Kemalist Tattooing: Distinctive Ink and Reproduction of the Secular In
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1944 Pan-Turanism Movements: from Cultural Nationalism to Political Nationalism
УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ MANAGEMENT AND EDUCATION TOM V (3) 2009 VOL. V (3) 2009 1944 PAN-TURANISM MOVEMENTS: FROM CULTURAL NATIONALISM TO POLITICAL NATIONALISM A. Baran Dural ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ПАН-ТУРАНИЗЪМ 1944 г.: ОТ КУЛТУРЕН НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ А. Баран Дурал ABSTRACT: The trial of Turanism in 1944 has a historical importance in terms of nationalism being an ac- tionary movement in Turkish history. When socialism turned out to be a dreadful ideology by getting reactions all over the world, there would not be any more natural attitude than that intellectuals coming from an educa- tion system full of nationalist proposals conflicted with this movement. However, that the same intellectuals crashed the logic of the government saying “if needed, we bring communism, then we deal with it without the help of anyone” was really a dramatic paradox. Movements of Turkism on 3rd of May did not curb the movement of Turkism, on the contrary, the transformation the government avoided most happened and supporters of Turk- ism spread to all parts of the country by politicizing. While Nihal Atsız, one of the nationalist leaders of the time- was summarizing results taken out from the trial process by his ideology, he could not even be regarded unjust in his remarks saying “The 3rd of May became a turning point in the history of Turkism. Turkism, which was only a thought and emotion and which could not go beyond literary and scientific borders, became a movement sud- denly on the 3rd of May, 1944”. Keywords: Turanism Movements, Turk nationalism, one-party ideology, Nihal Atsız, socialism, racism. -
Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol. -
Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
III TURKISH STUDIES (Incl. Balkan) Medieterranean
NAGARA BOOKS ----------------------------------------- 231 -------------------------------------------------------------- -- 2825 Abulafia, David The Great Sea: a human history of the III TURKISH STUDIES (incl. Balkan) Medieterranean . xxxi,816p photos. maps Oxford/N.Y. 2013(11) 9780199315994 pap. 4,220 トルコ研究 Interweaving major political and naval developments with the ebb and flow of trade, Abulafia explores how commercial competition in the Mediterranean created both rivalries and partnerships, with merchants acting as 2819 intermediaries between cultures, trading goods that İbn Âbidîn were as exotic on one side of the sea as they were Hanefîlerde Mezhep Usûlü (Şerhu Ukûdi resmi'l- commonplace on the other. müftî) , inceleme-tercüme. ed. & tr. byŞenol Saylan 2826 342p (with Arabic text) Istanbul 2016 Acar, M. Şinasi 9786055245993 1,780 Osmanlı'dan Bugüne Gözümüzden Kaçanlar . 191p 2820 photos. illus. Istanbul 2013 9786054793037 6,660 İbrâhîm, Andurreşîd Curiosities and wonders -- Time -- Press -- Turkey -- Âlem-i İslâm ve Japonya'da İslâmiyetin Yayılması: History Türkistan, Sibirya, Moğolistan, Mançurya, Japonya, 2827 Kore, Çin, Singapur, Uzak Hind Adaları, Hindistan, Adalet, Begüm Arabistan, Dâru'l-hilafe . 2 vols. Istanbul 2012 Holtels and Highways: the construction of 9789753501347 4,620 modernization theory in cold war Turkey . (Stanford Abdürreşid İbrahîm, 1853-1944 -- Islam -- Japan -- Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Asia Cultures) 304p Stanford 2018 9781503605541 2821 pap 4,522 İnalcık, Halil Among the most critical tools in the U.S.'s ideological Has-Bağçede 'Ayş u Tarab: nedîmler şâîrler arsenal was modernization theory, and Turkey emerged mutrîbler . (Seçme Eserleri, III) xiii,496p ills. photos. as a vital test case for the construction and validation of Istanbul 2016(11) 9786053324171 1,940 developmental thought and practice. -
TOWARD the REUNIFICATION of CYPRUS: DEFINING and INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO the PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch
110 Virginie Ladisch 6 TOWARD THE REUNIFICATION OF CYPRUS: DEFINING AND INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO THE PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debate has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics. There has been little focus on reconciliation. This research, conducted one year after the ref- erendum in which Cypriots were given an historic opportunity to vote on the reunifi cation of the island, places the concept of reconciliation at the center of the debate about the Cyprus problem. Based on data gathered through forty interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot politicians, businessmen, activists, academics, organizational leaders, economists, and members of civil society, this article presents Cypriots’ views on reconciliation. Drawing from literature on reconciliation in confl ict-divided societies as a framework, this article also analyzes the various perceptions Cypriots hold about reconciliation. Finally, this article identifi es initiatives that could be used to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. The process needs to begin immediately so that it can lay the groundwork for the open dialogue, trust building, and understanding that are essential to the successful settlement of the Cyprus problem.1 Virginie Ladisch is a Master in International Affairs candidate at the School of Inter- national and Public Affairs, Columbia University ([email protected]). 7 Toward the Reunifi cation of Cyprus: Defi ning and Integrating Reconciliation into the Peace Process 111 INTRODUCTION In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debates and discussions has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics, but there has been little to no focus on reconciliation. -
“The White Turkish Man's Burden”: Orientalism, Kemalism and The
