The Subjugated Tamil People in Sri Lanka

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Subjugated Tamil People in Sri Lanka The Subjugated Tamil People in Sri Lanka A brief historical background & An appeal to Great Britain Peoples Forum : North - East, Sri Lanka Title : The Subjugated Tamil People In Sri Lanka Author : Sabaratnam Selvendra Copyright : © 2019 Selvendra, S Edition : First Edition, 2019 June Publication : Tholthamizh,Tellippalai, Jaffna. [email protected] Printers : Evergreen Printers, Jaffna. Pages : 74 Price : 250.00 LK Rs ISBN : 978-624-5067-00-8 This book is published on-behalf of Peoples Forum : North - East, Sri Lanka. 45/4, Stanly College Lane, Ariyalai, Jaffna, Sri Lanka. [email protected] www.tamilsovereignty.org Contents Page Appeal Letter to Great Britain 7 Foreword 13 Author’s Preface 15 Executive Summary 21 Chapter 1 : Introduction 25 1.1 Political Agitation 26 1.2 Rise of Militancy 27 1.3 Post Ethnic War 28 1.4 Sinhala Political Mindset 29 1.5 British Government Mediation 31 1.6 Obligation of the Members of the International Community 31 1.7 Durable Solution for the Ethnic Problem 31 Chapter 2 : A Brief Historical Background 33 2.1 The Jaffna Kingdom 33 2.2 Subjugation under Portuguese Rule 34 2.3 Dutch Rule 35 2.4 British Rule 36 2.4.1 Consolidation of Tamil & Sinhala Kingdoms into one Country 36 2.4.2 Unified System of Administration 37 2.4.3 Territorial Representation under Donoughmore Constitution 38 Chapter 3 : Transfer of Power from British to Sinhalese 40 3.1 Events leading to the Introduction of Soulbury Constitution 40 3.2 The Soulbury Commissioners in Ceylon 42 3.3 Soulbury Commission Recommendations 44 3.4 Failure of the Soulbury Commission 46 Chapter 4 : The Sinhalese Rule 49 4.1 Oppressive Measures Against the Tamils 50 4.1.1 State Aided Colonisation 51 4.1.2 Adoption of Lion Flag as National Flag 53 4.1.3 Dis-Enfranchisement of Plantation Tamils 54 4.1.4 Sinhala Only Act of 1956 56 4.1.5 Language-Wise Standardisation for University Admissions 58 4.1.6 Abolishing of Appeals to Privy Council 58 4.1.7 Doing away with Soulbury Constitution 58 4.1.8 Neglect of infrastructure of the Tamil homeland 60 4.2 Violence Orchestrated against Tamils 61 4.3 An Unjust War Imposed on the Tamils 66 4.4 Events since the War Ended 68 5. Conclusion 70 6. Reference 73 Appeal Letter to Great Britain 45/4, Stanly College Lane, Ariyalai, Jaffna, Sri Lanka, t a m i l s o v e r e i g n t y @ g m a i l . c o m , 14th March 2019. Prime Minister of United Kingdom, 10, Downing Street, London Sw1A 2AA, England. Honuorable Sir, APPEAL TO GREAT BRITAIN ON BEHALF OF THE TAMIL PEOPLE IN SRI LANKA TO HELP LIBERATE US FROM SUBJUGATION The Sri Lankan Tamils, we had sovereignty over our lands in the Jaffna kingdom that encompassed the north, east and north-western regions of Sri Lanka until the year 1619 when we lost our kingdom to the Portuguese. After 329 years of foreign colonial rule when the last colonial ruler Britain granted independence to Ceylon (former name for Sri Lanka) on 4th February 1948, Tamils’ Sovereignty over our homeland was not restored to us. On the contrary, the governance of the entire integrated multiethnic country was handed over to the Sinhalese Nation, under a Unitary Constitution. The Soulbury Commission who were responsible for the transfer of power arrangements stated in their report, “that it was satisfied that the government of Ceylon was fully aware that the contentment of the minorities was essential not only to their own well-being but to the well-being of the Island as a whole. And to quote the commissions report “If it were otherwise, no safeguard that we could devise would in the long run be of much avail. Recent years have shown that this observation was only too true”. (Farmer, 1963) 7 Events since independence clearly proved that the premise on which the Soulbury Commissioners based their recommendations was unfounded and out of context.They had done a grave injustice to the Tamils by subjugating us to be at the mercy of the racially oppressive Sinhalese Nation. It was rather unfortunate that the Soulbury Commissioners came to their decision while they were not unaware of the racially oppressive tendencies of the Sinhalese leaders and despite this impending danger having been pointed out to them by the Tamil representatives. Tamils have been continuously subjected to cruel and degrading oppressive measures by the Sinhalese rulers affecting our