DOCSLIB.ORG

Only' Socialist Revolution Can End Imp'erialistwar! Ar Lirlmlnals• • Ea O Ar" Eace" Ovement

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Only' Socialist Revolution Can End Imp'erialistwar! Ar Lirlmlnals• • Ea O Ar NUMBER 100 25 CENTS .~~~. )(·523 MAY 1982 Only' Socialist Revolution Can End Imp'erialistWar! ar lirlmlnalS• • ea o ar" eace" ovement Vietnam 1972 EI Salvador 1981 From Billy Graham to the Quakers, Business Executives Move (BEM) from Los Angeles multimillionaires to member Erwin Salk. "You have nothing the Communist Party, from Robert Mc­ to lose but high interest rates," ("Who's Namara to Meryl Streep-the nuclear Nagasaki 1945 Who in the Movement," Newsweek, 26 "freeze" campaign has indeed been April). mushrooming. The bourgeois media has McGeorge Bundy, former national se­ Dissatisfied with the massive arms Furthermore, more "rational" mem­ played it up as quite the rage, the new curity adviser to John F. Kennedy and buildup which is fueling record-high bers of the bourgeoisie shudder at the "grass roots" movement in America. Johnson, and Robert McNamara, their· interest rates and falling industrial nuclear "high-noon" statements by Spokesmen on the "left" have tried to defense secretary, have come out against investment, they seek to put the U.S. Reagan and Haig. Talk of "winnable" pass off the "freeze" and "Ground Zero" nuclear "first use" in Europe. Their war arsenal on sounder economic nuclear war, "limited" nuclear war and hullabaloo as a "peace movement." article in Foreign Affairs (Spring 1982), footing-a leaner, meaner military "demonstration" bombs have scared Some peace movement! Led by certified written in consultation with Kennedy centered on, but not limited to, the millions of Europeans out of their wits, Vietnam War criminals and aspiring and cosigned by Nixon's arms control thermonuclear doomsday machine. It's thereby putting increasing strains on the imperialist top cops, the "freeze" cam­ negotiator Gerald Smith and George no accident that businessmen have N A TO alliance. Kennedy, Bundy & Co. paign is an economic/technological Kennan (a key negotiator of the Cold marched in prominent contingents at would like to present to the world debate among the bourgeoisie, utterly War. in the later 1940s now turned "freeze" demonstrations in Chicago and something less frightening than the and explicitly within the framework of detente "liberal"), calls for a more elsewhere. "Businessmen, unite!" says continued on page 10 massive anti-Soviet military buildup. powerful conventional military pres­ "National defense" and military "pre­ ence in Europe. Bundy and McNamara paredness" to wage an anti-Soviet war were the very imperialist butchers who are not at issue in this intrabourgeois carri~ out mass murder in the dirtiest debate. The disputed point is how to war of modern history. These "doves" Hail Rosa prepare U.S. imperialism militarily. As' dropped the equivalent of two Hiroshi­ the California "freeze" ballot initiative mas a week on the_largely defenseless Luxemburg! states>" ... the safety and security of the population ~of Indochina. That "conven­ United States must be paramount in the tional" war-fought with napalm and concerns of the American people .... " the likes of Lt. Calley-was ended only Poland's To view the bourgeois proponents of by the victorious workers and peasants nuclear freeze or "no-first-use" as of Vietnam who seized power and sent Conlmunist leaders of a peace movement is like the imperialists packing. putting Rudolph Hess at the head of the The position of the imperialist Anti-Defamation League. There's the Tradition "doves" in opposition to Reagan/Haig's See Page 6 none-too-subtle presidential bid by nuclear policy can be concisely summa­ "freeze" proponent Ted Kennedy. Too, rized as "more bang for the buck." ...... '~ 2 YOUNG SPARTACUS The Economist No matter who wins the sordid against Argentina in the wake of the squabble over the Falklands, U.S. sinking of the General Belgrano. For imperialism loses. Reagan/Haig have Galtieri, the seizure of the Falklands been forced to choose between their two was a desperate bid to quiet working­ staunchest anti-Communist allies in class anger at home. Just a few days Europe and Latin America. Neither before, 15,000 workers demonstrated in Haig's sorry imitation of his mentor Buenos Aires and were suppressed by Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy, nor large-scale arrests. Galtieri's move was a Reagan's hour-long phone calls to nationalist diversion, both to defuse the Argentine strongman Galtieri could class struggle and outflank