothèque Cabinetdes Dessins nationalede France highlyvalued by d'Arpino of the Petrine cycle.84 In the sonnet, too, Passignano's work is judged betterthan those ofVanni and Roncalli,85but the author still found much to mock. Both iconographical and stylisticaspects are criticised.Some rather conventional comments lambast the painting as weak and overworked.More point- edly, the poet adds out that 'all those restingfigures who take littlenotice of the sad event' diminishthe effectof the dramatic subject.86It is worthnoting that Roncalli, in his above-mentioned lecture to the Academy of St Luke, warned artiststo not include otiose and superfluousfigures in theircompositions, and to be carefulthat the attitude of each figurepertained to the action depicted.87 Such advice was a

Ph.D.diss., Columbia University 1979, pp. 298-301. volontàdel Cardinal Annibale Albani', Antichità viva , On Calloťsengraving see alson. 10 above.It was xxviii,1989, p. 34. 1 amgrateful toGabriele Barucca publishedinthe series of 'Dieci basiliche* byGiovanni and Sara Bartoluccifor their help in providinga Maggi(1566-1618); see A Rinaldi,'Le diecibasiliche photographofNasini's painting. delMaggi', in Roma sancta. La cittàdelle Basiliche , ed. 84.See above, n. 36. M. Fagioloand M. L. Madonna,Rome 1985, at p. 85.Appx I.3, v. 46. 280.On the drawing from the painting see Musée du 86.Appx I.3, w. 15-17. Louvre,Dessins Toscans: XVIe-XVIIIe siècles , 2 vols, 87.Alberti (as in n. 72), p. 69: '... chei corpi Paris1988, i, ed. F. Viatte,p. 172no. 318. For the tuttifacciano qualche cosa appartenente all'azione copyby Nasini see M. B. GuerrieriBorsoi, 'Dalla rappresentata... e niuna [figura] ve ne stiaotiosa, о Fabbricadi San Pietro alla chiesa di San Domenico a superflua'. :copie di originalivaticani riutilizzate per

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о о о

6. GiuseppeNicola Nasini, The Martyrdom ofSt Peter , after Passignano's lost altarpiece for St Peter's in the Vatican.Urbino, S. Domenico

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commonplace of art theorybut in the poems addressed to Vanni and Passignano, the classical concept of decorumis newlycoloured with a Counter Reformationtone, 88 comparable to that found in Gabriele Paleotti's Discorso(1582). The main argumentof the sonnet on Passignano 's painting,however, concerns the historicalsetting of the scene depicted. The poet pretends incompetence on the vexed question of whetherthe martyrdomtook place in the Vatican or in the Jani- culum;89 but he cockily states that the stairs,the temple, the palace and the prison depicted by Passignano have little to do with the death of St Peter.90In fact, the author shows himselfto be aware of the learned and longstanding debate on this controversial topic. His scathing criticism raises- and helps to answer- further questions: why did Passignano not follow the traditional iconography and set his Crucifixionof St Peterin eitherthe Janiculumor theVatican? And which place did he choose to depict instead? According to the poet, Passignano is one of those painterswho followtheir own whims ('vanno adietro ai chiribizi loro'),91 but this is unconvincing. From what is known about the pontificateof Clement VIII, it is unlikelythat any of the artists workingin the small aisles would have been allowed complete freedomin arranging their own altarpieces. The 'Edict on Altars and Paintings' (12 October 1593) of Gerolamo Rusticucci, vicar of Clement VIII, was very explicit, stating that a fine, or imprisonment,exile, or more severe punishment would be meted out to those painters who failed to submit for approval the cartoons or sketches of any painting destined for a church.92This would certainlyhave applied in the case of the altar- pieces for St Peter's; indeed, at least three of the artists- Laureti, Castello and - Baglione had to submit their bozzettior preparatory drawings for ecclesiastical approval;93 and Passignano's sketch, inscribed to 'Monsignor Datario' (Fig. 3), implies that datario Bernardino Paolini had seen (and probably approved) it.94

88.See Paleotti (as inn. 43), p. 378. - probablyPietro Aldobrandini, since it is listedin 89.Appx I.3, w. 9-10.The debate divided scholars hisinventory (1603); see Abromson, p. 68. Castello suchas OrazioPanciroli and Alfonso Ciaccono on signeda contract (28 Aug. 1604) which specifies that oneside and Onofrio Panvinio and Pompeo Ugonio hewas obliged to make his work 'conforme al disegno onthe other. For a synthesisofthe different positions visto,dalli S. ri Car.liBaronio e Fornaroe m.A.C. seeTorrigio (as inn. 60),fol. i8r. Baronio (as inn. Lassandoin arbitrio suo di mutar in meglio q(uel)lo 59)5h PP- 669-71, conciliated the two positions, point- cheli parrà'(ASR, Archivi dei 30 NotariCapitolini , ingout that the Vatican included the Janiculum. See Ufficio38, V.5, fol. 23ir; see Abromson, p.349). Simi- alsoJ. M. Huskinson,'The CrucifixionofSt Peter: larly,Baglione's contract (10 Sept.1604) says that A Fifteenth-CenturyTopographical Problem', this thepainter had to make a panel'conforme al disegno Journal, XXXII, 1969, pp. 135-61. vistoda tutti l'Ili. mi SS. ri deputati, etdall'Ili. mi SS. ri 90.Appx I.3, w. 31and 43. Car.liBaronio, S.ta Cecilia, et Sannesio lassando in 91.Appx I.3, w. 22-23. arbi(tri)osuo di mutare in meglio q(uell)o che facerá' 92. 'Comandandoalii pittori conforme al Sacro (ibid.,fol. 2i4r; see Abromson, p.350). conciliodi Trento sotto le stessepene [venticinque 94.For Passignano'sdrawing (Florence, Uffizi, scudi,carcere, esilio ed altre pene maggiori] che prima Gabinettodei Disegni e delleStampe, 3469 Sv) see di cominciarepitture et quadri per uso di Chieseet Disegnidei toscani a Roma , exhib. cat., ed. C. Kirwin Cappelleeshibiscano il cartone о sbozzoin disegno andM. Chappell,Florence 1979, pp. 91-92, no. 56 dell'historia,о fatto con le figure'.The complete text andfig. 67; the inscription reads 'Conto dell' Ill.mo ofRusticucci's decree can be readin D. Beggiao,La e Rev.moMons.r Datario'. Baglione, pp. 290 [192] visitapastorale diClemente VIII (i 592-1600 ). Aspetti di and332 [234], reports that Passignano was sponsored riformapost- tridentina a Roma , Rome 1978, p. 106. by'Monsignor Paolucci, all'hora Datario, e Canonico 93.Laureti produced a bozzetto for his altarpiece di s. Pietro',but he miswrote the name and the mis- whichbears the inscription 'dato in via al Cardinale' takeis repeated by Siebenhiiner (asin n. 1), p. 95 and

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7. Viewof the Capituline Hill, c. 1552-61.Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Brunswick