ethnicity, integrity of our homeland, language, education, religion, culture, economic well-being and our very existence itself. This has resulted in immense suffering for the Tamils. We are constrained to state that we find ourselves in this unacceptable situation due to the imposition of the unsuitable unitary ‘Soulbury Constitution’, for the adoption of which, the British Government was instrumental. We have realized that no amount of pleading with the obdurate Sinhalese leaders is going to make them relent and restore our rights to us. It is only the involvement of a determined international community that can bring about a just settlement. It is our humble opinion that Britain should take the initiative and mediate a settlement because of historical obligation that Britain owes to this country and particularly to the aggrieved Tamils. It is in this desperate and helpless background that there is a general feeling among vast sections of our people that we have come to the end of our tether and are left with no alternatives now but to appeal to the British Government, whose actions over the years under their rule and particularly from 1920 onwards until the granting of independence, have brought us into this pathetic situation, for redress and for the British People to show their renowned sense of fair play and justice and save us, though belatedly. 8 It is only fair that this matter should be re-examined by British Government by appointing an inquiry Commission to look into the manner in which its officials handled the winding up of the Colonial rule in this country until the legal handing over of the Country on the basis of the ‘Soulbury Constitution’ and assessing the extent of damage and injustice done to the Tamils consequent to their actions. The legitimacy of the subsequent two constitutions imposed by the Sri Lankan Government should also be examined as these were done in contravention of Section 29 of the then existing ‘Soulbury Constitution’; without the concurrence of the Tamils and against the very sprit and characteristic of the conditional polity that the British Government bequeathed to the Peoples of this country. Britain could use its good offices to take up this matter with the Sri Lankan Government and if necessary at the United Nations Organization and initiate necessary measures to restore the political rights to the Tamils, as all other numerous attempts and avenues of conflict resolution have failed. As a first step in this regard Britain could formally recognize the historical fact that the indigenous Tamils in Sri Lanka are a People who constitute a Nation and are therefore entitled to their inherent right to Self Determination. In this centenary year of Balfour Declaration of 2nd November, 1917 of which Britain feels proud, Britain could support the Tamil’s aspiration similar to Balfour Declaration and actively involve itself to help win the political rights of the Tamil People in Sri Lanka. The plight of the long suffering Tamils in this country is so acute that the international community cannot be as insensitive as to show indifference to the suffering and humiliation of the Tamils. It is the obligation of the international community to exercise their right to protect (R2P) and we feel that Britain has a moral responsibility to take the initiative to mobilize the international community to help restore to the Tamil People their inalienable rights that remains unfairly usurped by the Sinhalese. 9 We are conscious of all the generous financial assistance and diplomatic advice that Britain has been giving to this country over the years to resolve its problems. We are ever grateful to former British Prime Minister Hon. David Cameron for visiting Jaffna in 2015 and personally consoling the grieving people. He was the first Prime Minister of a country to ever pay a visit to beleaguered Jaffna and we are indeed indebted to him and to the people of Great Britain for this kind gesture. In the following pages we are stating our case in some detail to enable you to appreciate the gravity of our plight and our justification for making this appeal to you, in a report form. Once again, we humbly appeal to the British Government to help the Tamil People to free ourselves from subjugation and to enable us to live in peace with dignity. Yours Sincerely On behalf of the Subjugated Tamil People in Sri Lanka Signed by 1. Dr. K. T. Ganeshalingam Ph.D Head, Department of Political Science, University of Jaffna, Jaffna, Sri Lanka. 