the prevent a shooting war. In the present Peronistas. conflict Marxists are revolutionary In the U.S. the reformist left has leapt defeatists-it would be a good thing if into the fray, wrapped in the Argentine these two viciously anti-working-class blue-and-white. What makes this even regimes were to sink each others' fleets. more despicable is that they admit that Both the blood-drenched Argentine the Falklands seizure is a "cynical, junta and the despised Thatcher govern­ desperate attempt to divert attention ment can be brought down as a result of from Argentina's economic crisis" humiliation in war. (Guardian, 21 April), and then hail the Reagan's warring anti-Soviet allies. Left, Argentina's Galtieri; right, Britain's same cynical, desperate diversion! The As it stands now, Argentina's cruiser Thatcher with Haig. General Belgrano and "Her Majesty's" ex-Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party's destroy~r Sheffield are at the bottom of Reagan tried to be friends with both prevent his two friends from fighting is Militant (23 April) went so far as to the South Atlantic. It's poetic justice­ sides, but finally came down on Britain's eloquent testimony to the decline of draw an analogy between the Argentine British torpedoes sinking the U.S.-built side. It must have been an excruciating U.S. imperialism as the self-styled junta and a reformist trade-union cruiser and a French-built missile choice. Since taking office, the Reagan leader of the "free world." bureaucracy forced to lead a strike! blowing away one of Thatcher's most administration has been wooing the It's also a testament to the' rot Unlike the petty-bourgeois radicals modern warships. Naturally, "intelli­ anti-communist butchers in Buenos permeating capitalism: in the name of and reformists cheerleading for Third gence sources" have been feeding the Aires. Galtieri had offered elite troops national chauvinism, there is a war World nationalism, we say the working gutter press lurid tales of supposed to help overthrow the petty-bourgeois being fought over some of the most god­ class has no interest in the victory of Soviet involvement (like the New York radical Sandinistas in Nicaragua and forsaken real estate on this planet. either Thatcher or Galtieri. As we Post's 7 April headline, "Soviet Subs to crush the leftists in EI Salvador. No Thatcher claims she's defending the wrote in Workers Vanguard (No. 304, Falklands"). But all the Russians have doubt he figured that he'd get the rights of the 1,800 Falklanders. This, of 30 April): done is to give a slight diplomatic tilt to Malvinas Islands (aka the Falklands) in course, is a cover to rally the British "The Argentine proletariat must not be return for services rendered to the working class behind the imperialist taken in by the nationalist diversion Argentina, their main trading partner in over the Falklands, but must continue the Western Hemisphere, and sit back Central American front of imperialism's government Which has driven them into the struggle to smash Galtieri's bloody and watch the show. One dejected Cold War II. But Reagan has bigger fish . the poorhouse. It's also pretty cheeky­ junta. And the Spartacist League! Western diplomat in Buenos Aires to fry-namely the Soviet Union-and Thatcher's elite troops are in Northern Britain, section of the international summed it up by noting that the Soviets he «an't afford to lose "Iron Lady" Ireland suppressing those same rights, Spartacist tendency, calls on British workers to fight for their own class "are the only winners in this crisis. Thatcher if he ever wants to keep some and '. she's all in a tizzy because the power, eradicating the last vestiges of Everyone else winds up with egg on his semblance of NATO unity to roll back bourgeois Dublin government called on Britain's sordid and brutal imperialist face" (Newsweek, 26 April). the "Iron Curtain." Reagan's inability to the Common Market to lift its sanctions history. The main enemy is at home!" • • .-;~.--."....~.