Notably,however, the sketchis no more specificin termsof settingthan are the three copies afterthe painting: the landmarks or monuments usually associated with the Crucifixionof St Peter,such as the obelisk or the 'duas metas', are all absent.95 Instead, Passignano depicted an urban locale with a gallows on the left hand side (see Figs 4-6). This is suggestive,since the presence of gallows is still docu- 96 mented in the Campidoglio in the sixteenth century (Fig. 7). They marked the area as a locusiustitiae. Corpses of inmates of the Carcere Mamertino were exhibited to the mob on the scalae gemoniae,the steep stairs where capital punishment took in almostall thesubsequent literature. The datario Torrigio(as in n. 60),fol. 191*, is of interest for the andcanonico of St Peterwas in factthe Florentine questionof the landmarks: "Ben è verche nel tempo BernardinoPaolini; see K. Jaitner,Die Hauptinstruk- di San Pietro non vi erano simili Mete ma ciò fu fatto tionenClemens VIII: für die Nuntien und Legaten an den nellepitture e posto nelle scritture per dimostrare alli EuropäischenFürstenhöfen , i592-1605 , 2 vols, Tübingen semplici(come il Biondoscrive) il luogodi simile 1984,1, pp. LXXXI-II n. 66;C. Weber,Die Päpstlichen martirio più in particolare che fusse possibile'. For an Referendare1566-1809 : Chronologie undProsopographie , interpretation ofthe setting depicted by Passignano Päpsteund Papsttum , Stuttgart 2003, 31, 1, p. 185,no. as 'iuxtaobeliscum' see C. A.Thomas, "Domenico 63;p. 187,no. 87; p. 191,no. 87. Cresti,'II Passignano'(1559-1638), and the Roman 95.For the most common landmarks associated 'Rinascita':Studies in his ReligiousPaintings for withthe Crucifixion ofSt Petersee Huskinson(as Romebetween 1589-1616', Ph.D. diss., Case Western inn. 89); P. Fehl,"Michelangelo's Crucifixion ofSt ReserveUniversity 1995, pp. 97-98 and 104. Peter:Notes on the Identification ofthe locale of the 96. Onthis drawing see L. Vertova, 'ALate Renais- Action',Art Bulletin , un, 1971,pp. 327-43; E. Parlato, sanceView of Rome', Burlington Magazine , cxxxvn, "Fontie paesaggiourbano nella Crocifissione di S. 1995,pp. 445-51. See alsoC. Huelsen,'Il Campi- Pietrodal medioevo alprimo Rinascimento', Lafigura doglioe il fororomano nell'immaginazione degli di San Pietronelle fonti del Medioevo , ed. L. Lazzari, artistidal secolo XV al XIX',Conferenze e prolusioni , Louvain-La-Neuve2001, pp. 524-48. The opinion of v,1908 pp. I-VIII.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 278 MOCKING SONNETS place.97 These stairs are perhaps the ones depicted in the copies fromthe painting and in the preliminarysketch. The referencein the poem to a prison ('prigion'), then, probably denotes the Mamertino, which was on the Capitoline hill on the left-handside of Palazzo Senatorio.98 Details such as the globe (perhaps the Palla Sansonis) and the balustrades in the background might suggest that the urban set- tingdepicted by Passignano is the area next to the Mamertino in the Campidoglio.99 If so, however,it is farfrom clear whythe decision was made to set the Crucifixionof St Peterin this area. Perhaps it was related to the process of christeningthe Campi- doglio which both Clement VIII and his nephew, Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini,had intenselypromoted.100 But it could also have been connected to a medieval legend, reportedby Baronio, maintainingthat St Peter had been imprisonedin the area next to the Mamertino: the same spot, as Baronio relates in his Martyriologiumromanům , was still a famous place of devotion in the late sixteenthcentury, and the faithful used to assemble there on the day of the death of St Peter.101 Whatever the case, in the view of the poet, the settingdepicted is unequivocally a mistake, and shows Passignano's insufficientreading of the story of St Peter's death.102Two other works of art on the same subject come to the poet's mind and are offeredto Passignano as exempla.The first,a positive model, is Michelangelo's Crucifixionof St Peterin the nearby Pauline Chapel (Fig. 8). Passignano is advised to go to the Pauline chapel to check the work of cil Bonarrota', who 'has never yet made mistakes'.103

97.On theScalae gemoniae see C. D'Onofrio, sottoil pontificato diSisto V', Il Campidoglioe Sisto V, RenovadoRomae. Storia e urbanisticadalCampidoglio exhib. cat., ed. L. Spezzaferroand M. E. Tittoni, all'Eur,Rome 1973, pp. 30-1. See also С. D'Onofrio, Rome1991, p. no. ScalinatediRoma , Rome 1974, pp. 92-100. 101.Cesare Baronio, Martyriologium romanům ad 98.Francesco Cancellieri, Notizie del Carcere novamkalendarii rationem, etEcclesiasticae Historiae Tullianodetto poi Mamertino alleradici del Campidoglio , veritatem restitutum .. . , Antwerp 1589, p. 287,IVNII Rome1855; G. Lugli,'Il CarcereMamertino. L'antica 29: 'Extimamusetenim non solum ipsas basilicas prigionedi Roma',Capitolium , vii, 1952, pp. 232-44; Apostolorumhac die populum frequentasse, sedvel CareerTullianum. Il Carcere Mamertino alForo Romano , locumubi Petrus cruci affixus est, vel Paulus capite ed.P. Fortini, Milan 1998. truncatus,aut ipsum carceremsacrosanctum 99.I amgrateful toAnna Bedon who kindly gave redditum,ubi uterquediu detentusest (ut hodie meher opinion on the setting depicted by Passignano videmus)adisse praedictae enim omnes antique as a probablereference tothe Campidoglio. memoriaenon solum in ipso natali die Apostolorum 100.Pietro Adobrandini had laid the first stone of sed et peroctavas a coetufidelium in hancdiem thenew palace of the Conservators (see Filippo de ardentipietatis studio visitantur'. Onthe legend of St Rossi,Ritratto diRoma moderna , Rome 1645, p. 407) Peter'simprisonment inthe Mamertino see E. Josi, and,in his office of Camerlengo, played an important 'Pietro Apostolo - IX. Leggende',Enciclopedia rolein the artistic commissions forthe Campidoglio; Cattolica , 1423-24. Baronio promoted the legend in see TheDictionary ofArt , ed. J. Turner, 1,New York hisMartyriologium , dedicating a long dissertation toa 2006,s.v. Aldobrandini, Pietro, pp. 595-96. The pro- descriptionof the old Capitolium(pp. 118-25), cessof christening theCampidoglio is also attested includinga topographicalstudy on the Career byBaronio (as in n. 59), hi, p. 84-85: 'Vaticanus collis Tullianum, which he identifiedwith the Mamertino mutaturin Capitolium,vel potius Capitolio auctus (p. 121).He discussedthe legend too in his Annales estmons Vaticano'; see P. J. Jacks, 'Baronius and the (as in n. 59, I, pp. 651,666), yet in his detailed AntiquitiesofRome', in Baronio e l'arte (as inn. 12), dissertationofthe topic Baronio never claimed that p. 88. On the renewedinterest of popesin the St Peterwas martyred in this area (ibid., pp. 631, Campidogliowith the aim of christening theancient 669-71).See also above, n. 89. Romanlandmarks see S. EnsoliVittozzi and C. Parisi 102.Appx I.3, w. 6-7. Presicce,'Il reimpiegodell'antico sul colle capitolino 103.Appx I.3, w. 27-29.

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8. Michelangelo,The Crucifixion ofSt Peter. Pauline Chapel in the Vatican

If that statementis relevantin the contextof the controversialfortuna of Michel- angelo's religiousworks/04 the poet's second, negativeexample, is remarkableas one of the earliest criticismsof Caravaggio 's famous altarpiece for the Cerasi chapel in S. Maria del Popolo (Fig. 9), or of its firstversion, the lost Crucifixionof St Peter later bought by Cardinal Giacomo Sannesio.105Caravaggio is accused of having set the crucifixionof St Peter underground ('sotto terra'), a comment which probably refersto his dark manner.106It is worth rememberingthat, according to Baldinucci,

104.On thefortuna of Michelangelo'sPauline CappellaCerasi e il Caravaggio,in Caravaggio, Chapelsee P. Barocchi,La Vitadi Michelangelo nelle Carraccie Maderno (as inn. 62), pp. 9-34. redazionidel 1550 e del1568 , 5 vols,Milan and Naples 106.Appx I.3, v. 32. It isworth remembering here 1962,in, p. 1415-24. thedescription ofCaravaggio's studio as 'unastanza 105.On Caravaggio's altarpiece and its first version conle parietecolorite di negro' (Mancini, p. 108);or see M. Cinotti,'Caravaggio, le opere',in I pittori 'dunklerGewölber oder anderer finsterer Zimmer bergamaschi:Il Seicento (I) (as inn. 69),pp. 535-37 dievon oben her ein einiges kleines Liecht hatten' and560-61; A. Vannugli, 'Caravaggio: l'ultima traccia ( J.von Sandrart, LAcademia Todesca della Architettura della"Crocifissione diS. Pietro"Sannesio', Bollettino Scultura e Pittura , Oder Ternsche Academie ..., Nurem- d'arte, cvii, 1999, pp. 103-09;L. Spezzaferro,'La berg1675, il, p. 189;Sybille Ebert-Schifferer kindly

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9. Caravaggio,The Crucifixion ofSt Peter.Church of S. Mariadel Popolo, Rome

Caravaggio had openly disapproved of Passignano's altarpiece. He went to St Peter's when the unfinishedwork was still covered and slashed the curtain with his sword, 107 revealingthe painting;then he went around Rome criticisingit fiercely. The story is probably apocryphal but may have some basis in truth. It is not unlikely that before the unveilingof the altarpiece in St Peter's (i.e., before 15 November 1604), Caravaggio, who had been commissioned to produce a paintingof the same subject, was interestedin seeing Passignano's composition forthe most importantchurch in Rome.108The practice of spyingon importantworks of art before theircompletion was a well-establishedhabit, hence the special measures taken by the Congregation of St Peter's to preventit happening forthe altarpieces of the Petrine cycle (which, because of theirhuge dimensions,had to be painted in situ).109Seventeenth-century drewmy attention toSandrarťs description). Cf.also 108.For the hypothesis that Caravaggio 's altarpiece Bellori(as in n. 64), p. 217, who statesthat wasnot installed in S. Mariadel Popolo until May Caravaggio'non faceva mai uscire all'aperto del sole 1605see Mignosi Tantillo (as inn. 62), p. 60. alcunadelle sue figure' and that some older painters 109.ASR, Archivio dei 30 Notari Capitolini , Ufficio 'noncessavano di sgridareil Caravaggioe la sua 38,V.5, fol. 8241* (contract of Tommaso Laureti, 18 maniera,divolgando ch'egli non sapeva uscir fuori Sept.1604): 'Che detti111. mi SS.rideputati siano dallecantine'. tenutia fargli fare le ponti securi et boni .. . conforme 107.Baldinucci (as inn. 23), ih, p. 447. similealli altri pittori acciò che non si possavedere

