Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 04:33:44PM Via Free Access 138 Simpson to Regrounding Christianity in Scripture

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 04:33:44PM Via Free Access 138 Simpson to Regrounding Christianity in Scripture Erasmus Studies 37 (2017) 137–160 brill.com/eras The Use of evangelicus in the Paraphrases Dean Simpson* University of Richmond [email protected] Abstract This article is a word study that analyses and interprets how Erasmus uses the adjective evangelicus, -a, -um in his New Testament Paraphrases. The development of the idiom ‘gospel-blank’ (evangelicus + noun) is analyzed diachronically; the phrases denoting gospel things are divided into six semantic categories. The study shows, on the one hand, that there is a general consistency in how evangelicus is used, the most common pairings predominating in most Paraphrases on the Epistles and Gospels, while, on the other, there is some broadening and lowering of the nouns with which evangelicus is joined, moving from the Paraphrases on the Epistles to the Gospel Paraphrases. Erasmus’ changing attitude to the project of paraphrasing the New Testament provides biographical and historical context in which to place the study’s findings. The study concludes by highlighting the New Testament Paraphrases as Erasmus’ humanistic response to worsening divisions in the early 1520s. Keywords genitive – God’s salvific power – gospel – Paraphrases The Biblical scholarship of Erasmus of Rotterdam holds a prominent place among the many things that make the Renaissance author historically impor- tant. Erasmus’ first edition of the Greek New Testament, his Latin translation, and the Annotations, published together in 1516 as the Novum Instrumentum, are supreme illustrations of Erasmus’ humanistic erudition and commitment * I want to express my gratitude to the anonymous readers for a number of corrections and helpful suggestions. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2017 | doi: 10.1163/18749275-03702001Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:33:44PM via free access 138 simpson to regrounding Christianity in Scripture. A fourth component of Erasmus’ bib- lical scholarship, the New Testament Paraphrases, fits so well with the Novum Instrumentum that it could easily be imagined that Erasmus planned his bib- lical scholarship as a fourfold project: text, translation, notes, and elaborated commentaries written from the point of view of the biblical authors. The truth of the matter is different. Erasmus had no plan to paraphrase the New Testament1 and as the scope of the Paraphrases increased—Paraphrase on Romans, Paraphrases on the Pauline Epistles, Paraphrases on the Epistles of Paul and Peter, Paraphrases on all the Epistles, Paraphrase on Matthew—he hoped each new work might suffice, until, remarkably late, he saw the need to finish the project ending with Acts, omitting Revelation for obvious rea- sons.2 Working in concentrated periods of weeks interspersed amid his other liter- ary activities, Erasmus wrote the Paraphrases between 1517 and 1524. Paraphras- ing was hard work,3 requiring the close reading of biblical texts and selected commentaries to arrive at a synthesis that could serve as the basis for informed reading and preaching. As hard as it was to persuade Erasmus to move beyond his original intension of paraphrasing only Paul’s Epistle to the Romans and tackle the other New Testament Epistles, it was much harder to prevail on Erasmus to jump from paraphrasing Epistles to paraphrasing Gospels. As letters, the Epistles left out a lot for a paraphrast to supply. The Gospels were already continuous and well elaborated, raising the question, what was there for the paraphrast to add? Eras- mus also worried about the presumption of altering the recorded statements of Jesus Christ.4 Redundancies and discrepancies between the Gosples also posed 1 See “The Paraphrases of Erasmus: Origin and Character” in cwe 42, xv and (cited there) Albert Rabil Jr, “Erasmus’ Paraphrase of the Gospel of John,” Church History 48 (1979) 142– 155, esp. 142–144 where Erasmus is described as not being “self-conscious about the project of writing paraphrases of the New Testament.” I think an attitude of reluctance is closer to the mark. 2 Erasmus recounts the stages in Ep. 1341a, 30 Jan. 1523, to Johann von Botzheim, lines 750–774 cwe. For an overview of the publication history of the Paraphrases see R.A.B. Mynors, “The Publication of the Latin Paraphrases” cwe 42 xx–xxix. See also Rabil, note 1. 3 Erasmus begins Ep. 1171, 16 Dec. 1520, dedicating the Paraphrase on James to Cardinal Matthäus Schiner, by likening himself to an athlete: “I thought I had already reached the end of my race, and was intending to give myself a rest, at any rate from studies of this kind, having explained all the Epistles which I thought genuinely Pauline.” lines 4–6 cwe; the metaphor is repeated at lines 50–51. 