- '-"7t West Coast, Boston Loc,als Pace Spring Circulation Drive In March and early April, members as part of the campaign, making this key industrial locations as well as normal WV sales quota of 2,790, while and supporters of the Spartacus Youth the first time in several years that we among student youth. The circular the good sales results for No. 30 I League (SYL) participated in a special have supplemented our annual WV described the pressing tasks confront­ (4,287 copies sold nationally) owe spring drive to increase the circulation sub drive held each September­ ing the youth and party organizations much to sales at the March 27 EI of Young Spartacus and Workers October with a sub campaign in the as "establishing subscribers and regu­ Salvador protests. Vanguard among students and work­ spring. lar readers in various industrial con­ The drive was affected by the ers. As in previous spring sales drives, The 21 February circular sent out by centrations, leading to WV'readers' unusually high level of activity by the the comrades were seeking to increase the Central Office noted the tendency circles; black recruitment both in the comrades in March, not only the EI single-copy sales of YSp and WV by toward increased openness to revolu­ factories and on the campuses; Salvador demonstrations but also the about 50 percent over normal.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Intelligence Infiltration of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Soviet Intelligence
    258 INTERNAL SECURITY REVIEW 20/19 Marek Świerczek Intelligence infiltration of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Soviet intelligence Introduction In 2009 a set of documents by L.F. Sockow1, entitled Секреты польской политики. Сборник документов was issued in Moscow. It contained selected materials from the SVR archive (Служба Внешней Разведки Российской Федерации, СВР2) that come from the INO GUGB NKVD (Иностранный отдел Главного управления государственной безопасности Народного комиссариата внутренних дел СССР, INO GUGB NKVD3) and that referred to the foreign politics of the Second Republic of Poland 1935‒1945. Both the editor of the work, i.e. the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) and the set of documents with a clear-cut introduction by gen. Lev Filipovich Sockow leave no room for doubt about the propaganda nature of the work. And it was received exactly so by the Polish side. Polish historians and journalists tried to discredit the paper by proving that the thesis suggested there about the alleged politics of rapprochement between the Second Republic of Poland and Nazi Germans to establish that probable alliance against the USSR is in reality a manipulation. Probably it was only Władysław Bułhak who admitted that gen. Sockow’s work proves the thesis that the Soviets had an agent in the Polish MoFA. He developed a hypothesis that the documents of the Polish MoFA published in the set could have been the result of a disinformation operation carried out by the II Department of the Polish General Staff (further: II Department) against INO GUGB NKVD.4 Apart from the short discussion storm the work did not seriously change the way the intelligence infiltration of the state institutions of the II Republic of Poland by the Soviet intelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • Kula, Marcin. 2007, Messages of Stones. the Changing
    No. 20 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES Marcin Kula MESSAGES OF STONES The Changing Symbolism of the Urban Landscape in Warsaw in the Post-Communist Era April 2007 Marcin Kula is a distinguished Polish historian. He is professor of Warsaw University and of the Leon Kozminski Academy of Entrepreneurship and Management. In his research and writing he has covered Latin-American as well DVFRQWHPSRUDU\ SRVW 3ROLVKKLVWRU\%HWZHHQDQGKHZRUNHG at the Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences. His latest book publications include The Selfportrait of Family X. An image of Jewish life in 3RODQGLQWKHLQWHUZDUSHULRG 7KH8VHVRI+LVWRU\$VKRUWUHSRUW DQG&RPPXQLVPDV5HOLJLRQ © 2007 Marcin Kula and the Program on East European Cultures and Societies, a program of the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. ISSN 1501-6684 Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies Editors: György Péteri and Sabrina P. Ramet Editorial Board: Trond Berge, Tanja Ellingsen, Knut Andreas Grimstad, Arne Halvorsen We encourage submissions to the Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies. Inclusion in the series will be based on anonymous review. Manuscripts are expected to be in English (exception is made for Norwegian 0DVWHU¶VDQG3K'WKHVHV DQGQRWWRH[FHHGGRXEOHVSDFHGSDJHVLQOHQJWK Postal address for submissions: Editor, Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies, Department of History, NTNU, NO-7491 Trondheim, Norway. For more information on PEECS and TSEECS, visit our web-site at http://www.hf.ntnu.no/peecs/home/ This photo on the cover (the Palace of Culture and Science of Warsaw with VXUURXQGLQJQHZO\EXLOWKLJKULVHV LVIURP:LNLPHGLD&RPPRQVDFFHVVLEOHDW http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Warsawa2,jpg Marcin Kula Messages of Stones.