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10.Guido Reni, The Crucifixion ofSt Peter. Pinacoteca Vaticana biographers report that Caravaggio 's altarpiece in its turn generatecithe rivalriesof other artists, among them d'Arpino, the 'declared enemy' of Caravaggio. The Cavaliere now promoted Guido Reni forthe commission to paint a Crucifixionof St Peterat S. Paolo alle Tre Fontane (see Fig. 10): he reassured the patron that Reni would be 'transformedinto Caravaggio' and would paint the work in that 'strongly contrasted and dark style'.110In light of this circumstance,it seems very likelythat l'opraimperfetta come si costuma et come si farà agli ed. G. Zanotti,3 vols,Bologna 1841, 11, p. 13:'... altri'.See Chappell and Kirwin, p. 159,no. 2. massimedal dettoArpini, che per far anche con- no. Passeri(as in n. 22), pp. 66-67; С. C. Malvasia, trapostoal Caravaggiosuo dichiarato nemico, si era Felsinapittrice. Vite de' pittori bolognesi (Bologna 1678), postoa portarlo;procacciandogli anco que' lavori

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 282 MOCKING SONNETS in criticising Caravaggio's own Crucifixionof St Peter, the sonnet addressed to Passignano would have delightedd'Arpino and his circle. D'Arpino would also have enjoyed the criticismof Vanni and Roncalli.111At the 'tail' of the sonnet, Passignano is invited to pack his things and go back to Florence, Vanni is ironicallydefined as 'beams', while Roncalli is insulted as a 'barn-owl' and as an artistwho 'no one ever liked'.112

VI. Mockery and censorship

The many cross referencesin the three mocking poems suggest that the textswere conceived in the same milieu.Furthermore, the defensivenote of municipal loyalty, frequentlysounded in the sonnets, implies that they come froma Roman environ- ment. Finally,the attackson Roncalli and Vanni may lead us to suspect thatd'Arpino had a role in the commission of the texts.There can be littledoubt that the network of artisticrivalries, so powerfulin earlyseventeenth-century Rome,113 is the principal context in which lies the poets' motivation.Yet their criticismis not confined to sniping over stylisticand personal matters,for the sonnets also deal with icono- graphical mistakes and with the decision to bring in painters from outside Rome. This mightsuggest the poets' intentionto lampoon not only the artistsbut also the patrons of the Petrine cycle, that is, Clement VIII and those cardinals who played a role in the commission. The emphasis on issues of decorum could have been in- tended, then, as a sarcastic comment on the intense actions promoted by Clement in the wake of theTridentine decrees.114 Like poems which praised works of art, mocking poems could be instruments for expressing personal, political or social aims, since works of art displayed in an importantpublic contextoften had to accomplish tasks beyond the merelyaesthetic. The most famous example in this respect is the shower of verses which ridiculed Bandinelli's Herculesand Cacus (completed in 1534), with the ultimate intentionof attacking the newly restored Medici government.115The continuing popularity of stessiche al Caravaggiointendeva esser destinati; in. Forthe bitter relationship between d'Arpino comepor avvenne del S. PietroCrocefisso alle tre andthese artists see above, nn. 25 and 28; and Baldi- Fontanefuor di Roma,promettendo egli al Card. nucci(as inn. 23), hi, pp. 452-53 (followed by Delia Borgheseche sarebbesi Guido trasformato nelCara- Valle,as inn. 40, p. 340),who reports that d'Arpino vaggioe l'avrebbefatto di quellamaniera cacciata e wasalso very jealous of Vanni. scura.. Forthe adjective 'cacciata' see F. Baldinucci, 112.Appx I.3, w. 37-40,47. On thebarbagiani VocabolarioToscano dell'arte del disegno , Florence 1681, ('barn-owl')epithet see n. 204. p. 134:'I Pittoridicono ricacciare, in significatodi 113.See B. L. Brown,'The Black Wings of Envy: caricaredi scurile fattepitture, per dare ad esse Competition,Rivalry and paragone ', in TheGenius of maggiorrilievo, le qualiperciò si diconoricacciate'. Rome1592-1623 , ed. eadem, exhib. cat., London 2001, See alsoW. Friedlaender, 'The "CrucifixionofSt. pp.250-73. Peter":Caravaggio and Reni', this Journal, vili, 1947, 114.Following Clement's pastoral visit and Rusti- pp.152-60; S. Pepper,'Caravaggio and Guido Reni: cucci's'Edict on Altars and Paintings', itis notsur- ContrastinAttitudes', Art Quarterly , xxxiv, 1971, pp. prisingthat the patronage ofthe pope was scrutinised 327-28.Reni's painting was started in Nov. 1604 and undera magnifyingglass. See Beggiao(as inn. 92), completedinAug. 1605; see S. Pepper,Guido Reni , pp. 70-74and notesfor the actions promoted by Oxford1984, p. 215.D'Arpino himself had probably ClementVIII inthe churches of Rome, including St triedto compete with Caravaggio's night scenes; see Peter's.On Rusticucci's decree see n. 92 above. M. Spagnolo,Correggio. Geografia e storia della fortuna (1528-1657)1Cinisello Balsamo 2005, pp. 174-79.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MADDALENA SPAGNOLO 283 such anonymous postings is witnessed not only by the poems attackingthe Petrine altarpieces but, some twenty-fouryears later, by a furtherexample. In this case a piece of scurrilouswriting was reportedlyfound by a workman of the Fabbrica of St Peter's, pinned up next to Gaspare Celio 's altarpiece forthe baptismal chapel a few days afterits unveilingin October 1628. The textnot only criticisedthe paintingbut also blamed the Congregation and its ministers.The Cardinals of the Congregation declared their utmost willingness to discover and punish the author, and ordered the man who had found it not to show it to anyone.116 Poems mockingworks of art were probably considered as illegal as any othertext which undermined someone's honour. Pasquinades were condemned both in the Indices of the Inquisition and in the bandi of the Roman governorsfrom the mid- sixteenthcentury onwards;117during the pontificateof Clement VIII, the stricture against libellerswas confirmedby the edict of FerdinandoTaverna, governorof Rome at that time.118The persistence of the problem of libel among artistsis witnessed by the rules of the Roman Academy of St Luke (1607), which specificallyforbade the enrolmentof any artistwho had 'writtenor asked someone to writeagainst the profes- sors of the Academy'.119 As one result of this illegal status, ephemeral texts mocking works of art were quickly destroyedby the authorities,so we can claim to know only littleof what was actuallyproduced.120 It is fortunatethat a fewtranscriptions have survived,although theyare oftencorrupted versions of originalswhich have sadly been lost.The words of d'Arpino's associate, who copied the sonnets in St Peter's at dawn- probably standing in frontof the altarpieces, fearingto be discovered by the authorities- betray the difficultyhe faced by transcribing (and possibly understanding) the texts.121As we have seen, he claimed that he did his best to copy everydetail of the poems and theirscript. He added that many copies could be seen in Rome; thus we may surmise that the texts passed from hand to hand, and were written and rewritten,probably often afterhaving been learned by heart.122In this respect, the