4 Ep. 1255, 13 Jan., 1522, dedicating the Paraphrase on Matthew to Charles v, gives numerous reasons why Erasmus did not want to paraphrase the Gospel of Matthew after having para- ErasmusDownloaded Studies from 37 Brill.com10/01/2021 (2017) 137–160 04:33:44PM via free access the use of evangelicus in the paraphrases 139 a problem. In the end, a white lie on the part of Cardinal Schiner, who spread word that the Paraphrase on Matthew was nearly ready for publication, forced Erasmus’ hand.5 As he worked on the Paraphrase on Matthew in November and December, 1521, Erasmus held out hope that one Gospel paraphrase might be enough.6 Rather than finding the task of paraphrasing the Gospels daunting, it is clear that Erasmus found the exercise of impersonating the evangelists satisfying and illumining.There is no evidence in the Gospel Paraphrases themselves that Erasmus felt any scruple in rephrasing Jesus’ words. This type of work, it turned out, suited Erasmus very well: the literary, analytical, and pastoral challenges drew him in and up.7 The popularity of the Paraphrases also buoyed him.8 As phrased the New Testament Epistles (lines 31–79 cwe). Chief among these was that it was too bold an undertaking: “the majesty of Christ was too great for the same boldness to be permissible in respect of the words he uttered.” lines 34–36 cwe. Also Ep. 1333, 5 Jan., 1523, dedicating the Paraphrase on John to Archduke Ferdinand: “The very grandeur of the work inspired a certain awe that deterred my mind from approaching it.” lines 7–8 cwe. 5 Again from Ep. 1255: “[Cardinal Shiner] went on to Milan, and promised the Germans in my name that the work would come out this winter. Consequently on my return to Basel I was beset by my German friends, who can be very obstinate when they want something, so that to fulfill my promises he and I had made I finished the work in about a month.” lines 88–92 cwe. Also Ep. 1248, 14 Dec. 1521, to Matthäus Shiner, lines 16–18 cwe. 6 Ep. 1333, on completing the Paraphrase on Matthew: “I then thought that in this class of composition I had done all I ever should.” lines 10–11 cwe. 7 Recent studies of the Paraphrases as scholarly and literary achievements are found in Holy Scripture Speaks: The Production and Reception of Erasmus’ Paraphrases on the New Testa- ment, eds. Hilmar M. Pabel and Mark Vessey (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002). Also of note, Reiner Leushuis, “Speaking the Gospel: The Voice of the Evangelist in Erasmus’ Paraphrases on the New Testament,” Erasmus Studies, 36.2 (2016) 163–185; see also Cottier (note 20) and Bloemendal (note 26). For a recent historical study of Erasmus’ approach to the project, see Christine Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam: Advocate of a New Chris- tianity (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013) ch. 7 “The New Testament Scholar” 79–96 and ch. 8 “The Paraphrast” 97–110. 8 Erasmus was extremely pleased by Charles v’s letter of 1 April 1522 acknowledging the Para- phrase on Matthew which Erasmus dedicated to him. Charles praises the work and comments on “the great applause with which it has been received by all authoritative and learned crit- ics.” He adds: “Great as is the reputation you have won by the other products of your labours, which are famous everywhere, by none are you thought to have earned a richer harvest than by your paraphrases.” Ep. 1270, lines 6–7 and 10–12 cwe. In Ep. 1331, 25 Dec. 1522, to Johann von Botzheim, Erasmus lists six dignitaries who reported the emperor’s high estimate of his work separately from the emperor himself, lines 12–19. Cf. Epp. 1299:41–46 and 1342:280–286 cwe. Erasmus Studies 37 (2017) 137–160 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 04:33:44PM via free access 140 simpson we will see, before he was done, Erasmus came to have a strong personal affinity for the project and to feel an urgent desire to complete and publish his learned, coherent interpretation of the New Testament. The present study arises from the experience of translating Erasmus’Paraphra- sis in Mattheum (cwe 45, 2008) and the curiosity that arose about one word, the adjective evangelicus (noun root evangel- ‘gospel’ + adjective forming suffix -icus, a, um = ‘of, belonging to, pertaining to, having the characteristic of, appro- priate to’). In deciding how to translate evangelicus, account had to be taken of the fact that Erasmus combines the word with a surprising array of nouns, some of which do not have a natural Christian reference. As stated in the preface, it was felt that Erasmus’ use of evangelicus was “clearly intended to impress, at times to arrest if not to shock” (cwe 45:xiii). Following upon this observation was the decision to translate evangelicus most often as ‘gospel’ because it makes phrases that are rhetorically strong (e.g., gospel vigor vs. the vigor of the gospel) and because in English it connects directly to the noun ‘the gospel’ (the good news), in preference to ‘evangelical’ which is not built on an English noun and has a number of meanings (e.g., gospel faith vs.