    [Show full text]
  • Katyn and Its Prelude Stalin’S Polish Policy
    Miklós Mitrovits Central European Horizons, Vol I Issue 1 (2020) I Issue Vol Horizons, Central European Miklós Mitrovits Katyn and its prelude Stalin’s Polish policy On 3 December 1941, Władysław Sikorski, the Prime Minister of the Polish go- vernment-in-exile, Władysław Anders Polish general and Stanisław Kot, the Polish ambassador in Moscow visited Stalin. The theme for the discussion was the ways to set up a Polish army that would be made up of the Polish prisoners of war kept in the territory of the Soviet Union. Sikorski presented a list of 4000 names to Stalin and asked about the whereabouts of the persons on the list. The conversation that followed was something like: Sikorski: These people must be here [in the Soviet Union] because none of them has returned. Stalin: That’s impossible. They must have escaped. Anders: Where could they have gone? Stalin: Well, perhaps to Manchuria. When the Polish visitors pointed out that it was an impossible explanation Stalin came up with the following theory: “In that case, we must have let them free, but they have not reached home yet.” Anders returned to talk about the Polish prisoners of war again on 18 March 1942 and stated that “the officers that were kept at Kozelsk, Starobelsk and Ostashkov” have not returned. Stalin responded calmly: 5 Katyn and its prelude “I have given my orders to let them free. They say that they are in Franz Josef Land, but there is nobody there. I do not know where they are. Why would we hold them back? Perhaps they are in lagers in the German-occupied ter- ritory.
    [Show full text]
  • Rosa Luxemburg and the Struggle for Democratic Renewal Rosa Luxemburg and the Struggle for Democratic Renewal
    Rosa Luxemburg and the Struggle for Democratic Renewal Rosa Luxemburg and the Struggle for Democratic Renewal Jon Nixon First published 2018 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Jon Nixon 2018 The right of Jon Nixon to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 3652 7 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 3647 3 Paperback ISBN 978 1 7868 0194 4 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0228 6 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 7868 0227 9 EPUB eBook This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental standards of the country of origin. Typeset by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Simultaneously printed in the United Kingdom and United States of America Contents Preface viii Acknowledgements xi A Note to the Reader xii PART I TAKING HISTORY AS IT COMES 1. The Long Apprenticeship 3 2. Entering History 34 PART II THE WORLD UPSIDE DOWN 3. Political Struggle 65 4. Political Agency 85 5. Political Purpose 103 PART III THINKING DIFFERENTLY 6. History is Now 123 7. The Long Revolution 144 Coda: ‘I Was I Am I Shall Be’ 162 Glossary: Dates and Events, Organisations and People 165 Notes 176 References 177 Index 186 PART I Taking History as it Comes And finally, one must take history as it comes, whatever course it takes Rosa Luxemburg, 11 January 1919, letter to Clara Zetkin (R: 492) 1 The Long Apprenticeship formative years She was born on 5 March 1871, in the small town of Zamość in the province of Lublin, part of Russian-occupied Poland near to the border of Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • ARTYKUŁ Battle of Warsaw 1920 Author: MIROSŁAW SZUMIŁO 12.08.2020
    Jerzy Kossak's Miracle at the Vistula ARTYKUŁ Battle of Warsaw 1920 Author: MIROSŁAW SZUMIŁO 12.08.2020 The Battle of Warsaw was one of the most important moments of the Polish- Bolshevik war, one of the most decisive event in the history of Poland, Europe and the entire world. However, excluding Poland, this fact is almost completely unknown to the citizens of European countries. It was noticed already in 1931 by a British diplomat, Lord Edgar Vincent d’Abernon, a direct witness of the events who, in his book “The eighteenth decisive battle in the history of the world”, wrote: “The contemporary history of civilisation knows little events of more importance than the Battle of Warsaw in the year 1920. It also knows no other which was more overlooked.” To better understand the origin and importance of the battle of Warsaw, one needs to first present a short summary of the Polish-Bolshevik war and, first and foremost, to describe the goals of both fighting sides. First, we need to state the obvious that the Bolshevik regime, led by Vladimir Lenin, was set for expansion from the beginning. As a prolific American historian, prof. Richard Pipes stated: “the Bolsheviks took power not to change Russia, but to use it as a trampoline for world revolution”. Polish defences with a machine gun position near Miłosna, in the village of Janki, August 1920 The road to Europe opened up when Germany lost the First World War and signed the surrender on November 11th 1918. The German troops then systematically retreated from the occupied lands of Ukraine, Belarus and other Baltic states.