2. Mr. S. Selvendra B.Sc.(Madras), FCA (Sri Lanka) Chartered Accountant, Member, Valvettiturai Urban Council. Customs Road, Valvettiturai, Sri Lanka. 3. Mr. M. Thillainathan B.Sc(Eng.), MIE(SL) Chartered Engineer, 375, Point Pedro Road, Nallur, Jaffna, Sri Lanka. 10 4. Mr. S. Divakalala B.A(Hons), CAS. SLAS Former Secretary Ministry of Education, Cultural Affairs & Sports, North East Province. Chief Executive officer, Aruthal, 51, Wyman Road, Jaffna, Sri Lanka. 5. Mr.T. Kumaresan Web Master & Publisher 138, Bar Maniam Lane, Tellipalai East, Tellippalai, Sri Lanka. 6. Sri la Sri So. Thesiga Gnanasampantha Paramarchcharya Swamigal Nallai Thirugnanasampanthar Aatheenam Nallur, Sri Lanka.
Recommended publications
  • Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London Phd In
    Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London PhD in Social Anthropology UMI Number: U591568 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U591568 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Fig. 1. Aathumkkaavadi DECLARATION I, Jane Derges, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources I confirm that this has been indicated the thesis. ABSTRACT Following twenty-five years of civil war between the Sri Lankan government troops and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a ceasefire was called in February 2002. This truce is now on the point of collapse, due to a break down in talks over the post-war administration of the northern and eastern provinces. These instabilities have lead to conflicts within the insurgent ranks as well as political and religious factions in the south. This thesis centres on how the anguish of war and its unresolved aftermath is being communicated among Tamils living in the northern reaches of Sri Lanka.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Kataragama Pāda Yātrā in Sri Lanka
    Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences 2017 40 (1): 41-52 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/sljss.v40i1.7500 RESEARCH ARTICLE Collective ritual as a way of transcending ethno-religious divide: the case of Kataragama Pāda Yātrā in Sri Lanka# Anton Piyarathne* Department of Social Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, The Open University of Sri Lanka, Nawala, Sri Lanka. Abstract: Sri Lanka has been in the prime focus of national and who are Sinhala speakers, are predominantly Buddhist, international discussions due to the internal war between the whereas the ethnic Tamils, who communicate in the Tamil Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan language, are primarily Hindu. These two ethnic groups government forces. The war has been an outcome of the are often recognised as rivals involved in an “ethnic competing ethno-religious-nationalisms that raised their heads; conflict” that culminated in war between the LTTE (the specially in post-colonial Sri Lanka. Though today’s Sinhala Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a military movement and Tamil ethno-religious-nationalisms appear as eternal and genealogical divisions, they are more of constructions; that has battled for the liberation of Sri Lankan Tamils) colonial inventions and post-colonial politics. However, in this and the government. Sri Lanka suffered heavily as a context it is hard to imagine that conflicting ethno-religious result of a three-decade old internal war, which officially groups in Sri Lanka actually unite in everyday interactions. ended with the elimination of the leadership of the LTTE This article, explains why and how this happens in a context in May, 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Vaddukoddai Resolution
    Vaddukoddai Resolution Unanimously adopted at the First National Convention of the TAMIL UNITED LIBERATION FRONT held at VADDUKODDAI on 14-5-1976 Chairman: S.J.V. Chelvanayakam Q.C., M.P. (K.K.S) [A Translation] Political Resolution Unanimously Adopted at the 1st National Convention of the Tamil United Liberation Front Held at Pannakam (Vaddukoddai Constituency) on 14-5-76, Presided over by Mr. Chelvanayakam, Q.C, M.P. Whereas throughout the centuries from the dawn of history the Sinhalese and Tamil nations have divided between them the possession of Ceylon, the Sinhalese inhabiting the interior of the country in its Southern and Western parts from the river Walawe to that of Chilaw and the Tamils possessing the Northern and Eastern