Recommended publications
  • David Rafferty, the Fall of the Roman Republic
    The Fall of the Roman Republic DAVID RAFFERTY the Mediterranean, meant there was no longer anyone for the Romans to fear, which in turn meant that Rome lost her discipline. Another How did crises change ancient theme blamed greed and ambition for Rome’s societies? problems: greed and success had made some men very rich and others very poor. The rich How did key individuals contribute to had appetites which the Republic could not such events? contain, while they also became corrupt, and the poor had nothing to lose from change. A How might we judge the historical similar theme blamed the ambitions of the significance of these crises and the great men who brought down their Republic: individuals who took part in them?1 they were no longer content to be renowned in a free state, but wanted to dominate their fellow-citizens. Historical significance Most modern scholars have not accepted these explanations. But many causes have been Why did the Roman Republic fall? This blamed for the collapse of the Republic, too question was of great interest to the Romans many to list here. Lintott’s CAH chapter briefly themselves, both at the time and later. The outlines some of them, but the Blackwell best starting point is Andrew Lintott’s chapter Companion to the Roman Republic is a better 1, ‘The crisis of the Republic: sources and source. Such companions tend to be uneven, source-problems’ in CAH 9 (that is, volume but this one is excellent, and thoroughly 9 of the second edition of the Cambridge recommended.
    [Show full text]
  • The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life.
    [Show full text]
  • Augustus and Auctoritas
    Augustus and Auctoritas Lea Cantor University of Cambridge Classics Department Class of 2017 Abstract: This paper addresses the Republican precedent for Augustan auctoritas, with a particular focus on its role in legitimizing near-absolute rule in a State which continued to refer to itself as a res publica, and to its leader as an exceptionally authoritative princeps. If Augustan rule cannot reasonably be described as Republican in nature, much of the terminology used in the Res Gestae—be it in reference to the State (the res publica), to personal auctoritas, or to the role of a princeps—is strikingly Republican in origin. Although Augustus himself is careful not to use phrases such as res publica restituta or res publica reddita,1 the settlement of 13 January 27 B.C. was meant to convey a restoration of the res publica. Augustus’s intention to maintain at least an illusion of compliance with Republican principles2 starkly contrasts the lack of concern which Julius Caesar had shown as dictator for keeping up a pro-Republican profile. Instead, Augustus treads a careful line between expressing Republican sentiment and allowing such a political implication to be drawn from his actions. Even if one understands res publica as “the State,” “the Commonwealth” or, most literally, “the public thing,” the inevitable association of the term with a long tradition of Republican politics should not be downplayed. It was in looking to the past—to the mos maiorum (“nullum magistratum contra morem maiorum delatum recepi”)3—that Augustus claimed to have rebuilt a functional state, rooted out corruption, and put a definitive end to the chaos brought about by approximately 150 years of civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Cato the Censor and the Beginnings of Latin Prose
    Cato the Censor and the Beginnings of Latin Prose Cato the Censor and the Beginnings of Latin Prose FROM POETIC TRANSLATION TO ELITE TRANSCRIPTION Enrica Sciarrino THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS · COLUMBUS Copyright © 2011 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sciarrino, Enrica, 1968– Cato the Censor and the beginnings of Latin prose : from poetic translation to elite tran- scription / Enrica Sciarrino. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-1165-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8142-1165-8 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-9266-2 (cd-rom) 1. Latin prose literature—History and criticism. 2. Cato, Marcus Porcius, 234–149 B.C.—Criticism and interpretation. I. Title. PA6081.S35 2011 878'.01—dc22 2011006020 This book is available in the following editions: Cloth (ISBN 978-0-8142-1165-6) CD-ROM (ISBN 978-0-8142-9266-2) Cover design by Mia Risberg. Text design by Jennifer Shoffey Forsythe. Typeset in Times New Roman. Printed by Thomson-Shore, Inc. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI 39.48-1992. 