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Neural Systems Underlying Spatial Language in American Sign Language

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Neural Systems Underlying Spatial Language in American Sign Language NeuroImage 17, 812– 824 (2002) doi:10.1006/nimg.2002.1187 Neural Systems Underlying Spatial Language in American Sign Language Karen Emmorey,*,1 Hanna Damasio,*,† Stephen McCullough,* Thomas Grabowski,† Laura L. B. Ponto,† Richard D. Hichwa,† and Ursula Bellugi* *Salk Institute for Biological Studies, La Jolla, California 92037; and †University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa 52242 Received August 28, 2001 sylvian areas within the left hemisphere produces var- A [15O]water PET experiment was conducted to in- ious types of aphasia, whereas damage to homologous vestigate the neural regions engaged in processing areas within the right hemisphere does not generally constructions unique to signed languages: classifier produce aphasic symptoms, such as effortful speech, predicates in which the position of the hands in sign- phonological or morphological errors, or difficulty un- ing space schematically represents spatial relations derstanding words or sentences. Similarly, research among objects. Ten deaf native signers viewed line over the past 2 decades has indicated that the left drawings depicting a spatial relation between two ob- cerebral hemisphere is also critical to processing jects (e.g., a cup on a table) and were asked either to signed languages. Damage to perisylvian areas within produce a classifier construction or an American Sign the left, but not the right hemisphere lead to sign Language (ASL) preposition that described the spatial language aphasias, and the general dichotomy be- relation or to name the figure object (colored red). Compared to naming objects, describing spatial rela- tween anterior–posterior lesions and nonfluent–fluent tionships with classifier constructions engaged the su- aphasias holds for signed language as well (for reviews pramarginal gyrus (SMG) within both hemispheres. see Corina, 1998, and Hickok and Bellugi, 2000). Compared to naming objects, naming spatial relations Although sign aphasia does not result from right- with ASL prepositions engaged only the right SMG. hemisphere damage, evidence indicates that some Previous research indicates that retrieval of English signers with right hemisphere damage exhibit a spe- prepositions engages both right and left SMG, but cific impairment in the topographic use of signing more inferiorly than for ASL classifier constructions. space (Poizner et al., 1987; Emmorey et al., 1995; Em- Compared to ASL prepositions, naming spatial rela- morey, 1996). In American Sign Language (ASL), as tions with classifier constructions engaged left infe- well as in other signed languages, signing space can rior temporal (IT) cortex, a region activated when function topographically to represent spatial relations naming concrete objects in either ASL or English. Left among objects. Signing space is the term used for the IT may be engaged because the handshapes in classi- three-dimensional space in front of the signer, extend- fier constructions encode information about object ing from the waist to the forehead, where signs can be type (e.g., flat surface). Overall, the results suggest articulated. Signers schematize this space to represent more right hemisphere involvement when expressing physical space, as well as to represent abstract concep- spatial relations in ASL, perhaps because signing tual structure (see Emmorey, 2001). For most locative space is used to encode the spatial relationship be- expressions in ASL, there is a schematic correspon- tween objects. © 2002 Elsevier Science (USA) dence between the location of the hands in signing space and the position of physical objects in the world. When describing spatial relations in ASL, the identity INTRODUCTION of each object is first indicated by a lexical sign (e.g., HOUSE, BIKE2). The location of the objects, their ori- For more than a century we have known that the left entation, and their spatial relation vis-a-vis one an- hemisphere of the human brain is critical for producing other is indicated by where the appropriate classifier and comprehending spoken language. Damage to peri- signs are articulated. Figure 1 provides a simple illus- 1 To whom reprint requests should be addressed at Laboratory for 2 Words in capital letters represent English glosses for ASL signs. Cognitive Neuroscience, The Salk Institute for Biological Studies, Multiword glosses connected by hyphens are used when more than 10010 North Torrey Pines Rd., La Jolla, CA 92037. E-mail: one English word is required to translate a single sign. English [email protected]. translations are given in quotes. 