The Global Controversy Over Pussy Riot: an Anti-Putin Women's Protest

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Global Controversy Over Pussy Riot: an Anti-Putin Women's Protest II JOURNAL Fall 2012 University of Michigan 13 The Global Controversy over Pussy Riot: An Anti-Putin Women’s Protest Group in Moscow by Jessica Zychowicz n February 21, 2012 a group of young women in the Russian punk band called Pussy Riot (PR), with colorful stockings pulled over their Oheads, staged an impromptu performance at the altar of Moscow’s Christ the Savior Cathedral. Their show was far from orthodox by punk standards: they were lip synching, they didn’t break or burn anything, and they were wearing dresses that could only be described as, well, pretty. The band was arrested after the performance, and the ordeal of the three jailed band members has drawn worldwide attention to the incident and to the social injustices they sang about in their “punk prayer” in which they yelled for the Virgin Masked members of Pussy Riot feminist punk group perform during their flashmob- Mary to chase away Putin. After nearly half style protest inside Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Savior on February 21, 2012. a year on trial, the three women who were Photo ITAR-TASS/ Mitya Aleshkovsky. taken into custody: Maria Alyokhina, 24; Yekaterina Samutsevich, 30; and Nadezhda like Amnesty International and several key they would be sent to labor camps to Tolokonnikova, 23, were sentenced by politicians, including Angela Merkel, have serve out their terms: Tolokonnikova to Russia’s Superior Court on August 17th spoken out against the sentence. Over 200 Mordovia and Alyokhina to Perm—two to two years in prison for “hooliganism prominent Russian cultural figures have of the harshest penal colonies in Russia. motivated by religious hatred.” Prosecuting signed a letter expressing outrage over the Last month Tolokonnikova’s husband lawyers had pushed for three years. They trial, and over 41,000 citizens have added and daughter traveled to Washington could have gotten seven. their signatures to the list. On September DC to lobby Congress to recognize the 12 Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, trial’s human rights abuses. International The trial has captured the attention of while condemning the concert, publicly observers continue their support. In celebrities and musicians across the globe announced he thought the women should November, Russian and British authors and who have spoken out against the three be released. On Wednesday, October artists will convene in London’s Royal Court women’s imprisonment, including Paul 10, the Moscow court freed Yekaterina Theatre to respond to the trial in art and McCartney, Bjork, and Peter Gabriel. Samutsevich on appeal. The two-year global discussion. Even Madonna has shown her support by sentences for Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina painting the group’s name on her bare back are being upheld. On October 22 the two There is something going on here that during a concert. Human rights groups detained members announced on Twitter is bigger than the band’s anti-Putinism. 14 II JOURNAL Fall 2012 University of Michigan The incident reflects the tensions of a social liberties. These changes were tracked ballot-rigging in the Duma in December generation fed up with the inequality, based on the rhetorical measuring stick 2011 and the outcries against Putin’s decadence, and instability of the 1990s of “civil society,” as defined by western re-election this year seem to confirm the in Russia. Some of the ideas these monitoring groups and NGOs working “era of street protests” she had predicted. women are expressing resonate with the throughout Russia’s private sectors in the Though Putin is less closed-off to the west current economic zeitgeist in the west in 1990s. Journalist and senior associate at today than he was in his earlier terms unprecedented ways. PR is only one group the Carnegie Endowment for International (he has since lowered visa restrictions), in a broader confrontation with church and Peace, Lilia Shevtsova, noted in 2007: his new reign comes with a new set of state that spans the postcommunist region “Independent Russian observers (and there challenges. Putin’s actions in lashing out in public performances characterized by are still quite a few of them) writing on at antigovernment protestors contradict irony and satire. Internet sites predict that the actions of the his outward emphasis on modernization authorities sooner or later will provoke the and pluralism, further belying an effort to Activism in the Putin Era young to take to the streets. They will do consolidate his base in social conservatism. Strains of last year’s Arab Spring and the this to demonstrate their disagreement with Occupy Movement make much of this the Kremlin’s desire to keep them under What makes PR unique in the context sound familiar. Indeed, The Guardian control, herding them into government- of postcommunism is not only that they and the New York