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents Preface and Acknowledgments vii List of Abbreviations xi Chapter 1 Situating the Beginnings of Latin Prose 1 Chapter 2 Under the Roman Sun: Poets, Rulers, Translations, and Power 38 Chapter 3 Conflicting Scenarios: Traffic in Others and Others’ Things 78 Chapter 4 Inventing Latin Prose: Cato the Censor and the Formation of a New Aristocracy 117 Chapter 5 Power Differentials in Writing: Texts and Authority 161 Conclusion 203 Bibliography 209 Index Locorum 229 General Index 231 Preface and Acknowledgments his book treats a moment in Roman cultural history that in the last decade or so has become one of the most contentious areas of dis- T cussion in classical scholarship.
    [Show full text]
  • Honor and Virtue
    PERSPECTIVES Honor and Virtue Many of the characters in Julius Caesar are preoccupied – obsessed, even – with ideas of honor and virtue. They want to act in a way that is "right" and just, that will not bring shame upon them, and that will benefit not only themselves, but the nation of Rome. Concepts of honor and virtue, however, are not concrete. They change throughout time and from culture to culture. In Julius Caesar, Shakespeare has to balance the Roman pagan ideals of his historical subject matter with the Christian morals of the world in which he lived (and in which he had to get his play past the government censors). This activity will explore concepts of virtue both in Roman antiquity and in Shakespeare's England, as well as examining ways to relate those ideas to modern frameworks of honor and morality. This activity will also touch on the issue of suicide as depicted within the play. As this is a sensitive issue and possibly triggering for some teenagers, you may want to use this discussion as an opportunity to bring in a guidance counselor to speak to your students about suicide. Activity #1: Roman Virtues Roman virtues tended to spring from how a man related to society, based on qualities that formed a model for excellence in both private and public life. Attainment of these virtues was important because it allowed society to run smoothly. Some of the most important virtues were: Auctoritas, the totality of one's social standing built up through experience and reputation, a measure of clout and influence Dignitas, a man's good name and prestige, a sense of self-worth and personal pride Gravitas, a sense of sobriety, responsibility, and earnestness, a sense of substance and depth rather than frivolity Pietas, encompassing not just religious devotion, but a respect for the natural order of society and ideals of patriotism, as well as the sense of duty to the state and to one's family Veritas, “truthfulness,” honesty and respectability in dealing with others These virtues had near-tangible currency for the Romans.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Roman Emperors
    • Julio-Claudian Emperors Hadrian 117-138 • Augustus 31 BCE-14 CE • Antoninus Pius 138-161 • Tiberius 14-37 • Marcus Aurelius 161-180 • Caligula 37-41 • Commodus 178-193 • Claudius 41-54 • Nero 54-68 • Severan Dynasty • Year of 4 emperors 68-69 • Septimius Severus 193-211 • Caracalla 198-217 • Flavian Dynasty • Geta 209-212 • Vespasian 69-79 • Macrinus 217-218 • Titus 79-81 • Elagabalus 218-222 • Domitian 81-96 • Severus Alexander 222-235 • Adoptive (Good) Emperors • 50 years of near military • Nerva 96-98 anarchy (20 emperors) until • Trajan 98-117 Diocletian 284-305 • Cleopatra (1963) • Dir. Joseph Mankiewicz • Cleopatra—Elizabeth Taylor • Caesar—Rex Harrison • Marc Antony—Richard Burton • Octavian—Roddy McDowall • How did Octavian finally convince the Roman Senate to declare war on Marc Antony? • By reading Marc Antony’s will in which he requests to be buried in Alexandria, Egypt. Publius Cornelius Tacitus (56-117c) • Senator, historian, orator (aristocratic and conservative) • Held political office during terror of Domitian (81-96) • Consulship in 97 under Nerva; Governor of Asia under Trajan c. 112 • Works: Agricola (eulogy of father-in-law, governor of Britain) Germania (moral contrast: Germany v. Rome) • Annales (Julio-Claudian era 14-68) Historiae (Flavian period 69-96) Tacitus rewrites the Augustan narrative • “Augustus found the whole state exhausted by internal dissensions, and established over it a personal regime known as the Principate.” • “He seduced the army with bonuses, and his cheap food policy was successful bait for civilians. Indeed, he attracted everybody’s good will by the enjoyable gift of peace. Then he gradually pushed ahead and absorbed the functions of the Senate, the officials, and even the law.” • “Opposition did not exist.