“The White Turkish Man’s Burden”: Orientalism, Kemalism and the Kurds in Turkey Welat Zeydanlıo ğlu* Gentlemen, uncivilised people are doomed to be trodden under the feet of civilised people. 1 - Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Abstract In order to fully come to terms with the legacy of colonialism and the persistence of neo-colonial mentalities in contemporary Europe and elsewhere, the relationship between Orientalism and nationalism requires a close examination. This article analyses the connection between Orientalism and Kemalism within the framework of the Turkish nation-building project, in which a Westernised elite exalted homogenous nation-state-hood as the criteria for “Western-ness”, in the process othering the ethno-religious diversity of the country as defining “Orientalness”. It reads the modern history of Turkey as the denial and oppression of the Kurdish ethnic identity through state coercion and forced Turkification, and discusses how Kemalism constructed and justified its policies as a national and civilisational necessity. It shows how the persistence and rise of the Kurdish ethnic identity claim in Turkey constitutes a constant reminder to the Kemalist elite that Turkey has not achieved homogeneity, which articulates itself in increasing ethnic othering and nationalist anti- Kurdish hysteria. Orientalism, Nationalism and Nation-building Orientalism, as used by Edward Said (1978), referred to hegemonic patterns of representation of “Oriental” cultures and societies as “backward” and “traditional” in order to construct Europe (or the West) as “modern” and “progressive.” For this reason the Orient had to constantly be stigmatised and set apart as innately different from the Occident. This othering process of drawing a strict East/West boundary became “the starting point for elaborate theories, epics, novels, social descriptions, and political accounts concerning the Orient, its people, customs, ‘mind’, destiny, and so on” (Said, 1978: 2-3). -
Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION Toni Alaranta DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION After 17 years of the Islamic-conservative AKP’s electoral hegemony, the secular-nationalist Republican People’s Party (CHP) achieved significant success in the recent municipal elections, and is now increasingly challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The secular-nationalist political discourse has traditionally advanced the idea of making Turkey a modern nation-state closely attached to the West, yet the West is also seen as a potential threat. The CHP identifies itself as a social-democratic party, and is now trying to build a wide pro-democratic platform based on a social market economy and fundamental rights. The party’s strong secularist and Turkish nationalist core has made it difficult for the CHP to gain support among the Kurds and religious conservatives, and this remains challenging. Strong nationalism and suspicion about the West are deeply ingrained in Turkey’s political culture. On the other hand, in order to be inherently coherent, the secular-nationalist vision requires an ideological attachment to the Western world. Stemming from these premises, under the CHP’s government, Turkey’s foreign policy would likely prioritize good relations with the West, and re-invigorate the country’s EU prospect. TONI ALARANTA Senior Research Fellow European Union Research Programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-627-2 ISSN 2242-0444 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally. -
“Everywhere Is Taksim”: the Politics of Public Space from Nation-Building
JUHXXX10.1177/0096144214566966Journal of Urban HistoryBatuman 566966research-article2015 Original Research Article Journal of Urban History 1 –27 “Everywhere Is Taksim”: The © 2015 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: Politics of Public Space from sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0096144214566966 Nation-Building to Neoliberal juh.sagepub.com Islamism and Beyond Bülent Batuman1 Abstract This article discusses the politics of public space through the particular example of Taksim Square in Istanbul. Tracing Taksim’s history since the early twentieth century, the article analyzes the instrumentalization of public space in nation-building, the socialization of politics within the context of postwar rapid urbanization, and the (re)politicization of public space under neoliberal Islamism. Finally it arrives at an assessment of the nation-wide antigovernment protests that centered on Taksim Square in May–June 2013. Throughout this historical examination, the politics of public space is discussed with reference to the work of Henri Lefebvre, in order to scrutinize the spatial aspects of the relation between state and society. Accordingly, the rise of democratic public space is defined as a result of the mutual interaction between two bottom-up impetuses; the immanent politics of the social (the political character of everyday life) and the socialization of the political (civil political action). Keywords public space, right to the city, banal politicization, Taksim Sqaure, Gezi Park The last days of May 2013 witnessed an unprecedented event in Istanbul. What began as a simple environmentalist protest grew rapidly and spread across the country as a result of police brutality faced by the small group of activists. It all began with the appearance of dozers in Gezi Parkı (literally “esplanade”), the seventy-year-old park adjacent to Taksim Square, the major public space in Istanbul. -
Secularist Divide and Turkey's Descent Into Severe Polarization