Times have indexed sponsored organizations” (Russia: Lost in are women demanding visibility, but also Pussy Riot by both of these movements. Transition: The Yeltsin and Putin Legacies). that they are the cultural vanguard of a The turnout of hundreds of supporters These predictions came to pass during generation with little to no memory of on Times Square during the reading of Putin’s first round as president, on the communism. Which begs the question— the verdict attests to the viability of such heels of the youth-led Orange Revolution what goes into remembering communism comparisons. Rewind for a moment to in nearby Ukraine, and the gas imbroglio and how do we decipher that memory? Russia under Yeltsin and Gorbachev and that followed when Putin shut off supplies Russia today is far from the grey mash-up one recalls an era of relative tolerance for heading to Europe, and tightened visa of bleak apartment blocs and bread lines political demonstrations when compared regulations in Russia citing fears about some may have imagined it to be—even with Putin’s first term. Shortly after his western spies infiltrating the borders. during the postwar years there were robust inauguration, Putin’s crackdown on the cultural scenes throughout Russia’s cities. press shifted the legacies of Glasnost into Six years later, Shevtsova’s observations still a new epoch marked by tight controls on apply. The mass demonstrations against A Postcommunist Feminist Critique When asked about their formation in September 2011 during Putin’s run for The imprisonment of three Pussy Riot band members sparked world-wide protests candidacy, one member of the band against the Putin regime, like this one held in Berlin on August 7, 2012. replied: “We realized this country needs Photo by Grüne Bundestagsfraktion via Wikimedia Commons. a militant, punk-feminist, street band that will rip though Moscow’s streets and squares, mobilize public energy against the evil crooks of the Putinist junta and enrich the Russian cultural and political opposition with themes that are important to us: gender and LGBT rights, problems of masculine conformity, absence of a daring political message on the musical and art scenes, and the domination of males in all areas of public discourse” (VICE Magazine, 2012), The women of PR bring a solid intellectual feminist critique to their performance art. Alekhina is a journalism student with a proclivity for creative writing and environmentalism; Tolokonnikova is a student of philosophy; and Samutsevich has a degree in computer programming. II JOURNAL Fall 2012 University of Michigan 15 towns throughout Ukraine until the women are released. Feminist scholars working transnationally over the past twenty years Human rights groups like Amnesty have pointed out that there is much to be International and several key politicians, learned from the postcommunist context, including Angela Merkel, have spoken out especially in thinking about how class and gender intersect. against the sentence. Over 200 prominent Russian cultural figures have signed a Elena Gapova, scholar and founder of the letter expressing outrage over the trial, Centre for Gender Studies in Minsk in 1997, recently gave a talk entitled “Pussy Riot: and over 41,000 citizens have added their Feminist Protest or Class Struggle?” on signatures to the list. a panel called The Pussy Riot Affair: The Prank Heard ‘Round the World (hosted by CREES/WCED). The discussion also featured U-M visiting law professor Ekaterina Mishina and U-M professor of art, design, And there are more of them—the structure next decade to reevaluate an openness to and theatre, Holly Hughes. Adding to of the band is based on anonymous how women want to define themselves. those conversations, what might be most participation by rotating members. Two Like Britain’s early punks in their refusal interesting about groups like Pussy Riot and other women were involved in the Christ to embrace the mainstream masculinities Femen is the exigency and variation, not to the Cathedral performance, but managed handed to them in racist and classist terms, mention creativity, with which they revisit to flee Russia unidentified. by targeting the Orthodox Patriarch, PR the past and interpret power. In an article in deliberately attacked the core of Russian the journal Art Aktivist Russian critic Tatiana PR’s emphasis on anonymity blends the femininity by framing it as a narrowly Artimovich compares PR to the 1990s absurdist street shows, or happenings, constructed ideal. Moscow Actionists Oleg Kulik, E.T.I. and in Poland in the 1980s (where random Oleg Mavromati. She calls PR’s punk prayer passersby could don an orange elf hat and indispensable for instantiating the debate baffle the authorities by pantomiming the In effect, their act has divided Russians on the interpenetration of art and politics in regime in ironic street carnivals) with the between those who support their sentence contemporary Russia. rapid global dissemination of information and those who do not. Surprisingly, the in the digital age.
