The Birth of the Housewife in Contemporary Asia: New Mothers in the Era of Globalization
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M1424 - OCHIAI TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7 13/8/08 13:58 Page 157 8 The Birth of the Housewife in Contemporary Asia: New Mothers in the Era of Globalization EMIKO OCHIAI EMERGENCE OF HOUSEWIVES he goal of our research was to illuminate the transformation of Tgender roles in East and Southeast Asia, areas of strong economic development. Of central concern to us was the question of whether a pattern of gender division of labor, with the husband as the “breadwin- ner” or money-earner and the wife as the homemaker, would emerge in these societies, as it has in other modern societies. In Europe, the United States, Japan, and elsewhere, the process of modernization was accom- panied by the birth of the “modern family.” The modern family has as its precondition the division between a public sphere and a domestic sphere, and is characterized by mutual affection between family members, the gender division of labor, and strong concern and attention paid to a small number of children (Ochiai 1997 and Chapter 5). Our research showed that, in contemporary East and Southeast Asia, there are indeed many societies in which mothers continue to work during their childrearing years, and that enough support exists in such societies to enable both parents to work while raising children. An unex- pected discovery of this investigation, however, was the significant number of “housewives” we encountered in societies of Types 1 and 2 where mothers of small children continue to work. In some of these soci- eties, there is indeed a trend for childrearing support to become less and less adequate, but a movement towards “housewifization” could be found even in societies where there is no obvious inadequacy in childrearing support. Why did women become housewives and will they remain situ- ated in the role of housewife in the future? In this chapter, we will M1424 - OCHIAI TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7 13/8/08 13:58 Page 158 158 Asia’s New Mothers consider “housewifization” in the three Type 1 and 2 societies by paying fresh attention to the cases of housewives we encountered in these regions. HOUSEWIVES IN ASIAN SOCIETIES (1) Housewives in China China, like Thailand, is a Type 1 society in terms of patterns of labor- force participation rates for women. (For a detailed description of Types 1, 2, and 3, see Chapter 1 of this volume.) Like the United States and Sweden, those rates form a reversed U-shaped pattern when graphed against age. However, the causes for this are different in China and Thailand. Presumably, China took on this pattern following the social- ist revolution in the 1950s. As Sechiyama has stated (Sechiyama 1996), women had long taken part in agricultural labor in Southern China but usually had not done so in Northern China. While the definition of “housework” and hence women’s work differs (from that in modern Europe) in that it included caring for domestic animals like pigs and chickens and the cultivation of vegetables to be consumed by the family,1 the fact remains that the gender division of labor, with “men working outside and women working inside,” existed in certain regions before the advent of the modern family. We thus need to modify the preconditions in the theory of the modern family as it was developed in Europe, which had relatively high labor-force participation rates for women before modernization started. It was socialism that uniformly “de-housewived” women in China regardless of regional differences. While some feel that taking on a double burden was excessively hard on women, one woman, ninety-one-years old when interviewed in 2004, described her first experience of leaving home to work at a daycare center as very fulfilling.2 The subjects in Lisa Rofel’s study on the gendered experience of socialist revolution in China cite similar experiences (Rofel 1994). In a survey of attitudes taken for our study, conducted in Wuxi City in 2002, 88 percent of women and 84 percent of men indicated a preference for women to follow the “dual roles” pattern balancing marriage, childbirth, and childcare with work, while only 9 percent and 10 percent, respectively, preferred the pattern of temporary retirement from work followed by reemployment (Miyasaka 2007: 105). China is distinguished by the ample presence of three types of child- care agents other than the mother. Childcare may be described as more the role of the grandparents than of the mother, and quite a few children live in their grandparents’ house during their infant years. The reversed U-shaped pattern of women’s labor-force participation is due to the con- tinuing intergenerational division of labor in the traditional extended family, with older individuals leaving the workforce early to take care of their grandchildren. China’s official retirement age is currently fifty-five for women and sixty for men. With aunts, uncles, and others also com-.