districts; And whereas the Tamil Kingdom was overthrown in war and conquered by the Portuguese in 1619 and from them by the Dutch and the British in turn independent of the Sinhalese Kingdoms; And whereas the British Colonists who ruled the territories of the Sinhalese and Tamil Kingdoms separately joined under compulsion the territories of the Sinhalese Kingdoms for purposes of administrative convenience on the recommendation of the Colebrooke Commission in 1833; And whereas the Tamil Leaders were in the forefront of the Freedom movement to rid Ceylon of colonial bondage which ultimately led to the grant of independence to Ceylon in 1948; And whereas the foregoing facts of history were completely overlooked and power was transferred to the Sinhalese nation over the entire country on the basis of a numerical
    [Show full text]
  • Jfcqjsptlpq Learning-Politics-From
    LEARNING POLITICS FROM SIVARAM The Life and Death of a Revolutionary Tamil Journalist in Sri Lanka MARK P. WHITAKER Pluto P Press LONDON • ANN ARBOR, MI Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iii 14/11/06 08:40:31 First published 2007 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Mark P. Whitaker 2007 The right of Mark P. Whitaker to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Hardback ISBN-10 0 7453 2354 5 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2354 1 Paperback ISBN-10 0 7453 2353 7 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2353 4 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Publishing Services Ltd, Fortescue, Sidmouth, EX10 9QG, England Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Printed and bound in the European Union by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne, England Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iv 14/11/06 08:40:31 CONTENTS Acknowledgements vi Note on Transliteration, Translation, Names, and Neutrality ix Three Prologues xi 1. Introduction: Why an Intellectual Biography of Sivaram Dharmeratnam? 1 2. Learning Politics from Sivaram 18 3. The Family Elephant 32 4. Ananthan and the Readers’ Circle 52 5. From SR to Taraki – A ‘Serious Unserious’ Journey 79 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Convergence and Divergence: Reformatting Language Purism in the Montreal Tamil Diasporas
    ᭿ Sonia Neela Das UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Between Convergence and Divergence: Reformatting Language Purism in the Montreal Tamil Diasporas This article examines how ideologies of language purism are reformatted by creating inter- discursive links across spatial and temporal scales. I trace convergences and divergences between South Asian and Québécois sociohistorical regimes of language purism as they pertain to the contemporary experiences of Montreal’s Tamil diasporas. Indian Tamils and Sri Lankan Tamils in Montreal emphasize their status differences by claiming that the former speak a modern “vernacular” Tamil and the latter speak an ancient “literary” Tamil. The segregation and purification of these social groups and languages depend upon the intergen- erational reproduction of scalar boundaries between linguistic forms, interlocutors, and decentered contexts. [Tamils, Quebec, diaspora, linguistic purism, spatiotemporal scales] ontreal is situated within the Canadian province of Quebec, a self- identifying francophone nation that seeks to be recognized as a “distinct Msociety” within North America1 (Lemco 1994). This society’s ever-present fear of being engulfed by a demographically expanding, English-speaking populace has contributed to a heightened level of metalinguistic awareness among French- speaking Québécois citizens. For the residents of Montreal, this metalinguistic aware- ness appears to be even more acute. Often characterized by scholars, politicians, and media as an inassimilable, globalizing element located within the otherwise
    [Show full text]
  • Sri Lanka: Tamil Politics and the Quest for a Political Solution