    [Show full text]
  • Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century Digitized by the Internet Archive
    GALICIAN VILLAGERS AND THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY JOHN-PAUL HIMKA This first case-study of how the East European peasantry was drawn into national politics focuses on the Ukrainians of Galicia, 1772-1914. From first-hand testimony by peasants and rural notables, it demonstrates that the peasants’ political consciousness was forged by serfdom, and reforms initiated by the state and the penetration of a money economy. The book breaks new ground on related issues, including the connection between class and national consciousness, the reasons for a sharp exacerbation of the peasantry’s antagonism towards Jews, the new role of generational differences in the village and the place of rural women in the national movement. For a note on the author, please see the back flap Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 with funding from University of Alberta Libraries https://archive.org/details/galicianvillager00himk_0 Vq-Y' <*/l *JA JUv-t . % CJ 5 if" l^'i Galician Villagers and the Ukrainian National Movement in the Nineteenth Century by John-Paul Himka Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Edmonton 1988 Published in association with Macmillan Press, London Copyright © 1988 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Himka, John-Paul, 1949- Galician villagers and the Ukrainian national movement in the nineteenth century Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-920862-54-3 1. Ukraine—History—Autonomy and independence movements. 2. Nationalism—Galicia, Eastern (Ukraine)—History. I. Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Lecture 14 the Emergence of an Independent State And
    - 1 - Lecture 14 The Emergence of an Independent State and the Settlement of the Frontiers 1. Introduction. 2. The Settlement of the Frontiers The compromise which had led to the formation of the Paderewski government masked deep differences over the form the new state should take. No single group emerged dominant in the first elections and the period of the struggle for the frontiers saw a succession of weak governments. Throughout this period from the creation of the government in January 1919 to the end of the period of hostilities and the new elections, which were held in November 1922, there were shifting political alliances and the position of the Centre parties became more significant as the period grew on. Table 1. Party alignments 19I9-22 Feb. 1919 June 1919 Jan. 1920 July 1922 Right (mainly the National Democrats) 34.2 35.8 18.1 24.8 Centre (mainly the various Peasant parties) 30.8 33.2 59.1 53.9 - 2 - Left (mainly the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) 30.3 26.8 17.7 16.5 National minorities 3.5 3.2 3.2 3.9 Non-party l.2 l.0 l.9 0.9 The differences over the frontiers and structure of the new state were a continuation of the long-standing feued between the National Democrats and the adherents of Piłsudski. Dmowski and his followers, true to their belief that Germany was Poland’s principal enemy, aimed at extending the country as far as possible to the west, in order to make it a ‘buttress against the German Drang nach Osten’.
    [Show full text]
  • Generate PDF of This Page
    Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/3921,The-Katyn-Massacre-Basic-Facts.html 2021-09-25, 03:48 05.03.2020 The Katyn Massacre - Basic Facts Katyń is a symbol of the criminal policy of the Soviet system against the Polish nation. The present study aims to demonstrate the basic facts of Katyn massacre – the execution of almost 22,000 people: Polish prisoners of war in Katyn, Kharkov, Kalinin (Tver) and also other Polish prisoners (soldiers and civilians), which took place in the spring of 1940 in different places of the Soviet Ukraine and Belarus republics based on the decision of the Soviet authorities. Abstract Katyn is a symbol of the criminal policy of the Soviet system against the Polish nation. The present study aims to demonstrate the basic facts of Katyn massacre – the execution of almost 22,000 people: Polish prisoners of war in Katyn, Kharkov, Kalinin (Tver) and also other Polish prisoners (soldiers and civilians), which took place in the spring of 1940 in different places of the Soviet Ukraine and Belarus republics based on the decision of the Soviet authorities, that is the Political Bureau of All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of March 5, 1940. This article refers not only to the massacre itself, but also its origin, historical processes and the lies accompanying Katyn massacre. Keywords Katyn massacre, Soviet policy, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The term ‘Katyn massacre’ refers to the execution in the spring of 1940 of almost 22,000 people: Polish prisoners of war in Katyn, Kharkov, Kalinin (Tver) and also prisoners (soldiers and civilians), in different places of the Soviet Ukraine and Belarus republics based on the decision of the Soviet authorities, that is the Political Bureau of All- Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of March 5, 1940.