' 115.See L. Waldman,Miracol novo et raro: Two Quadri,Statue, Disegni, Sonetti ... nell'Academia, UnpublishedContemporary Satires on Bandinelli's senzalicenza del Prencipe... . Che nonsi possa Herculesand Caccus' Mitteilungen desKunsthistorischen ammettere, ne ricever per Académico alcuno, che InstitutesinFlorenz , xxxviii, 1994, pp. 420-27; and G. havessescritto о fattoscrivere contra li professori Masi,'Le statueparlanti del Cavaliere e altri prodigi dell'Academia,o insolentato con parole alcun Officiale pasquineschifiorentini', inEx mármore(as inn. 43), in essaAcademia o haverádata о daràfuori, о in pp.221-74. stampa,о a manoscrittura contra la reputationedi 116.The scrap of paper is nowlost; the incident is questiprofessori Academici .. .'. knownfrom a report addressed to CardinalScipione 120.Mocking poems are usually not transcribed in Borghese,now in St Peter's Archive; the complete text contemporarywritings, probably because of their ofthe letter (18 Oct 1628) is published by Rice (as in illegalityorbecause of their lack of literary decorum. n.5), p. 188. Bycontrast, poems praising works of art are willingly 117.See G. Fragnito,'Censura ecclesiastica e quoted:e.g., the verses praising Guercino's Burial pasquinate',inEx mármore(as in n. 43), pp. 181-86. ofSt Petronilla inSt Peter's,which were attached on 118.Scrittura e popolo nella Roma barocca 1585-1721 , the walls next to thework and then transcribed by ed.A. Petrucci, Rome 1982, p. 24, no. 73: '1599 [1600] Torrigio(as inn. 60,fol. i89v; cited by Rice, as inn. dicembre28. Contro detrattori della fama, et honor 5,p. 57 n. 47). d'altriin lettere d'avisi, versi, prose, ò altrimente'. 121.See above, n. 27, letter A. 119.The document iscited by Z. Wazbinsky, L'Acca- 122.See above,nn. 27-28. Of course the rhymes demiamedicea del disegno , 2 vols, Florence 1987, 11, p. andthe metric of sonetto caudato were intended to 514: 'Nissunacadémico possa porre о farporre facilitatelearning by heart.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 284 MOCKING SONNETS record of the trial generated by the mocking sonnets against Baglione is illumi- nating.123One of the painters accused of having writtenthe poems declared that when he copied one of the texts,which was writtenon both sides of a quarter page, in minute handwriting,he wrote it in largercharacters and condensed severalverses into one, so he produced only a half-page poem.124As far as we know,most artists of the seventeenthcentury would not have been skilled enough to writesonnets like the ones published here. Poems such as these,which show skilledversification, a rich vocabulary and familiaritywith educated culture, were perhaps commissioned by artists but not personally writtenby them.125Our modern concept of authorship should, therefore,be discarded when consideringephemeral textsof this kind,which were probably the co-production of two or more people. This also explains why the authorities often had problems identifyingwho was liable for the texts; already in 1564 the rules against the authors of pasquinades were extended to cover 'anyone who writes, or copies or keeps the said libelli.And anyone who attaches them in whatever place, or recites them, or who finds them and does not detach them immediately'.126 It was permissible forpoems which praised works of art to be posted in situ (as in the famous case of the Coryciana) , but this was nothing more than a cultivated divertissementsince they could also be published legally, or given by hand to the artist or to the patron concerned.127For poems which mocked art, the practice of attachment in situwas their only means of broadcast. In an era when printingwas still the privilege of the few,fly-posting offered a rare chance to make one's poems public, without incurringthe time and costs of publication. This method preserved the author's anonymityand allowed him to be relativelyfree not only fromcensor- ship but also from the rules of literarydecorum, which were usually respected in printedworks. Nevertheless, just as forpasquinades, which were not expressions of popular protestagainst the Curia but instead the product of divergentfactions within a cultivated milieu,128 so too poems mocking works of art were not the response of

123.In the record of the trial it was said that in that 126.'...sotto pena della confiscatone ditutti i suoi case,the sonnets were learned by heart: see Filippo beni,nella quale pena incorrerà anchora ciascuno Trisegni'saccount, published by Cinotti, 'Fonti docu- chescrivesse, о copiasse, о tenessedetti Libelli. Et mentariee letterarie' (as inп. 44),p. 154,F. 49. ciascunoche li attaccain quaisi voglialuoco, dove 124.Ibid., Trisegni: 'ma io nonme ne intendendosaranno attaccati, о li recitará, о chi li troverà & non li allevolte de più versi ne facevo uno'; 'un'altra poesia distaccaràsubito ... & nonli porterà immediatamente .. . cheera in un quarto d'un foglio scritto per il longo cosìstaccati a esso Monsignor Governatore ...se bene da unaparte et l'altra di letteraminuta ... glienefeci lisopradetti, о alcuni d'essi, non havessero fatti i detti unacopia in quel modo che me ne recordai ma non Libelli,о non sapessero chi l'havesse fatti .. .' Citedby eragiusto che feci lettera più grossa et me pare che Fragnito(as in п. 117),p. 183п. 8. fussein mezzo foglio'. 127.See Spagnolo(as inп. 43),p. 331.There is a 125.As we learn from Trisegni, students in Rome widebibliography onthe Coryciana; see, at least,J. couldsometimes becommissioned towrite poems of Coricius,Coryciana , ed. J. Ijsewijn, Rome 1997; G. thiskind: 'me rispose che l'haveva fatto [the sonnet Perini,'Carmi inediti su Raffaelloe sull'arte della againstBaglione] un giovane che andava alla logica о primametà del Cinquecento a Roma e Ferrarae il allafisica che era un valent'huomo et. . . chem'haveria mondodei Coryciana', Römische Jahrbuch derBiblio- fattofare anco qualche sonetto per qualche donna se thecaHertziana , xxxil, 1997-98 (2002), pp. 367-407. iolo volevo ...' (ibid.).Close contact with contempor- 128.See G. Aquilecchia,'Introduzione' to Pasqui- arypoets is, however, attested inthe case of d'Arpino, nateromane del Cinquecento , ed.V. Marucci, A. Marzo whobelonged to theAccademia degli Humoristi, and A. Romano, 2 vols, Rome 1983, 1, p. xiii. foundedс. 1603;see Röttgen (as inп. 25),pp. 136- 38,with bibliography.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MADDALENA SPAGNOLO 285 the mob to public works of art. Like the pasquinades theirnature was conservative, articulatingcommentary according to classical criteriasuch as decorum, harmony of proportion, clarityof iconography and the artist's skill in evoking emotions in the viewer.129As we have seen, the criticismexpressed in the poems here published was, in many respects, fairlyconventional, recalling the pedantic lists of painters' 'mistakes' compiled by Counter Reformationwriters on art such as Giovanni Andrea Gilio and Gabriele Paleotti.130Yet since the sonnets deal with concrete aspects of the works of art concerned, thereforethey can bring togetherwide range of hetero- geneous informationwhich offersa peculiar insight into the debates arising from the unveilingof public works of art.

VII. A sonnetaddressed to Domenico da Modena ( and a note on theBreeches-Maker)

Another poem, published here as Appendix II, is preserved in the same British Library codex and is writtenin the same seventeenth-centuryhand as the sonnets on the Petrine altarpieces.131It has, however,nothing to do with those sonnets.The original textwas writtenwhen Domenico da Modena (Domenico Carnevali, 1524- 79) was completinga restorationof Raphael's frescoof Isaiah (Fig. 11) in the church of S. Agostino in Rome.132The firsttwo quartine of the sonnet express sarcastic acclamation of Domenico, who had been granted the rightto 'retouch' Raphael's work and had done so in a judicious way; but fromthe ninth verse onwards, it is clear that this ostensible praise hides a criticalattack. Domenico is accused of being a modest painter who was 'too presumptuous', having dared to touch such an importantwork of art as the Isaiah.133The 'tail' of the sonnet clarifiesthat, far from having attained a high reputation for his work, he will be recorded merely as the ordinary painter who 'mended' Raphael's masterpiece. Intriguingly,however, the poet refersto a wider polemic on the restoration,warning Domenico against people who are so angrywith him that they are going to thrashhim.134

129.See Spagnolo (as inn. 43), pp. 327 , 348. Benati,'Due artistisassolesi: Domenico Carnevali e 130.See Gilio(as inn. 58);and Paleotti (as inn. GiacomoCavedoni', in QB - Quadernidella Biblio- 43). Cf.Michele Lonigo's sharp use ofirony in his teca,Sassuolo , 1993, i, pp.41-52; G. Mancini,'Per letterto Pope Urban VIII abouttwo altarpieces inSt DomenicoCarnevali (1524-1579)', ibid., 1996, 2, pp. Peter's:I. Herklotz, 'Michele Lonigo als Kunstkritiker: 103-08. zu einerhistoristischen Rezeption der Altarbilder von 133.The importance attached to the Isaiah in the Sacchiund Passignanoin St. Peter',Ars naturam 16th and 17thcenturies is attestedby thecopies adiuvans:Festschrift fürMatthias Winner zum 11. März andengravings from it. For an engravingof1592 by 1996, ed. V. von Flemming and S. Schütze,Mainz am HendrikGoltzius see Raphael invenit , exhib. cat., ed. Rhein,1996, pp. 413-29. G. BerniniPezzini, S. Massariand S. ProsperiValenti 131.This poemhas alreadybeen published by Rodino,Rome 1985, pp. 146-47.In his 'Lifeof Shearman,11,pp. 1410-11, but with a fewmistakes in Taddeo',Federico Zuccari chose to portray Raphael thetranscription, andwithout any comment on the inthe persona of his Isaiah ; see J. Brooks, 'The Early artistDomenico Carnevali da Modena. Lifeof Taddeo Series', in Taddeo and Federico Zuccaro: 132.The sonnetwas written while Domenico was Artist-BrothersinRenaissance Rome , ed, idem, exhib. actuallyrestoring the work, as clarifieditsthird verse cat.,Los Angeles 2007, p. 36.See also L. Salerno,'II (AppxII, v.3: 'andateritoccando le pitture', a verb profetaIsaia di Raffaello e il puttodell'accademia di witha presentcontinuous meaning). On Domenico S. Luca',Bollettino d'arte , i960, p. 83. see A. Lugli,'Carnevale Domenico', in Dizionario 134.Appx II, w. 15 and 21 referto otherswho Biograficodegli Italiani , xx, Rome 1977, p. 46; D. criticisedDomenico's work.