One The Islamist- Secularist Divide and Turkey’s Descent into Severe Polarization senem aydın- düzgİt n multiple different measures of polarization, Turkey today is one of Othe most polarized nations in the world.1 Deep ideological and policy- based disagreements divide its political leaders and parties; Turkish so- ciety, too, is starkly polarized on the grounds of both ideology and social distance.2 This chapter focuses on the bases and manifestations of polar- ization in Turkey, the main reasons behind its increase, and its ramifica- tions for the future of democracy and governance in the country. The current dominant cleavage between secularists and Islamists has its roots in a series of reforms intended to secularize and modernize the coun- try after the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. These reforms created a deep division within Turkish society, but until the beginning of the twenty- first century, the secularist elite dominated key state institu- tions such as the military, allowing it to repress conservative groups and thus keep conflict over the soul of Turkey from coming into the open. Since 2002, however, the remarkable electoral success of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) has brought the Islamist- secularist divide to the fore. Despite the AKP’s initial moderation, several developments, including 17 Carothers-O’Donohue_Democracies Divided_i-viii_1-311.indd 17 7/24/19 10:32 AM 18 SENEM AYDIN- DÜZGI˙T the collapse of the European Union (EU) accession process, the success of polarization as an electoral strategy, and undemocratic threats from the secularist state establishment, pushed the AKP toward increasingly populist, divisive rhetoric and politics, beginning with the 2007 general elections. -
TURKEY Human Rights Defenders, Guilty Until Proven Innocent International Fact-Finding Mission Report ˙ I HD ©
TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS, GUILTY UNTIL PROVEN INNOCENT International Fact-Finding Mission Report HD ˙ I © May 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 1. Cemal Bektas in his cell 2. Pinar Selek Acronyms ............................................................................................................................... 4 3. Ragıp Zarakolu 4. Executive Summary ...............................................................................................................5 Muharrem Erbey and other activists on December 26, Introduction: objective and methodology of the mission .................................................7 2009 before the hearing that confirmed the charges I. Political context: Recent institutional reforms and policies have against 152 Kurdish figures. so far failed to address Turkey’s authoritarian tendencies ................................................ 9 Contrary to the principle of presumption of innocence, II. Malfunctioning political and judicial systems .................................................................. 15 the media was informed of A. The international legal framework: a good ratification record ................................. 15 the hearing and this photo 1. The protection of freedom of association ................................................................ 15 was broadly published in the 2. The protection of freedom of expression .................................................................. 16 media. B. The domestic legal and institutional framework: a deficient framework ................ -
Here All Continue to Defend Human Rights in Turkey, Despite the Increasing Difficulty and Mounting Pressure Posed by the Government
Imagine being attacked by the police for dancing in the streets for women’s rights or peacefully marching for LGBTI+ rights. Imagine being arrested for tweeting disapproval of your government; protesting to save a park; signing a peace petition. Imagine your professor being fired, or your doctor being arrested. These are all examples from Turkey’s reality. This series highlights stories of twenty individuals who have chosen to stand up for human rights. The individuals presented here all continue to defend human rights in Turkey, despite the increasing difficulty and mounting pressure posed by the government. Learn more about the everyday people taking everyday actions in Turkey to stand up for human rights. Read DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS IN TURKEY their stories, each one a story that needs to be heard. STORIES THAT NEED TO BE HEARD Defending Human Rights in Turkey Not long ago, Turkey was considered a success story of democratic transformation. Today human rights in Turkey are at risk. Turkey displays an increasingly restrictive environment with a distorted system of checks and balances, where the rule of law is undermined. Thousands of journalists, academics, lawyers, and government critics have been sacked, imprisoned, and charged with terror-related or libel crimes. Defending human rights doesn’t have to be a profession; it comes from a belief that all people have the right to live in peace and be treated equally. From doctors to teachers, from plumbers to journalists, everyone can defend human rights. Sustained attention and a proactive strategy by the European Union and its Member States, and the international community as a whole are needed to defend the space in which human rights defenders can continue their peaceful human rights work without risk of reprisals and unfounded litigation for their work. -
Germany's Largest Right-Wing Extremist Group Is Turkish, Not German by Soeren Kern June 22, 2021
June 30, 2021 No. 1024 Since 2001 A ministry of Calvary Chapel of Appleton “Let us be alert to the season in which we are living. It is the season of the Blessed Hope, calling for us to cut our ties with the world and build ourselves on this One who will soon appear. He is our hope—a Blessed Hope enabling us to rise above our times and fix our gaze upon Him.” Tozer Well, this certainly is interesting…M Germany's Largest Right-Wing Extremist Group is Turkish, not German by Soeren Kern June 22, 2021 ▪ The German Parliament and other federal agencies estimate that the true number Grey Wolves in Germany is above 18,000. This is five times more than the number of members (3,500) of Germany's neo-Nazi party. ▪ The ideology underpinning the Grey Wolves movement is a Turkish version of Aryanism and sets itself in opposition to anyone who is not Turkish or Sunni Islamic. It is anti-Christian and anti-Jewish, as well as anti-American, anti-Armenian, anti-Kurdish and anti-Greek. ▪ The objective of the Grey Wolves is to unify all the Turkish peoples into a single country called Turan whose territory would stretch from Europe to China. The Grey Wolves also want to establish a new world order based on Islam that is led by Turkey; they are opposed to the assimilation or integration of Turkish immigrants into Western society. ▪ "Supporters of the 'Grey Wolves' are responsible for a large number of murders of political opponents and members of minorities in Turkey and abroad." — Die Linke, Parliamentary Resolution, November 2020.