    [Show full text]
  • Colleen Mccullough and the Evidence Some Case Studies in the Late Roman Republic
    Colleen McCullough and the Evidence Some Case Studies in the Late Roman Republic Blake Cook, BA (Macquarie University) Submitted 9/10/2015 in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Research Department of Ancient History, Faculty of Arts, Macquarie University, Sydney i ii Table of Contents Thesis Summary ...................................................................................................................................... v Declaration ............................................................................................................................................ vii Abbreviations, Citations and References ............................................................................................... ix Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ xi Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1 Literature Review .................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: The Divorce of Pompey and Mucia ................................................................................ 13 Chapter Two: The 'Bona Dea Affair' ...................................................................................................... 23 Chapter Three: The 'First Triumvirate' .................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Caesar: Julius Caesar’S Caesar and the Creation of the Myth of Caesar in History and Space
    CONSTRUCTING CAESAR: JULIUS CAESAR’S CAESAR AND THE CREATION OF THE MYTH OF CAESAR IN HISTORY AND SPACE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bradley G. Potter, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Erik Gunderson, Adviser Professor Fritz Graf ______________________ Professor Ellen O’Gorman Advisor Department of Greek & Latin ABSTRACT Authors since antiquity have constructed the persona of Caesar to satisfy their views of Julius Caesar and his role in Roman history. I contend that Julius Caesar was the first to construct Caesar, and he did so through his commentaries, written in the third person to distance himself from the protagonist of his work, and through his building projects at Rome. Both the war commentaries and the building projects are performative in that they perform “Caesar,” for example the dramatically staged speeches in Bellum Gallicum 7 or the performance platform in front of the temple of Venus Genetrix in the Forum Iulium. Through the performing of Caesar, the texts construct Caesar. My reading aims to distinguish Julius Caesar as author from Caesar the protagonist and persona the texts work to construct. The narrative of Roman camps under siege in Bellum Gallicum 5 constructs Caesar as savior while pointing to problems of Republican oligarchic government, offering Caesar as the solution. Bellum Civile 1 then presents the savior Caesar to the Roman people as the alternative to the very oligarchy that threatens the libertas of the people.