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As we learn fromthe writerFrancesco Forciroli(1560/1-1624),135 a fellow-citizen of Domenico, the artistrestored Raphael's Isaiah 'wonderfully',yet some 'verydefam- atoryverses' were written,criticising Domenico on the grounds that other painters, who mighthave been esteemed more excellentthan he, had not the audacity to carry out the task. According to Forciroli, Domenico was deeply wounded by the verses. Their authorwas eventuallyfound and killed,'no one knowsby whom'.136Domenico's reported reaction to the verses,together with Forciroli's descriptionof them as 'very defamatory'and the violent end of theirauthor, all suggest that they should not be identifiedwith the elegant sonnet published here.They were probablymore insulting than the sonnet, which might explain why they have not survived,probably having been destroyed.Forciroli states thatthey were published ('pubblicati'), but thisneed not mean that theywere printed.More likely,they were made public in the manner described above; forexample, theywere passed fromhand to hand or posted in situ. We should rememberthat it was next to Raphael's frescoin S. Agostino where more than one hundred poems (the Coryciana) had been posted in the early sixteenth century. It is not known when the Isaiah was restored,or, therefore,when the sonnet was written.137Domenico is documented in Rome in 1553 and intermittentlybetween 1565 and 1573, but his whereabouts between 1553 and 1564 are unknown.138A refer- ence in the sonnet to Lodovico Castelvetro, however, must date after 1558 and is 139 probably earlierthan 1570. At least from1566, Domenico was in Rome restoring importantfrescoes by Michelangelo. As Forcirolirelates, he workedon the Sacrificeof Noah on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel; and also on the Last Judgement^following the death of Daniele da Volterra(April 1566). 140

135.On Forciroli, who was in Rome from 1586 on- ofCaro's Apologia .. . contra M. Lodovico Castelvetro da wardsand who seems well-informed onCarnevali, see Modena(cited above, n. 57). The following year, Castel- S. Cavicchioli,'Le 'Vite':Fortuna di un genere lette- vetropublished his Ragione d'alcune cose segnate nella rarionella cultura del Cinquecento'; and G. Mancini, canzoned'Annibal Caro, Venite aVombra degran gigli 'Notebiografiche suFrancesco Forciroli', inF. Forci- d'oro(Modena 1559), which was followed by a shower roli,Vite dei modenesi illustri , ed. S. Cavicchioli,Modena ofpolemic sonnets: see E. Garavelli,'Riflessi polemici, 2007,pp. 7-20 and 21-24. The ^te werewritten after difesadel fiorentino e culto di Dantein una lettera 1586and before 1622: see Cavicchioli, ibid., p. 9. ineditadi LucaMartini a Vincenzio Borghini', Neu- 136.Forciroli, ibid., p. 164: 'Il medesimoDomenico philologischeMitteilungen, cviii,2007, pp. 709-28 (711 accomodòilProfeta diRaffaello d'Urbino in S. Agos- n. 10);and E. Garavelli,'Prime scintille tra Caro e tino,guasto in molti luoghi; et con tutto ciò che da lui Castelvetro(1554-1555)'} in Parlarl'Hdioma soave '. fosseracconcio mirabilmente, fuperò da moltibiasi- Studidi filologia s letteratura e storia della lingua offerti manteil suoardire, poiché ad altri,stimati forse più a GianniA. Papini, ed. M. Pedroni,Novara 2003, at eccellentidi lui,non era bastato l'animo, di maniera p. 145.As EnricoGaravelli has kindly suggested to chefurono ancora fatti contro di lui,et pubblicati, me,Castelvetro 's reputation forpedantry was mainly versimolto infamatori, l'autore de' quali,essendosi connectedtohis polemic against Caro (rather than his saputo,non molto tempo dopo fu ammazzato, da chi 'Giuntafatta al ragionamento degli articoli etde' verbi nonsi seppe. Domenico, vedendo che il felice et buon di MesserPietro Bembo', published in Modenain effettodella sua arte era così malamente premiato, ne 1563,or his 'Correttione d'alcune cose del "Dialogo presetal dolore, che maggiore non ne ebbe mai'. dellelingue" di Benedetto Varchi', published posthu- 137.Shearman, 11,pp. 1410-11, does not explain his mouslyin 1572). This reputation diminished inthe late suggesteddating for the sonnet of 'c. 1595'. 1560s and with the publication ofhis Poetica d'Aristotile 138.See Mancini, 'Per Domenico Carnevali' (as in (Vienna1570). n.132), pp. 103, 105 and 106. Carnevali isdocumented 140.Carnevali joined Girolamo Gambatelli daFano inModena in 1564. inthe work of restoring theLast Judgement, continuing 139.See Appx II, 11.9-11 and n. 211.The terminus after Gambatelli's death. The account of Forciroli (as postquern of 1558 is given by the year of the publication in n. 135),pp. 164-65, is themost detailed we have:

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li. Churchof S. Agostino,Rome, with Raphael's Isaiah.

'essendomorto ilVolterra e Pio IV quasinelFistesso Documentazionie Interpretazioni , Novara 1999, 2 vols, tempo,Pio V, per i favoridel cardinale Rusticuccio, h p. 30; and G. Colalucci,'Lo statodell'affresco prima inluogo del Volterra diede l'assunto ad unGirolamo dell'intervento',ibid.,at p. 121. It is worth quoting the da Fano,giovine assai valente, il quale per attendere neglectedsource reported byV. Forcella, Iscrizioni delle a piaceripiù comodamente, si serviva di Domenico Chiesee d'altri edifici diRoma dal secolo XI fino ai nostri Carnevale...'.Cardinal Rusticucci came from Carto- giorni^14 vols, Rome 1869-84, 1,p. 348, no. 1342, on ceto,a villagenear Fano; this probably explains his an inscriptiononce legible on a votivepainting in S. intercessionforGambatelli. For Carnevali's interven- Maria del Popolo: 'mentre m. dominico da modena tionin the Last Judgement seealso F. Mancinelli,'La CONCIAVALE PITVRE RVINATE IN CAPELLA DEL PAPA storia,la tecnicaesecutiva e gli antichi interventi di VALDASAROSVONIPOTE DE ANNI XI CADDE DEL PONTE E restauroe censura', inMichelangelo. La cappella Sistina. LIBERATO/MDLXVl'.

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Domenico's work on the Last Judgementis attested by his signatureon the oar of the figureof Caronte, which reads: CD С 1566'. It is not possible to say whether he worked on the Isaiah or the Last Judgementfirst, but Gaspare Celio, in his Memorie writtenbefore 1620, relates the two restorations.Celio claims that the Isaiah was retouched afterbeing damaged at the time of Pope Paul IV (1555-59). He does not name the artistresponsible, merelyreferring to him as 'N., known as the Breeches Maker (.Braghettone ) because he covered the obscenityon the figuresof Buonarroti's Last Judgement'. 141 From the mid-eighteenthcentury onwards, this artist CN.' has been identified with Daniele da Volterra, whose work on the Last Judgementis attested by Vasari and is well documented.142Celio certainlyknew about Daniele's interventionon the fresco,as he reported it elsewhere in his Memorie.In that pass- age, however,he referredto the artistby name. 143Therefore, it needs to be explained why Celio should have chosen to referto Daniele as the 'braghettone'when writing about the restorationof Raphael's Isaiah , but did not mention the nickname in the passage specificallyconcerning Daniele's restorationof Michelangelo's Last Judge- ment.Furthermore, there is no independent evidence of Daniele's restorationof the Isaiah (that is, apart fromthe interpretationof Celio's referenceto the retoucher's nickname); whereas thereare two reliable sources- the sonnet and the textof Forci- roli- which not only attestto its restorationby Domenico Carnevali but also report a polemical response to it.144Therefore, although it is possible that the Isaiah was,