    [Show full text]
  • Druku, Mimo Pewnych Zastrzeżeń, Czy- Ni Z Tych Prac Wartościowy Element Warsztatu Historyka
    RES GESTAE. CZASOPISMO HISTORYCZNE 2020 (10) – FORUM ISSN 2450-4475 DOI 10.24917/24504475.10.12 Michał Klimecki * Toruń Tymczasowy Komitet Rewolucyjny Polski – Polbiuro KC RKP(b) w realizacji planów sowietyzacji Polski w 1920 r. Abstract e planned Sovietization of Poland was supposed to be executed by a Polish office of the Central Committee (CC) of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) [CK RCP(b)] created on 19 July 1920 in Moscow. According to the decision of the Political Office of the CC of the RCP(b) from the 23th of July, the “Polish Bureau” was named the Provisional Polish Rev- olutionary Committee ( Tymczasowy Komitet Rewolucyjny Polski , PPRC). e PPRC, which operated from its headquarters in Białystok, considered itself a temporary revolutionary au- thority in Poland. It issued decrees to the effect of nationalizing industrial enterprises, banks and landed estates. e PPRC refused to divide the land among peasants however, and the authority of its local revolutionary committees remained insignificant among the Polish pop- ulation. In addition, the attempt to assemble a Polish Red Army was not successful. Nor was the PPRC able to establish contact with leaders of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski ) or with the Tarnopol-based Galician Revolutionary Committee (Galrewkom). Both the PPRC and Galrewkom retreated along with the Red Army and ceased their activities. Keywords: Sovietization, nationalization, revolutionary committees, Polish Office Słowa kluczowe: sowietyzacja, nacjonalizacja, komitet rewolucyjny, Biuro Polskie CK RCP(b) Pomyślnie rozwijająca się latem 1920 r. ofensywa wojsk frontów – Zachodniego Michaiła Tuchaczewskiego i Południowo-Zachodniego Aleksandra Jegorowa, postawiła przed przywódcami radzieckiej Rosji kwestię ustosunkowania się do trwałości polskiego państwa i sposobu potraktowania jego zajmowanych terytoriów 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Remarks About the Activity of Polish Communists in Soviet Russia 1918–19221
    DOI:10.17951/k.2016.23.1.109 ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS MARIAE CURIE-SKŁODOWSKA LUBLIN – POLONIA VOL. XXIII, 1 SECTIO K 2016 faculty of Political Science, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, Poland KONRAD ZIELIŃSKI Remarks about the Activity of Polish Communists in Soviet Russia 1918–19221 ABSTRACT There were a few thousand Polish communists in Soviet Russia in the first years after the October Revolution. The Polish Bureau of Agitation and Propaganda at the Russian Communist Party [Bolsheviks] – the so-called Polbiuro – was the most important agenda of Polish communists. This article concerns the position of Polish communists in the Soviet state, their role in the Polish-Bolshevik War, activity amongst the Polish population in post-revolutionary Russia as well as amongst Polish POWs. The article is an attempt to answer the question: how to evaluate the activity of Polish communists in the Soviet country in the first years after the revolution? Text is based mainly on archival material from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI) in Moscow and collections of a few Ukrainian and Polish archives (Donetsk, Warsaw). Key words: communism, Soviet Russia, Polish-Bolshevik War, POWs, refugees, Polish Bureau The Polish-Bolshevik War, known also as the War of 1920, in the Soviet and Russian historiography was called the Polish War. The war, being crucial for the Polish statehood, was extremely important in the history of the communist movement in Poland. In fact, the substantial part of Polish communists stayed in Russia during the years of 1918–1922; however, there are difficulties in determining the number of Poles in the territories under the Soviet rule before 1926.