Recommended publications
  • James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
    Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pussy Riot Affair: Gender and National Identity in Putin's Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 the Pussy Riot Affair Was a Massive In
    The Pussy Riot affair: gender and national identity in Putin’s Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 The Pussy Riot affair was a massive international cause célèbre that ignited a widespread movement of support for the jailed activists around the world. The case tells us a lot about Russian society, the Russian state, and Western perceptions of Russia. It also raises interest in gender as a frame of analysis, something that has been largely overlooked in 20 years of work by mainstream political scientists analyzing Russia’s transition to democracy.3 There is general agreement that the trial of the punk rock group signaled a shift in the evolution of the authoritarian regime of President Vladimir Putin. However, there are many aspects of the affair still open to debate. Will the persecution of Pussy Riot go down in history as one of the classic trials that have punctuated Russian history, such as the arrest of dissidents Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel in 1966, or the trial of revolutionary Vera Zasulich in 1878? Or is it just a flash in the pan, an artifact of media fascination with attractive young women behaving badly? The case also poses a challenge for feminists. While some observers, including Janet Elise Johnson (below), see Pussy Riot as part of the struggle for women’s rights, others, including Valerie Sperling and Marina Yusupova, raise questions about the extent to Pussy Riot can be seen as advancing the feminist cause. Origins Pussy Riot was formed in 2011, emerging from the underground art group Voina which had been active since 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Maria a Riposte
    54 Maria Alyokhina COAT STYLIST’S OWN, TIGHTS BY GIPSY TIGHTS, SHOES BY MELISSA. BY SHOES TIGHTS, GIPSY STYLIST’S BY TIGHTS OWN, COAT 56 MARIA ALYOKHINA 57 MEETINGS In 2012 Maria Alyokhina, Yekaterina Samutsevich and Nadya Tolokonnikova of Pussy Riot frst drew global attention with their now notorious Punk Prayer performance in the Moscow’s main cathedral; their ensuing incarceration and relentless battle for truth has assured their place in public consciousness. Prison, enforced separation from her child and violent censorship hasn’t quashed Maria’s anarchist spirit, it’s just made her more determined and given her an appreciation of more creative forms of protest. Words by Suze Olbrich, Photography by Francesca Allen Styled by Charlotte Roberts Maria Alyokhina’s well-documented refusal to give up, herself were seemingly essential to surviving the dark- give in, to concede even an inch to make life more est hours in a Siberian prison. bearable during two years spent in abysmal penal Within a few sentences it’s apparent Alyokhina’s conditions makes her appear superhuman. But while never let a ‘system’ pollute her thinking, even as a child her strength is formidable, on reading Riot Days, her growing up in post-Soviet Moscow. “I changed schools honest, wry and inspiring account of the Punk Prayer five times. The Russian system wants you to follow the action and its grim repercussions, it’s clear that hero- rules, but when you ask questions, they cannot explain worship does her and her cause a grave disservice. them,” she says. “Because of the tragedy of the Soviet Still, it’s an honour to meet Alyokhina, a notion only Union—when all the intellectuals were shot, or forced fortified by our coffee and cigarette-fuelled conversa- to leave—there is a lack of humanities classes so they tion.
    [Show full text]
  • En En Motion for a Resolution
    EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2009 - 2014 Plenary sitting 11.3.2014 B7-0248/2014 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 122 of the Rules of Procedure on Russia: sentencing of demonstrators involved in Bolotnaya Square events (2014/2628(RSP)) Charles Tannock, Marek Henryk Migalski, Geoffrey Van Orden, Adam Bielan, Ryszard Antoni Legutko, Tomasz Piotr Poręba, Ryszard Czarnecki on behalf of the ECR Group RE\P7_B(2014)0248EN.doc PE529648v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B7-0248/2014 European Parliament resolution on Russia: sentencing of demonstrators involved in Bolotnaya Square events (2014/2628(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the existing Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) between the European Communities and their Member States, on the one part, and the Russian Federation, on the other part1, and the negotiations initiated in 2008 on a new EU- Russia agreement, – having regard to the statement by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton of 11 May 2012, on the arrests of opposition leaders in Moscow and of 12 June 2012 on the new law on public rallies, – having regard to statement by the Spokesperson of EU High Representative Catherine Ashton on the sentencing of demonstrators involved in the Bolotnaya Square events, 24 February 2014, – having regard to the EU-Russia human rights consultations, – having regard to the European Parliament resolution of 13 June 2013 on the rule of law in Russia, as well as to its other reports and resolutions on EU-Russia relations, situation in Russia and last Duma and presidential elections in Russia, – having regard to Russia’s international obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Helsinki Final Act and membership of the OSCE, and membership of the Council of Europe and being a signatory to European Convention on Human Rights, – having regard to Rule 122 of its Rules of Procedure, A.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Artistic Freedom 2021
    THE STATE OF ARTISTIC FREEDOM 2021 THE STATE OF ARTISTIC FREEDOM 2021 1 Freemuse (freemuse.org) is an independent international non-governmental organisation advocating for freedom of artistic expression and cultural diversity. Freemuse has United Nations Special Consultative Status to the Economic and Social Council (UN-ECOSOC) and Consultative Status with UNESCO. Freemuse operates within an international human rights and legal framework which upholds the principles of accountability, participation, equality, non-discrimination and cultural diversity. We document violations of artistic freedom and leverage evidence-based advocacy at international, regional and national levels for better protection of all people, including those at risk. We promote safe and enabling environments for artistic creativity and recognise the value that art and culture bring to society. Working with artists, art and cultural organisations, activists and partners in the global south and north, we campaign for and support individual artists with a focus on artists targeted for their gender, race or sexual orientation. We initiate, grow and support locally owned networks of artists and cultural workers so their voices can be heard and their capacity to monitor and defend artistic freedom is strengthened. ©2021 Freemuse. All rights reserved. Design and illustration: KOPA Graphic Design Studio Author: Freemuse Freemuse thanks those who spoke to us for this report, especially the artists who took risks to take part in this research. We also thank everyone who stands up for the human right to artistic freedom. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of February 2021.