141.Gaspare Celio, Memorie de nomi degli artefici his heirsand reportedby Vasari: '...avendo papa ...,Naples 1638, p. 16:'Il Profetanel Pelastro, dipinto PaoloIV volontàdi gettarein terrail Giudiziodi à secco,di RaffaelloSantio: fu guasto a tempodi Michelagnolo.. . trovoron modo che Daniello facesse PaoloIV. volendolo lavare il Sacristano,e dopo ri- lorcerti panni sottili che le coprissi,che tal cosa finì toccatoda N. dettoBraghettone perchè ricoperse poisotto Pio IV conrifar la SantaCaterina et il San l'oscenoalle figuredel giuditiodel bonaruotiper Biagio...': seeBarocchi, La Vitadi Michelangelo (asin ordinedel detto Pontefice, e consenso di esso Buona- n. 104),I, p. 273 and ih, pp. 1377-79. roti'.In factit wasnot Paul IV whoordered the 143.Celio (as in n. 141),p. 102:'...solo nel giuditio coveringofthe Last Judgement butPius IV (1559-6$), viè la testadi S. Biagiocon la vesteverde di Santa andafter Michelangelo's death, so without his agree- Caterinadella Ruota, di mano di Daniele da Volterra, ment;see R. De Maio,Michelangelo e la Controriforma , che fu rifatta all'hora, che si fecerole cupertealle Bari1978, p. 39.The decision to cover the obscenity partioscene'. ofthe Last Judgement wastaken on 21 Jan. 1564; the 144.Daniele's supposed restoration ofthe Isaiah scaffoldingforthe first stage of the work was in place hasnot been properly analysed in thebibliography from23 Aug.1564 to 8 Dec. 1565.On thegeneral dedicatedto the artist and is noteven mentioned by inaccuracyof Celio'sMemorie see E. Zocca,Intro- P. Barolsky,Daniele da Volterra:a catalogue raisonné , duzioneto thefacsimile edition published in Milan NewYork 1979; or by R. P. Ciardi and B. Moreschini, 19б7,p. IX. OnCelio's views on restoration generally Daniele Ricciarelli daVolterra: daVolterra a Roma , Milan seeF. Abbate,'Idee cinquecentesche e seicentesche 2004; or V. Romani,'Daniele da Volterraamico di sul restauro:Molano, Marino, Celio, Baldinucci', Michelangelo',inDaniele da Volterra amico di Michel- Paragone, xvi, no. 181, pp. 38-39. angelo, ed. V. Romani, exhib. cat., Florence 2003, pp. 142.See G.Vasari, ed. G. Bottari,Vite de' più eccel- 15-54.Cf. S. Dellantonio,'Regesto', in Danieleda lentipittori, scultori e architetti ..., 3 vols,Rome 1759- Volterraamico di Michelangelo,pp. 178-79 (also for 60,in, p. 140n. 1; andalso a letterfrom Bottari of Daniele'slost fresco in the Chapel of S. Elenain S. July1758, in Raccolta diLettere sulla pittura, scultura ed Agostino).The topic appears to be more discussed in architettura..., ed. idemand S. Ticozzi,7 vols,edn thebibliography dedicated toRaphael; for a summary Milan1822-25, m, p. 568.The identificationwith see Shearman,и, p. 1411. Forexample, A. Comoli, Danieleis not found either in Baldinucci (as in n. 23), Vitainedita di Raffaelloda Urbino, 2nd edn, Rome hi,pp. 436-37, nor in the note by Pierre-Jean Mariette 1791,p. 35 n. 44, suggests that the Michelangelesque inAscanio Condivi, Vita di Michelangelo Buonarroti , character of the Isaiah might be due to Daniele's ednFlorence 1746, p. 75.Daniele's work on the Last restoration.(Cf. G. Vasari,Le Vitede 3 più eccellenti Judgementin1565 is documented bytwo payments to pittori,architettori ... [1550], ed. P. Barocchiand R.

This content downloaded from 193.62.17.26 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 10:05:19 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MADDALENA SPAGNOLO 289 within a briefperiod - between the late 1550s and 1570- restored by both Daniele and Domenico, it is also possible that the 'breeches maker' to whom Celio refers explicitlywas not Daniele da Volterra,author of 'certi panni sottili'in Vasari's words, but Domenico Carnevali, who in recentstudies has been creditedwith a less discreet interventionon the Last Judgement.1*5Being the most famous of the artists who restoredMichelangelo's fresco,and the only one whose workwas recorded byVasari, Daniele was easily tarredwith the bad reputation,but it is likelythat the same nick- name 'braghettone' was also applied to Domenico, and to Girolamo Gambatelli da Fano, if not to all the followingpainters employed to cover the obscene parts of the Last Judgement.146 In a veryfew, fortunate cases, more or less correcttranscriptions of contempor- ary mocking tracts and poems reach us, providing an insightinto the livelydebate which sorrounded the unveiling of important works of art; in other cases only an evocative epithet, such as 'breeches-maker', is passed on. The memory of these critical responses to works of art was preserved mainly because of theirwitty tone which facilitatedlearning by heart, and thus their oral circulation.As for the nick- name 'il Braghettone' it was so well-chosen, in its midway between sarcasm and playfulness,having the power to synthétiséan otherwise dramatic chapter of the historyof images, that it needed nothing more than Celio's briefmention to gain a secure place in almost any modern study on Michelangelo's Last Judgement.

AppendicesI-II followoverleaf.

Bettarini,6 vols in 9, Florence 1966-87, iv, pp. 176- vegno,ed. K. Weil-Garris Brandt), p. 23,who claims 77:'avendo Bramante la chiavedella cappella [Sis- thatDaniele's interventions were limited to 'le più tina],a Rafaello,come amico, la fecevedere, acciò finie moltopoche', the remainder being attributable chei modidi Michele Agnolo comprendere potesse. tolater painters who worked on the fresco. Barocchi, Ondetal vista fu cagione che in SantoAgostino .. . La Vitadi Michelangelo (as in n. 104),hi, pp. 1378- Rafaellosùbito rifece di nuovo lo Esaiaprofeta che ci 79,reports that Daniele's work on theLast Judge- sivede, che di già lo avevafinito; la qualeopera, per mentwas judgeddiscreet already by 18th-century lecose vedute di Michele Agnolo, migliorò etingrandì commentators.Seealso F. SricchiaSantoro, 'Daniele fuordi modo la manierae diedeli più maestà'.) More daVolterra', Paragone , xviii, no. 213, 1967, p. 30. recently,and after the 1959 restoration ofthe Isaiah , 146.On Daniele'sbad reputationsee Salvator Salerno(as inn. 133),p. 88,pointed out the Emilian Rosa'sSatire on Painting , written с. 1650: 'E purera characterofthe work, but was unaware of Domenico's unerror sì brutto e grande/ che Daniel dipoi fece da restoration. sarto/in quelGiudizio a lavorarmutande' {Satire e 145.For the differences between the various 16th- vitadi SalvatorRosa , ed. A. M. Salvini,Florence centuryinterventions seeColalucci (as inn. 140),p. J833,p. 180).For a synthesisofall theartists who 137;and A. M. De Strobel,'Documenti sugli inter- restoredthe fresco see B. Biagettiin D. RedigDe ventidi restaurodal Cinquecentoal Settecento', in Camposet al., Il GiudizioUniversale diMichelangelo , Michelangelo,la Cappella Sistina: documentazione e 2 vols,Rome 1944, 1, p. 143;and Barocchi, La Vitadi interpretazioni, 3 vols, Novara 1994, hi (attidel con- Michelangelo(asin n. 104),ill, pp. 1378-79.

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Appendices: Texts of the Mocking Sonnets

Criteriaof transcription:I have not adjusted the text to moderncriteria (therefore, I have retained the etymologicalh as wellas doubleletters). Capitalisation ofletters has been modernised, however, as has the punctuationhas beenmodernised, with additions as necessary.Integrations are indicated within square bracketsand abbreviations areexpanded within angle brackets.

Appendix I

(i) Anonymous,A FrancescoVanni sopra il suoquadro in San Pietro (BritishLibrary MS King's323, fol. 204г)

Meter:sonetto caudato (sonettessa) . Scheme: ABBA ABBA CDC DCD dEE eFFfGG ... qRR Date:1604 [ante 26 March] Variantreadings: This version of the sonnet differs from that preserved in ASC,Processo (the record of d'Arpino'strial: see above, n. 26).Important variant readings, and differences between my reading of ASC, Processoand that of Sickel (p. 188) are cited in the footnotes. A FrancescoVanni sopra il suoquadro in San Pietro147 Vanni,che pensifar? Il magocasca qua giù fraquesti ammazza cinq о sei, gigantiin ariae in terrapigmei!148 e che son quei che in capo han tantafrasca? Ogn'unquivi s'intrica così ci infrasca:?149 5 qui son fanciullesperse, 150 balie e Dei non è già il tempodei Bartolamei151 chevói che il coloritosol ci pasca!152 Perduttohai l'invention,et il disegno da te è fuggitto,e tutti n'hai beffato 10 sì comeil Pomaranciosenz'ingegno.153 E purla crocein premion'hai portato! La qual ti dà fastidioe poreipegno154 che con essa al manteltu sei intrigato.155 A dirloio son sforzano,156 15 per(chè)l'opra stroppia qui nel duomdi Pietro [tu]157per fischiar158 ogn'un mille anni dietro.159