1053-8119/02 $35.00 812 © 2002 Elsevier Science (USA) All rights reserved. NEURAL SYSTEMS UNDERLYING SPATIAL LANGUAGE 813 FIG. 1. An illustration of a simple spatial description in ASL, using classifier constructions. An English translation would be “The bike is near the house.” Whole-entity CL refers to the type of classifier handshape morpheme and ϩloc refers to the position movement morpheme (a short downward movement) that means to be located. tration of an ASL locative sentence that could be trans- spatial contexts, BI was reported to use spatial loca- lated as “The bike is near the house.” tions on the left half of space for pronominal reference Classifier predicates are complex forms in which the and verb agreement. Similarly, Corina et al. (1996) handshape is a morpheme that encodes information reported that the RHD signer JH exhibited neglect, but about object type (Supalla, 1986; see papers in Emmo- he produced signs using the left half of his body (e.g., rey, in press, for an in-depth discussion of classifier LAZY is signed by tapping the left shoulder with an L constructions in signed languages). For example, in handshape), and he also directed pronouns and verbs Fig. 1 the hooked 5 handshape (fingers spread and toward the left half of signing space in spontaneous curved) specifies a large bulky object (such as a house signing. Interestingly, Corina et al. (1996) reported or box), and the 3 handshape (thumb, middle, and difficulty eliciting spatial descriptions from JH, who index fingers extended) refers to vehicles (such as a tended to “avoid using topographic space and simply bicycle, car, or ship). The first and third signs of Fig. 1 list[ed] the contents of his room” (p. 338). It appears are nouns that refer to the ground and figure objects, that left hemisphere control for linguistic production respectively (the sign for BIKE is made with the right generally compensates for left-side attention deficits hand, while the left hand holds the classifier sign re- unless spatial complexity of the discourse requires the ferring to the house). This ordering of figure and use of several locations representing left–right spatial ground may be an effect of the visual–spatial modality distinctions. of sign languages (Emmorey, 1996). For example, to Emmorey et al. (1995) described another RHD signer present a scene visually by drawing a picture, the (DN) who was impaired in retelling ASL descriptions ground object tends to be drawn first, and then the that involved spatial layouts. Her impairment was not figure is located with respect to the ground. Thus, if in remembering the objects in the spatial descriptions, drawing a picture of a bike next to a house, most people but in the correct placement of classifier signs within draw the house first. Crucially, the spatial relationship signing space to indicate the spatial relations among expressed by the classifier construction in Fig. 1 is not the objects. This patient was not aphasic for ASL— her encoded by a separate word as it would be in English descriptions of spatial layouts were fluent and gram- with the preposition near. Although ASL has preposi- matical, but the location and orientation of the objects tions such as NEAR, ON, or IN (see Fig. 2C), signers were described incorrectly. prefer to use classifier constructions when describing Further evidence that the right hemisphere is in- spatial relationships. Rather than encoding spatial in- volved in the comprehension of the topographic func- formation with prepositions, such information is con- tions of signing space, particularly within classifier veyed by a schematic and isomorphic mapping between constructions, comes from two other studies. The first where the hands are placed in signing space and the further examined the RHD signer DN who was hearing locations of objects being described. and bilingual for ASL and English. When DN was It is this topographic use of signing space that may asked to set up real objects in accordance with spatial be impaired with right hemisphere damage (RHD). For descriptions given in either English or ASL, she per- example, Poizner et al. (1987) report a RHD signer (BI) formed well in English, but poorly when the same who when asked to describe her room, displaced all of description was given in ASL (Corina et al., 1990; Em- the objects to the right in signing space, and did not morey, 1996). For the English descriptions, the spatial respect spatial relations, haphazardly piling the furni- relations were encoded by a preposition (e.g., “The pen ture in one place. This signer also exhibited neglect on is on the paper”), but in ASL the spatial relations had nonlinguistic drawing tasks. However, in other non- to be recovered from the spatial positioning of the 814 EMMOREY ET AL. FIG. 2. (A) Example stimuli with a flat-surface ground object and with a cylindrical ground object. (B) Example classifier construction responses for the example stimuli. (C) Example preposition responses for the example stimuli. classifier signs within signing space (e.g., the classifier tions of ASL prepositions are given in Fig. 2C. The handshape for pen (a 1 handshape: fist with index signers were asked to pick the picture that best finger extended) was placed on top of the classifier matched a preposition (e.g., IN) or a classifier construc- handshape representing a piece of paper (a B hand- tion depicting a similar spatial relation (e.g., the clas- shape: fingers together, palm down).
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