    SRI LANKA: TAMIL POLITICS AND THE QUEST FOR A POLITICAL SOLUTION Asia Report N°239 – 20 November 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. TAMIL GRIEVANCES AND THE FAILURE OF POLITICAL RESPONSES ........ 2 A. CONTINUING GRIEVANCES ........................................................................................................... 2 B. NATION, HOMELAND, SEPARATISM ............................................................................................. 3 C. THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT AND AFTER ................................................................................ 4 D. LOWERING THE BAR .................................................................................................................... 5 III. POST-WAR TAMIL POLITICS UNDER TNA LEADERSHIP ................................. 6 A. RESURRECTING THE DEMOCRATIC TRADITION IN TAMIL POLITICS .............................................. 6 1. The TNA ..................................................................................................................................... 6 2. Pro-government Tamil parties ..................................................................................................... 8 B. TNA’S MODERATE APPROACH: YET TO BEAR FRUIT .................................................................. 8 1. Patience and compromise in negotiations
    [Show full text]
  • Sc Spl 03/2014
    SC SPL 03/2014 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA Declaration under and in terms of Article 157A(4) of the Constitution (As amended by the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution) of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. Hikkadu Koralalage Don Chandrasoma G -16, National Housing Scheme, Polhena, Kelaniya. Petitioner SC SPL No. 03/2014 Vs. 1. Mawai S. Senathirajah Secretary, Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi, 30, Martin Road, Jaffna. 1(a) K. Thurairasasingham Secretary, Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi, 30, Martin Road, Jaffna. (Substituted 1st Respondent) 1 SC SPL 03/2014 1. Mahinda Deshapriya Commissioner of Elections, Elections Secretariat, Sarana Mawatha, Rajagiriya. 2. Hon. Attorney General, Attorney General’s Department Colombo 12. Respondent Before : Priyasath Dep, PC.CJ Upaly Abeyrathne, J Anil Gooneratne J. Counsel : Dharshan Weerasekera with Madhubashini Rajapaksha for Petitioner. K. Kanag-Iswaran, PC with M.A. Sumanthiran, Viran Corea and Niran Ankertel for 1A Respondent. Nerin Pulle, DSG with Suren Gnanaraj, SC for AG. 2 SC SPL 03/2014 Argued on : 18.02.2016 Written Submissions filed on : 18.04.2016 & 03.05.2016 Decided on : 04.08.2017 Priyasath Dep, PC,CJ. The Petitioner filed this action under and in terms of Article 157A (4) of the Constitution (as amended by the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution), seeking a declaration that the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kachchi (hereinafter referred to as “ITAK”) is a political party which has as its “aims” and “objects” the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka. The Petitioner by his Petition dated 27th March 2014, prayed for following reliefs: i) A declaration that ITAK is a political party which has as one of its “aims” and “objects” the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic at 40
    ! 24 Interview From Federalism to Separatism: The Impact of the 1970-72 Constitution- Making Process on Tamil Nationalism’s Ideological Transformation g D. Sithadthan1 1 Former Member of Parliament; Leader, People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). This interview was conducted by Luwie Ganeshathasan on 20th July 2012 in Colombo. ! ! From a Tamil perspective, what were the broad political issues of the post-independence period and what were the main political and constitutional challenges that the Tamil people faced? Opinion was divided at that time among the Tamils. Some sections were advocating for a federal state but people like Mr G.G. Ponnambalam were for a unitary state. I think he believed that, at that time since the Tamils were in an advantageous position, that within a unitary state, Tamils could have a major portion of the cake. There was a belief that if the Tamils ask for a federal state they will be confined to the north and east only and will have no share of the power in the central government. The Tamil people’s opposition was on an issue-by-issue basis. For example, there was opposition to the design of the national flag because the Tamil people felt it is a symbol of the Sinhala people only. Later the green and orange stripes were added to signify the Muslim and Tamil people, but to this day the Tamil people are not willing to accept the national flag as ours. Furthermore, in spite of Section 29 of the Soulbury Constitution and the famous Kodeeswaran Case, the Sinhala Only Act was passed.