    [Show full text]
  • Mining the Web for Sympathy: the Pussy Riot Case
    2014 IEEE Joint Intelligence and Security Informatics Conference Mining the Web for Sympathy: The Pussy Riot Case Anders Westling∗, Joel Brynielsson∗†, Tove Gustavi∗† ∗KTH Royal Institute of Technology, SE-100 44 Stockholm, Sweden †FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency, SE-164 90 Stockholm, Sweden Email: {andew, joel, gustavi}@kth.se Abstract—With social media services becoming more and more reactions during an event. The information obtained from such popular, there now exists a constant stream of opinions publicly analysis could for example be useful for crisis management available on the Internet. In crisis situations, analysis of social during a disaster. Sentiment analysis could then be used to media data can improve situation awareness and help authorities to provide better assistance to the affected population. The monitor how the affected people are feeling and how they are large amount of activity on social media services makes manual responding to the help and the information they get [3], [4], analysis infeasible. Thus, an automatic system that can assess the [5], [6], [7]. The analysis can provide valuable information situation is desirable. regarding what kind of help that would be the most useful at In this paper we present the results of training machine the moment, and what areas to focus on next. However, as learning classifiers to being able to label tweets with one of the sentiment labels positive, neutral, and negative. The classifiers the number of messages increase, it becomes more and more were evaluated on a set of Russian tweets that were collected difficult for humans to analyze these messages at a sufficient immediately after the much debated verdict in the 2012 trial speed, making an automated process necessary.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
    RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom
    [Show full text]
  • The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot
    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing Academic Programs and Advising 2020 The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot Adam Clark Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards Part of the Music Commons Recommended Citation Clark, Adam, "The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot" (2020). Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing. 16. https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards/16 This Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Programs and Advising at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Adam Clark Victoria Malawey, Gender & Music The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot “We’re gonna take over the punk scene for feminists” -Kathleen Hanna Although they share feminist ideals, the Russian art collective Pussy Riot distinguishes themselves from the U.S.-based Riot Grrrl Movement, as exemplified by the band Bikini Kill, because of their location-specific protest work in Moscow. Understanding how Pussy Riot is both similar to and different from Riot Grrrl is important for contextualizing the way we think about diverse, transnational feminisms so that we may develop more inclusive and nuanced ways in conceptualizing these feminisms in the future. While Pussy Riot shares similar ideals championed by Bikini Kill in the Riot Grrrl movement, they have temporal and location-specific activisms and each group has their own ways of protesting injustices against women and achieving their unique goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Pussy Riot & Femen
    FEMEN protest in Kiev during 2010 Ukrainian election Sisters Kick Some Patriarchal Ass Pussy Riot & FEMEN Change the Face of Feminism By Chandra Niles Folsom It didn’t take long for jailed Pussy Riot members Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova to get back to kicking some patriarchal ass after being sprung from the Russian Gulag. Alyokhina and Tolokonnikova had been in the slammer for almost two years for slamming President Putin in song at a Moscow cathedral and posting it online. Since their release by Putin, just before the Winter Olympics held in Sochi, they have spoken out about their experiences to journalists, appeared on television and were introduced onstage by Madonna in New York at Amnesty International’s Bring Human Rights Home concert. They topped it off by performing in protest just outside Olympic Park during the games. The band was in town to protest what they said was lack of freedom of speech and to record a new music video called "Putin Will Teach You To Love Your Country." And as they have become well accustomed, Pussy Riot members were attacked by security officials and beaten. www.youtube.com/watch?v=ivT-I-yxtdY Donning their traditional colorful ski masks, Pussy Riot was performing when they were pepper-sprayed by a Russian Cossack before other Cossacks jumped in, publicly flogging and unmasking them. One of the band's posse said that the Cossacks shouted at them, “You sold yourselves to the Americans!" A day earlier, band members had been detained and held for several hours at a police station nearby.