147.[A Francesco ... SanPietro ] ASC, Processo : Al coloritosol(o) ci pasci | Sickel:Ho(r)a è giàil tempo Vanni de Bartholomei/che recavachel colorito solci [?] 148.[Vanni ... pigmei!]ASC, Processo : Vanni che pasci pensifare se il magocasca/ qui giù tra questi uccide 15.[Perdutto ... ingegno] ASC, Processo : Perduta cinqо sei/Giganti in aria et nel basso pigmei | Sickel: hail'invenzione etil dissegno/ date è fugitoet tutti n' quigiù tra questi vecide (vicende) cinque о sei haibeffato/ si come il pomarancio senza ingegno | 149.[e cheson ... infrasca]infrascare : to entangle Sickel:Da teè fugitoet tutti n haibelfatto withsuperfluous ornament (see Tommaseo,и, p. 154.porei pegno: I would bet 1505:Pucc.Cel. 34.66; Fortig. Ricciard. 2.23: 'caricare 155.[E purla croce... intrigato]A reference to chicchesiadivani ornamenti, avviluppare') thetitle of Knight of Christ (see n. 40 above)| ASC, 150.[sperse] sperse' lost. | ASC,Processo , and Sickel: Processo: E purla crocein premion'hai portato/ la sperbe(?) qualti dà fastidioe portapegno/ che con essa al 151.[è ... il tempodei Bartolamei] To be simple- manteltu intricato mindedand silly(see: dal tempodi Bartolomeo, 156.[A ... sforzatto]ASC, Processo : Dirtelo io son Tommaseo,1.2, p. 879:S al v. Grand. 2.3) forzato 152.[non è giàil tempo ... cipasca!] ASC, Processo : 157-[tu] MS: Tre (or: Tie) nonè giàil tempo de Bartholomei/ cherecava che (i)l 158.fischiar, toopenly disapprove

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E' così foscoe tetro100 il tuo pensier,puoiché nissun l'intende ma in dirche sia ben goffoognun l'apprende!101 20 Nè alcunda te depende162 se ben ti scusiche non sia fornitta163 l'oprache sarebbepiù polita. L'hai fattatroppo tritta son tuttiNani e' puoi fatt'haiNerone, 25 che fuordel palco104al popol faun sermone. A basso po'165un buffone ne mostriignudo che non sa che farsi, onde di quantosai, può166 ognun specchiarsi! Oh Dio se finorl6?scarsi168 30 de pittorie partitiо se uno a pena se ne trovasse,si girrebbe109a Siena. Mi pensaiche granvenna170 tu havessidi pittura,e puoi m'accorsi che invertu sei un bel pittorda torsi!171 35 Non sapevaforsi,172 un pittorqua di Roma senzafare san Pietroe Paolo di tua manstropiare?173 V'è puoi che non può stare che Pietrofosse cosi picciolfante 40 il Pomarancioalmen lo fagigante! Hora,fra tutte quante le vostrefigurine e figurone non se ne può raccapastaredue174 de bone. Dicono le persone 45 e diconbene et io ve ne consiglio, come se ognundi voi mi fossefiglio,175 Hor che dattodi piglio176 havetealle monetee messein tasca l'un vada a Siena e l'altroa Bergamasca. 50

159.[tu ... dietro]ASC, Processo : Et perfischiarli 169.[Girrebbe] gire , ire (Latin): to go. | ASC, ogniun mill 'anni dietro Processo: gioirebbe ['would be delighted'] 160.[E' ... tetro]ASC, Processo : nel tutt fosco e 170.[Mi pensai... venna]vena : vein. | ASC, tetro Processo: Mi pensai chi gratia vena 161.[l'apprende] ASC, Processo : l'apprende | Sickel: 171.[torsi] torre : take away; but also a punwith sapprende torso, to mean'uomo che non vale niente' (Tom- 162.[nè ... dipende]ASC, Processo : Ne alcunda te maseo,IV. 2, p. 1517:Pucc. Centil.78.18) leprende 172.[Non ... forsi]forsi : i.e., /orse | ASC, Processo 163.[fornitta] ASC, Processo : finita misseshere the entire verse 164.[palco] ASC, Processo : balzo 173.[un pittor ... stroppiare]ASC, Processo: Un ï65. [po']ASC, Processo : poi pittorqui di Romasenza fare/ di tuaman' Pietro e 166.[può] ASC, Processo : più Paulostropiare 167.[finor] ASC, Processo : fosser. 174.[raccapastar due] To puttwo together | ASC, 168.After this line ASC, Processohas: Al Poma Processo: recapezzar doi Rancio/Rendi il Turco à Federicoо Christofaro[all 175.[come ... figlio]ASC, Processo : Come se ogn ofthese words are crossed out except for 'Rancio']. un'di voi me fusse figlio | Sickel: Come l'ogni un' di Thisis in fact the incipit of the next sonnet, addressed voine fusse figlio to Roncalli:see Appx 1. 2, v. 1.The following line in 176.[datto di piglio] pigliare : to take ASC,Processo is the same as theMS: de pittori... pena

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(2) Anonymous,A Cristo/oroPomarancio , sopra il suoquadro (BritishLibrary MS King's323, fol. 204v) Meter:sonetto caudato. Scheme: ABBA ABBA CDC DCD dEE eFFfGG Date:1604 [ante 26 March] Variantreadings: This version of the sonnet differs from that preserved in ASC,Processo (as in n. 26). Importantvariant readings, and differences between my reading of the sonnet in ASC, Processo and that of Sickel(pp. 187-88) are cited in the footnotes.

A CristofaroPomarancio, sopra il suoquadro 177 Rendiil turcoCristofor a ' Federico e quel Giusippoa JacoppoVenetiano178 che inveroè cosa troppoda villano mostrarsiverso lor tanto inimico.179 Tu sei entrato,a dirlo,in vannointricco180 5 che non è cosa già da buon cristiano robbarl'altrui così scopertamano181 ancorchéd'invention tu sia mendico.182 Il San Pietroè ben tuo e tiennecura183 ma non ti saràtolto io teiprometto 10 ne menquell'altro, ch'hai184 tanta paura. Ti sei mostratto185di pocco intelletto: non hai ben dissegnato186una figura e purpretendi187 esser pittor perfetto! V'hai fattopo'188 un sonetto 15 che si conosceinver che è tua maniera189 cheI9°non pesc(h)i nè a fondonè a riviera. Oh che sciocha191chimera! Vediche l'opratua non farumore e par ci vogli192per haver honore. 20 Fint'hai193il composittore ma sei determinatoin una dietta194 che sei così pittor,come poetta.195

177.[A Cristoforo... quadro ] ASC, Processo: Al 184.[hai] ASC, Processo : ha Pomarancio 185.[Ti sei mostratto]mostratto : i.e., mostrato. ' 178.[Rendi ... Venetiano]For these rather obscure ASC,Processo :Ti seipoi mostro versessee above, p. 270)and п. 71. | ASC,Processo : 186.[dissegnato] ASC, Processo : disegnata Rendiil turcoo' Christofaroa Federico/ E quel 187.[e pur pretendi] ASC, Processo : e pur ti riesci gruppoa Gioseppe Venetiano 188.[V'hai fatto po'] ASC, Processoci hai poi fatto 179.[inimico] ASC, Processo : nemico 189.[che ... maniera]ASC, Processo : Ma siconosce 180.[Tu ... intrico]ASC, Processo: Tu seientrato a al finche è tuamaniera | Sickel: Ma siconosce al fin dirlain un intrico cheè bu[on]amaniera 181.[robbar ... mano]ASC, Processo, and Sickel: 190.[che] ASC, Processo : perchè Queltuo Rubbar confisco per fa mano 191.[sciocha] i.e., sciocca | ASC, Proceso: pazza 182.[ancorché ... sia mendico.]ASC, Processo: 192.[e par ci vogli] ASC, Processo : E pur cicali Ancorchédi inventionitu sij mendico| Sickel: 193.[Fint'hai] ASC, Processo : Fat(t') hai AncorchédiInventioni tasij mendico 194.[in una dietta] dietta : i.e., dieta. On thisword 183.[Il San Pietro... cura]ASC, Processo: San seeabove, п. 76. | ASC,Processo : nella dieta pietrosì che è tuoè tienicura 195.[così pittor, come poetta] See above, п. 77.