    [Show full text]
  • Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
    Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Human Rights Crisis in Sri Lanka: Its Background and Possible Solutions
    Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 15 Number 2 Winter/Spring Article 11 May 2020 The Human Rights Crisis in Sri Lanka: Its Background and Possible Solutions Denver Journal International Law & Policy Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Barvara Cashman et al., The Human Rights Crisis in Sri Lanka: Its Background and Possible Solutions, 15 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 355 (1987). This Document is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Denver Sturm College of Law at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],dig- [email protected]. The Human Rights Crisis in Sri Lanka: Its Background and Possible Solutions* I. INTRODUCTION This report is concerned with the grave human rights abuses which are taking place in Sri Lanka against certain political and cultural ele- ments of its society. An examination of the current human rights situa- tion in Sri Lanka is set forth and subsequently, the applicable interna- tional human rights standards are discussed. In the process of arriving at a possible explanation of these abuses in Sri Lanka, special attention is paid to particular policies promulgated or sanctioned by the government. In an attempt to avoid what might otherwise appear to be'a description of a hopeless situation, certain alternatives are suggested by the authors as a means by which the government might adequately and effectively come to terms with the violence in Sri Lanka.
    [Show full text]
  • Sri Lankan Tamils Historical Context of Migration
    SRI LANKAN TAMILS HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF MIGRATION The fi rst international migration wave occurred right after the According to the Department of Home Affairs (2016), the fi rst Sri Lankan independence in 1948, mostly consisted of professionals and students immigrants to Australia were recruited to work in the cane plantation in mainly from the upper class and upper caste backgrounds (Van Hear the late 19th century. Many Tamils and Burghers migrated to Australia et al. 2004). People with English profi ciency migrated during this time after the introduction of the Sinhala Only Act in 1956. The changes in (Orjuela 2008). The fi rst wave cannot be labelled as ‘forced’ migration Australia’s immigration policies in the late 1960s and early 1970s paved a or ‘victim’ experience. The strength of literacy, English competency, path for further Tamil migration to Australia. While there were many who affordability, and established attachments abroad might have been fl ed the war and reached Australia as humanitarian entrants, after the among the main reasons for Tamils to migrate at that time. The second ethnic genocide in 1983 and 2009, there was also a signifi cant number migration wave occurred after the election in 1956. It consisted of those of Tamils migrating under skilled and family migration programs. It is who were in search of higher education and employment opportunities. also important to note the Australian government relentless campaign The civil war between Tamil militants and the government intensifi ed against asylum seekers from Sri Lanka in the post-war context despite after 1980s causing the next waves of Tamil migration, mostly in the form the reporting on human rights violations and ongoing ethnic outbidding of asylum after the riot in 1983, increasingly from the lower class and in Sri Lanka (Fernandes 2019).
    [Show full text]
  • 12 Manogaran.Pdf
    Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka National Capilal District Boundarl3S * Province Boundaries Q 10 20 30 010;1)304050 Sri Lanka • Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka CHELVADURAIMANOGARAN MW~1 UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII PRESS • HONOLULU - © 1987 University ofHawaii Press All Rights Reserved Manufactured in the United States ofAmerica Library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data Manogaran, Chelvadurai, 1935- Ethnic conflict and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Sri Lanka-Politics and government. 2. Sri Lanka -Ethnic relations. 3. Tamils-Sri Lanka-Politics and government. I. Title. DS489.8.M36 1987 954.9'303 87-16247 ISBN 0-8248-1116-X • The prosperity ofa nation does not descend from the sky. Nor does it emerge from its own accord from the earth. It depends upon the conduct ofthe people that constitute the nation. We must recognize that the country does not mean just the lifeless soil around us. The country consists ofa conglomeration ofpeople and it is what they make ofit. To rectify the world and put it on proper path, we have to first rec­ tify ourselves and our conduct.... At the present time, when we see all over the country confusion, fear and anxiety, each one in every home must con­ ., tribute his share ofcool, calm love to suppress the anger and fury. No governmental authority can sup­ press it as effectively and as quickly as you can by love and brotherliness. SATHYA SAl BABA - • Contents List ofTables IX List ofFigures Xl Preface X111 Introduction 1 CHAPTER I Sinhalese-Tamil
    [Show full text]