    [Show full text]
  • No One Is Forced to Wish to Die
    Faculty of Arts Master Eternal Rome No one is forced to wish to die Suicide narratives in Augustan and Neronian literature Master thesis 4-11-2017 Dr. N. de Haan Prof. dr. O. J. Hekster Julia Verberne S4192826 Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 Chapter one: suicide in Roman antiquity ................................................................................... 7 Motives and methods .............................................................................................................. 7 Stoicism and suicide ............................................................................................................. 10 Suicide as alternative for execution ...................................................................................... 12 Chapter two: the pivotal role of Lucretia ................................................................................. 14 Livy: the context of writing Rome’s history ........................................................................ 16 The analysis of the story of Lucretia .................................................................................... 20 Chapter three: Cato’s veneration as a martyr for freedom ....................................................... 27 Julius Caesar and the Roman forms of autocracy ................................................................. 28 Cato the Younger: the perfect Stoic even in death ..............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Excellence Redefined: the Evolution of Virtus in Ancient Rome
    Excellence Redefined: The Evolution of Virtus in Ancient Rome A thesis submitted to Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors with Distinction by Emily J. Trygstad May 2010 Oxford, Ohio i Abstract While there has been extensive academic research for over a thousand years in the field of Classics, it is impressive to note just how much research still needs to be done. For my thesis, I plan to take some of my own personal academic interest and channel it into a largely understudied topic: the evolution of the Roman value of virtus, and the effects that this change produced in Roman society. Virtus, which was in many ways held to be the paramount quality an ancient Roman male could possess, was initially expressed through an assertion of martial prowess. No simple translation for this ideal exists, however; “bravery” or “manliness”, while sometimes used, do not fully render the complex importance of virtus. Historian Myles McDonnell sums the notion up best: “the relationship... between virtus and all the other things the Romans valued – liberty, property, family, and fatherland – is one of dependence. Virtus embraces all that is good because it is virtus that guards and preserves all that is good” (McDonnell, 32). Over the course of time, however, history sees virtus make a gradual shift as an ideal manifested through military distinction to a more liberal celebration of “excellence”, not dissimilar from the Greek notion of‟αρετή. While most classicists and historians alike seem to agree that the ideal did indeed evolve over time, the study of what caused this shift has only barely been explored.
    [Show full text]
  • OEAGR Kaster
    Values and Virtues, Roman. Roman morality was in decline for much of Rome’s history—or so we would infer from a recurrent refrain heard virtually from one end of classical antiquity to the other . Here is one voice among many, the historian Tacitus (c. 56–after 118 CE), drawing a contrast between ancient virtue and subsequent vice (Annals 3. 26): Nor was there need for rewards when honorable ends were by their very nature sought; and since people desired nothing contrary to established customs, they were forbidden nothing through fear of punishment. But after the principle of equality was stripped away, and ambition and force strode about in place of restraint and shame, forms of lordly power arose . For Tacitus, “established customs” guaranteed an unforced virtue, which in turn allowed a cooperative community of just, pious, and rugged equals to flourish spontaneously, needing no reward but the good opinion of their neighbors and fearing no punishment save their disapproval. It was only when those customs—collectively, mos maiorum, “the way of the elders”—were trampled underfoot by self-seeking ambition that law became necessary. But by then it was too late for law to undo the damage. So ran the story the Romans told themselves, though it is very doubtful that the idyllic community of pristine times ever existed as a historical fact. It is far more likely that the Romans wishfully projected their better selves onto an idealized past, where they might live in their imaginations the best human life they could conceive. Considered in that light, the “way of the elders” represented an ethical ideal that people might strive to attain rather than a tradition preserved from generation to generation before it was corrupted.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Morstein-Marx Dignitas and Res Publica
    Robert Morstein-Marx Dignitas and res publica Caesar and Republican Legitimacy* How do you define the Roman Republic, as distinct from the Principate, also called the res publica1? A fairly traditional way of doing so would be to point to the collective rule of the élite in the Senate, a power-sharing arrangement policed by limiting the opportunities for individual members to outstrip their peers in power and influence, and decisively bringing them down (on the example of Scipio Africanus) if they did. Thus was regnum prevented. The trouble with this model is that it largely leaves out the Roman People, whose votes and other forms of sup- port were often precisely what gave that disequilibrating boost to a successful senatorial contender for popular favor – a general or urban politician or both. No contio is known to have applauded an appeal to senatorial solidarity or ‘élite equi- librium’. On the contrary, when in 67 Q. Lutatius Catulus, acknowledged leader of the post-Sullan Senate and revered princeps civitatis, opposed the assignment of extraordinary resources to Pompey to combat endemic piracy, he knew that talk of maintaining equilibrium among senators was a lost cause before the voting public and resorted instead to the suggestion that by investing all hope in one man the People were giving hostages to fortune. To his rhetorical question whose gist (the exact wording is lost) was, “After you have entrusted all your hopes in one man, how will you fare if something should happen to him?” the audience imme- diately roared back that they would then turn to him, Catulus2.
    [Show full text]