    [Show full text]
  • (C) Polonsky 2 Ch1 20/4/10 11:39 Page 3
    (C) Polonsky 2 Ch1 20/4/10 11:39 Page 3 ONE ccccccccccccccccdxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx The Position of the Jews in the Tsarist Empire, 1881–1905 What you write about the Yids is quite correct. They fill everything up, they undermine everything, and they embody the spirit of the century. They are at the root of the revolutionary-social movement and regicide. They control the peri- odical press, the financial markets are in their hands, the popular masses fall into financial slavery to them, they guide the principles of present-day science, seek- ing to place it outside Christianity. And besides this, no sooner does a question about them arise then a chorus of voices speaks out for them in the name of ‘civil- ization’ or ‘toleration’ (by which is meant indifference to faith). As in Romania and Serbia, as with us—nobody dares say a word about the Jews taking over everything. Even our press is become Jewish. Russkaya pravda, Moskva, Golos, if you please—are all Jewish organs . Letter from konstantin pobedonostsev to fedor dostoevsky, August 1879 he years between 1881 and 1905 saw a significant deterioration in T the situation of the Jews in the tsarist empire, who now constituted by far the largest Jewish community in the world with a population in 1897, when the first modern census was taken, of over 5.2 million out of a total 126 million (see Map 1). During this period the crisis caused by the deteriorating position of Russian Jewry was the motor which drove world Jewry. The crisis was partly the result of the growing disillusionment of the tsarist government with what it saw as the negative consequences of the ‘integrationist’ policies vis-à-vis the Jews which it had pursued, particularly during the reign of Alexander II.
    [Show full text]
  • Comrade and Lover: Letters to Leo Jogiches
    Comrade and Lover Rosa Luxemburg's Letters to Leo ]ogiches Comrade and Lover Rosa Luxemburg's Letters to Leo Jogiches Edited and translated by Elzbieta Ettinger PLUTO PRESS Thisedition published 1981 byPluto Press 11-21 NorthdownSt reet, London N 1 9BN Reprinted 1989 Frrstpublished 1979 byMIT Press Copyright©1979 MITPress Translated materialin this volume was selected the originalPolish ed.itioo, from R6ZilLuksemburg: edited byFeliks Lisrydo Leona]ogichesa-1jszki, Tych(KsiaikaiWiedza, 1968-1971). Photographscourtesy Centralne KC of Archiwum P2PR W.usaw, Poland ISBN 0 86104 347 2 Printed in GreatBritain by Billing& Sons Ltd , W:lrcester Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Luxemburg, Rosa, 1870-1919. Comrade and lover. Selected letters originaUy published under title: Roza Luksem- burg: Listy do Leona Jogichesa-Tyszki. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Communists-Correspondence. 2. Communists-Biography. 3. Jogiches, Leo, 1867-1917. 4. Luxemburg Rosa, 1870-1919. I. Jogiches, Leo, 1867-1919. II. Ettinger, Elzbieta. Ill. Title. HX276.L8433 1979 335.43'092'4 [B] 79-9327 ISBN 0-262-05021--8 (hard) 0-262-62037-5 (paper) Contents Editor's Note viii Introduction xiii The Letters The First Years : 1893-1 897 The Trial: 1898- 1 900 27 Together: 1 900-1 906 1 09 Unto Death ...: 1907-1914 161 Epilogue 189 Appendix: Historical Note 195 List of Letters 197 Index 201 To Maia Editor's Note Rosa Luxemburg wrote nearly a thousand letters to Leo jogiches, her lover and comrade. The letters were published in the original Polish in three volumes (Roza Luksemburg, Listy do Leona ]ogichesa-Tyszki, 1893-1914, Warsaw: Ksi�zka i Wiedza, 1968-1971), expertly edited and annotated by Pro­ fessor Feliks Tych.
    [Show full text]