    [Show full text]
  • 2.2. What Does the Balaclava Stand For? Pussy Riot: Just Some Stupid Girls Or Punk with Substance?
    2.2. What does the Balaclava stand for? Pussy Riot: just some stupid girls or punk with substance? Alexandre M. da Fonseca 1 Abstract 5 punk singers walk into the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, address the Mother of God herself, ask her to free Russia from Putin and “become a feminist”. They are stopped by the security and three members are later arrested. The rest is history… Nevertheless, Pussy Riot have proven to be more complex. This article aims to go beyond the dichotomies and the narratives played out in Western and Russian media. Given the complexity of the affair, this article aims to dissect the political thought, the ideas (or ideology), the philosophy behind their punk direct actions. Focusing on their statements, lyrics and letters and the brechtian way they see “art as a transformative tool”, our aim is to ask what does the balaclava stand for? Are they really just some stupid punk girls or is there some substance to their punk? Who are (politically) the Pussy Riot? Keywords: Pussy Riot; Punk and Direct Action; Political Thought; Critical Discourse Analysis; 3rd wave feminism Who are the Pussy Riot? Are they those who have been judged in court and sentenced to prison? Or those anonymous member who have shunned the two persecuted girl? Or maybe it’s everyone who puts a balaclava and identifies with the rebellious attitude of the Russian group? Then, are Pussy Riot an “Idea” or are they impossible to separate from the faces of Nadia and Masha? This is the first difficulty of discussing Pussy Riot – defining who their subject is.
    [Show full text]
  • Pussy Riot and the Translatability of Cultures
    transcultural studies 13 (2017) 264-286 brill.com/ts Pussy Riot and the Translatability of Cultures Irina Dzero and Tatyana Bystrova Kent State University [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract The punk feminist collective Pussy Riot translate new ideas by embedding them in the visual symbols of the target culture. With their short bright-colored dresses and tights they tap into the stylistics of the Russian female performance as non-threatening am- biance to take the stage and protest against misogyny and authoritarianism. In 2012 they performed at Moscow’s Christ the Savior Cathedral and asked the Virgin Mary to put an end to Vladimir Putin’s rule. They were captured and sentenced to two years in prison for instigating religious hatred. Welcomed in the West, they made a music video “I Can’t Breathe” (2015) using the case of Eric Garner to explain the tolerance for au- thority in Russia. We look at the eclectic mix of thinkers and artists Pussy Riot named as their inspirers, and use the collective’s work to examine the changing attitude to the translatability of cultures. Keywords Pussy Riot – tolerance for authority – authoritarianism – intercultural translation – performance art Pussy Riot, a Russian punk feminist collective, rose to fame after their “punk prayer” – dancing at the altar at the Moscow Christ the Savior Cathedral and asking the Virgin Mary to “chase away” Vladimir Putin, Russia’s ruler since 2000. This article examines the collective’s work as intercultural translation: they seek to make intelligible bodies of knowledge poorly known or understood in the target culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Pussy Riot and Its Aftershocks: Politics and Performance in Putin’S Russia
    Pussy Riot and Its Aftershocks: Politics and Performance in Putin’s Russia Victoria Kouznetsov Senior Thesis May 6, 2013 When the all-female anarcho-punk group Pussy Riot staged a protest performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior—the spiritual heart of Moscow—in February of 2012, which led to the arrests of three members, they provoked a flood of public responses that quickly spilled over the borders of the Russian Federation. The significance of their “performance” can be gauged by the strength and diversity of these responses, of support and condemnation alike, that were voiced so vocally in the months leading up to and following the trial of Yekaterina Samutsevich, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, and Maria Alyokhina (ages 30, 23, and 24, respectively). The discourse surrounding the group’s performance, amplified by the passions surrounding the imminent reelection of Vladimir Putin to a third term as president on May 7, 2012, reveals many emerging rifts in Russia’s social and political fabric. At a time when Russia faces increasingly challenging questions about its national identity, leadership, and role in the post-Soviet world, the action, arrest and subsequent trial of Pussy Riot serves as an epicenter for a diverse array of national and international quakes. The degree to which politicians, leaders of civil society, followers of the Russian Orthodox faith, and influential figures of the art scene in Russia rallied around the Pussy Riot trial speaks to the particularly fraught timing of the performance and its implications in gauging Russia’s emerging social and political trends. The disproportionately high degree of media attention given to the case by the West, however, has added both temporal and spatial dimensions to the case, evoking Cold War rhetoric both in Russia and abroad.
    [Show full text]