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3. Anonymous,Al Passignanosopra il suoquadro (BritishLibrary MS King's323, fol. 204v)

Meter:sonetto caudato (sonettessa). Scheme: ABBA ABBA CDC DCD dEE eFFfGG ... pQQ Date:1604 [ante 15 November]

Al Passignanosopra il suoquadro

Laudato sia il Sig(no)r,l'hai purfinita! Hai purscoperto un giornoquell'istoria! Oh Passignano,pensi haverne gloria perhaveria sì vaga colorita? Riuscì,a dirtiil ver,debole e trita 5 e vi son moltierrori di memoria: ma se tu haveviletto ben l'istoria196 sariastata assai meglioda te orditta. Dal IanicoloPietro salì ai cielli о purdal Vatican, ch'io mi rimetto, 10 e tu '1fai su le scale [ eli]!197 Ma v'è anco più notabilediffetto: che il capo de l'istoriaha dietroi Cieli ch'esserdovrebbe nel primieroaspetto.198 Mostranopuoco effeto 15 quellefigure che stanoin riposo pocco curandoil fattolacrimoso: ma il caldo era noioso. Perdir il ver,egli ha quellabriga tta: dovevifar hun hoste e una frascata!199 20 О pazza intemerata che i pittornon osservanoil decoro ma vannoadietro ai chiribiziloro! Quando fanun lavoro non guardan(o)né hai Michielné a Rafaello, 25 ma pretendonhaver maggior cervello. Va', Passignanmio bello, va' nellaPaolina,20 che vedrai che il Bonarottanon errògià mai:201 l'ha fatto,tu lo sai, 30 non sullescale in tempio,né in palaggio, né sottoterra come il Carravaggio.202

196.[se tu havevi letto ben l'istoria ... ] Cf.Gilio {Cieli)had to be notat the top of the painting but at (as inп. 58),p. 29,'L'accorto e prudentepittore la thebottom {primiero aspetto as 'foreground'),to be primacosa devecercare d'impatronirsi bene del closerto St Peter who was crucified head-downwards: soggettode l'istoria',and p. 43,'leggendo i buoni see L. Réau,Iconographie de l'Art Chrétien , 3 vols, libri[l'artista] potrà informandosi de la veritàdel Paris1959, m, p. 1097. soggetto,sapere quai sieno gli abusi e quaino; and 199.hun hoste e unafrascata : one hostand one Armenini(as inп. 73),p. 70. tavern 197.This line lacks its second hemistich. The last 200.Paulina : i.e., the CappellaPaolina in the missingword certainly ends in 'eli' to respectthe Vatican,location of Michelangelo's Crucifixion ofSt rhymewith 'cieli'. Peter.The fresco is illustratedabove as Fig.8. 198.If dovrebbe hasto be corrected as dovrebbero the 201.Cf. Gilio (as inn. 58),p. 96: 'salvandosicon subjectwould be 'i Cieli'.The meaningis however l'autoritàdi Michelagnolo,che, per il primatoche obscure.It mightallude to thefact that the tiene,si crede che non possa errare'.

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Oh che fattomalvaggio è statoquesto, oh росса discretione: due san Petřini203han fattoun san Petrone! 35 Io son d'opinione che '1Pomarancio resti un barbagianni204 e similmentequel beatoVanni. Tu ripigliai tuoipanni e ritornaa Firenze205e sappia dire 40 che l'opratua nessun[o] fa stupire. Più cose potreidire: che alla prigion206non fudove fu morto l'Apostolobeato, e fail'accorto. Ma darticonforto: 45 è megliol'opra tua delVanni assai e '1Pomaranzio a niun(o)piacque mai.

202.[nè ... Caravaggio]A reference toCaravaggio's ingoffire il mondo .. .'; citedby A. Schreurs,Antiken- CrucifixionofSt Peterfor the Cerasi Chapel in S. bildund Kunstanschauungen desneapolitanischen Malers, Mariadel Popolo (either the first version or the paint- ArchitektenundAntiquars Pirro Ligorio (1513-1583 ), ingnow in situ , illustrated above as Fig.9) . Cologne2000, p. 410. 203.due san Petřini : literally, 'two little St Peters', 205.Although Florence was not Domenico Cresti's butalso a punwith 'cobblestones' (sanpietrini) . birthplace,itwas the place where he workedmost, 204.[barbagianni] MS: barbagiano| 'barn-owl', andfrom where he came to paint the altarpiece for St withthe meaning 'bird-brained', silly(see Tommaseo, Peter's. 1.2,p. 867:Fir.Trin.2.4.; Ambr. Furt. 4.6). For a 206.The referenceto a prisonis probablyto the specificuse of the term in writing about art cf. Pirro CareerMamertino in theCampidoglio (see above, Ligorio,'Dependono poi da costuialtri barbagianni, pp. 277-78 and n. 98). i qualil'hanno pieno di lavorifalsi e di storpiida

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Appendix II

Anonymous,A Domenicoda Modenaper haver ritrovato il Profettadi Rafaellodi Urbinoin S a(nť) Agostino (BritishLibrary MS King's323, fol.205r) Meter:sonetto caudato. Scheme: ABBA ABBA CDC DCD dEE eFFfGG Date:ante 1579, probably between 1559 and 1570207 Variantreadings: Important variations published by Shearman, 11,pp. 1410-11, are cited in the footnotes. A Domenicoda Modenaper haver ritrovato il Profettadi Rafaellodi Urbinoin S a(nť) Agostino Voi serPittor che di Sa(nt')Agostino, sull'usciogrande, quo giure,208 andateritoccando le pitture fatteper man di RafaelUrbino. Quel ginocchio,quel lembo,quel putino 5 parvihaver tocche con giustemisure, che di stivallipaion le costure209 agiontoveda un bravociavattino.210 Ditemise parentemai sareste di С astei ve tro che, ancor pur egli, 10 alli scrittid'altrui facea di questo?211 Andatevia piccar212con quei ciervelli che a pingersete boni e a formarteste, con modestoparlar, de ravanelli.213 Ma ci son ben di quelli 15 c'hano sì fattacolera per questo che minacciandel legno,214io vi protesto.215 Pernon vi essermolesto, altronon so che dirvi216con ragione

207.Carnevali died in 1579.For a moredetailed 211.[facea di questo]the MS hasthe letters 'pe' discussionofthe date of the sonnet see above, n. 139; between'facea' and 'di', but they are crossed out. seealso n. 131. LudovicoCastelvetro's corrections toAnnibale Caro 's 208.[quo giure] This is a Latinismand legalism: poetry,mainly polemic in character,are here com- quoiure , by right (cf. aliquo iure , by some right) | paredto Domenicoda Modena'srestoration work Shearman:quo [recteque'?] figure onRaphael's fresco. Itshould be noticed that Castel- 209.costure : i.e., costura , an invisibleseam used by vetrowas from Modena, as was Domenico Carnevali. cobblers,making this the the most difficult seam to Castelvetrohad been compared to a modest,simple sewsuccessfully. Seealso next note. painter('dipintoruzzo') in Caro's Apologia ... contra 210.[bravo ciavattino] Shearman: buono ciavat- M. LodovicoCastelvetro (as in n. 57),pp. 102-03. See tinoI As suggestedby Shearman (who cites Julian alsoabove, n. 139. Kliemann),this might be an allusionto the famous 212.[piccar] Shearman: pievar [?] anecdodeof Apelle and the cobbler (Pliny the Elder, 213.[teste ... de ravanelli]Literally, 'radish-heads' NaturalHistory , xxxv.85). The comparisonbetween (;ravanelli : radishes); similar to the expression testa di artistsand cobblers, however, is attested in contexts rapa, turnip-head. concerningthe restoration ofworks of art: see e.g. 214.[che minaccian del legno] This threat, involv- Vasari(ed. Barocchi and Bettarini, as in n. 144),1, p. inga woodenstick or club, is clarifiedatline 22 {dar 91,'il qualerattoppamento è da ciabattinie non da lebastonate : togive [someone] a thrashing) . uominieccellenti о maestri rari'; and B. Cellini,Vita , 215.vi protesto : i.e., protestare in a transitiveform, ed.E. Camesasca,edn Milan 2004, p. 553: 'E sebene withthe meaning 'to declare', 'to assure [someone]'. nonsi convienea me il rattopparele statue, perchè 216.[dirvi] Shearman: diovi ell'èarte da certiciabattini...'

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che la vostrafu tropa presontione. 20 E puoi quellepersone, chevi voglionodar le bastonate, voglion217che all'opravi sottoscriviate e che così diciate: 'Rafaelda Urbinocoloravit 25 Domenicoda Modena repezzavit'.218

KunsthistorischesInstitut in Florenz,Max-Planck-Institut

217.[voglion] Shearman: voglioa Discorsimorali sulla tavola di Cebetes, Venice 1627, edn 218.[repezzavit] An ironic. Latinised rendering of Venice1682, p. 434:'que' miserabili rappezzatori di theItalian verb rappezzare , to patch.Cf. В. Varchi, pietravecchia ... poveridi disegnoe d'invenzione Lettionesulla maggioranza delle arti , in Barocchi, ed., mendichi';and again the quotations from Vasari and Trattati(as inn. 43), I, pp. 49-50: 'le statueantiche si Cellini(cited in n. 210),using the verb 'rattoppare' racconcianoe rappezzano tutto il giorno';and, again (tomend). | Shearman:repellavit aboutthe restoration ofancient statues, A. Mascardi,

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