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Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1969 Article "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969" Tina Mai Chen Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, vol. 18, n° 2, 2007, p. 53-80. To cite this article, use the following address : http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/018223ar This document is subject to copyright. All services operated by Érudit available for your use are also subject to the terms and conditions set forth in this document http://www.erudit.org/documentation/eruditUserPolicy.pdf Érudit is a non-profit multi-institutional publishing consortium comprising the Université de Montréal, the Université Laval and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to produce and disseminate scholarly documentation. Érudit offers digital publishing services for scientific journals since 1998. To contact the Érudit team : [email protected] Document downloaded on 18 July 2008 Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969* TINA MAI CHEN Abstract This paper analyses the importance of love relations and sexuality in Soviet film for Chinese socialism in the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at the movement of Soviet women across the Sino-Soviet border — in films and as part of film delegations — I highlight the international circuits of gender that shaped socialist womanhood in China. I examine Chinese discussion of Soviet film stars including Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia, and Marina Kovaleva. I locate the movement away from 'fun-loving post-revolutionary' womanhood associated with Ladynina to socialist womanhood located in struggle and par- tisanship within the larger context of Maoist theory and Sino-Soviet relations. In my examination of debates over which female film stars were appropriate for China I draw out celebrated and sanctioned couplings of Chinese and Soviet film heroines, such as the links made between Zoya and Zhao Yiman. By look- ing at how Soviet film stars became part of Chinese political aesthetics, sexuality and love emerge as more important to our understanding of woman- hood in Maoist China than has been recognized by most scholars of gender in China. This approach therefore offers a new perspective on Maoist ideologies of gender with its emphasis on non-Chinese bodies as constitutive of gender subjectivities in Maoist China. I argue that while gender in Maoist China was primarily enacted on a national level, internationalism and international cir- cuits of gender were central to its articulation. Résumé Cet article analyse l’importance des relations amoureuses et de la sexualité dans les films soviétiques dans le socialisme chinois des années 1950 et 1960. En * Research for this article was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I would like to thank Sergei Kapterev for his excellent assistance in the Russian archives and Elena Baraban for her assistance with transliteration of titles. Thank you, also, to Joan Sangster and Steven Lee for inviting me to present an earlier version of this paper at the 2007 Canadian Historical Association annual meeting and to conference participants and the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions. ONLINE JOURNAL OF THE CHA 2007 / REVUE EN LIGNE DE LA S.H.C. New Series, Vol. 18, issue 2/Nouvelle Série, Vol. 18, numéro 2 53 ONLINE JOURNAL OF THE CHA 2007 / REVUE EN LIGNE DE LA S.H.C. examinant le mouvement des femmes soviétiques de part et d’autre de la frontière sino-soviétique – dans les films et comme membres des délégations de films — l’auteur fait ressortir les circuits internationaux des rapports hommes-femmes qui ont façonné l’image de la femme dans la Chine socialiste. Elle examine le point de vue des vedettes du cinéma soviétique comme Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia et Marina Kovaleva par rapport à la Chine. Elle situe le mouvement loin de l’image de la femme « post-révolutionnaire qui aime s’amuser » associée à Marina Ladynina et plus près de l’image de la femme socialiste des conflits et de la partisannerie dans le plus vaste contexte de la théorie maoïste et des rela- tions sino-soviétiques. Dans son examen des débats permettant d’établir les vedettes féminines du cinéma qui étaient appropriées pour la Chine, l’auteur retient les héroïnes des couples célèbres et approuvés des films chinois et sovié- tiques, comme celui de Zoya et Zhao Yiman. En examinant la façon dont les vedettes du cinéma soviétique ont fait partie de l’esthétique politique chinois, l’auteur fait ressortir que la sexualité et l’amour sont plus importants dans sa perception de la femme dans la Chine maoïste qu’ils ne l’ont été pour la plupart des spécialistes des rapports hommes-femmes en Chine. En conséquence, cette approche offre une nouvelle perspective des idéologies maoïstes des rapports hommes-femmes grâce à l’intérêt particulier qu’elle accorde aux entités non- chinoises comme parties constituantes des subjectivités associées aux rapports hommes-femmes dans la Chine maoïste. L’auteur fait valoir que bien que les rap- ports hommes-femmes dans la Chine maoïste étaient surtout édictés au niveau national, l’internationalisme et les circuits internationaux des rapports hommes- femmes étaient au centre de leur articulation. n 1954 the Publication Department of the Central Government of the IPeople’s Republic of China (PRC) announced that publication of various Soviet masterpieces would no longer be permitted.1 The reason given was that some of the adaptations introduced “bad elements” that twisted the true mean- ing of the masterpieces. In 1966 Zhong Yapeng, a Chinese student who had been studying in the Soviet Union but was sent back to China, reported that a love of “dirty” Western culture and jazz music now characterized Soviet cul- ture.2 In 1969 the Chinese press attacked an international film festival held in the Soviet Union and reported that the films promoted love of the class enemy under the guise of humanitarianism.3 These press reports and the ways in which they represent Soviet culture as susceptible to contamination reinforce the dete- 1 Renmin ribao (3 April 1954), 3. 2 Renmin ribao (15 November 1966), 5. On the history of jazz and “Yellow Music” in China, see Andrew Jones, Yellow Music: Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2001). 3 Renmin ribao (13 September 1969). 54 SOCIALISM, AESTHETICIZED BODIES, AND INTERNATIONAL CIRCUITS OF GENDER: SOVIET FEMALE FILM STARS IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA, 1949–1969 riorating diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the PRC. Mao Zedong’s concern with Soviet revisionism and its ascension in the USSR from the mid-1950s through the late 1960s provide the context for such formulations of Soviet literature, music, and film. Rather than simply contextualizing the comments, however, we need to analyse why the Chinese government and press reports utilized a language of desire and passed judgement on the appro- priateness of certain love relations as indicators of Soviet betrayal of socialism. Further, we need to consider how desire and sexuality are related to geopolitics and contending understandings of socialism. In this paper I analyse the importance of love relations to Sino–Soviet cultural politics and seek to demonstrate the centrality of a politics of love and sexuality to the global political framework of Maoism and of Sino–Soviet relations. The spe- cific focus is Soviet female film stars in 1950s and 1960s China, and the ways in which they were received, discussed, and debated. I explore what we can learn about global circuits of gender and their constitutive role in defining socialist citi- zenship, as articulated at the intersection of internationalism and feminism. My approach to internationalism and feminism is not a matter of simply inserting women’s bodies into studies of international diplomacy or of engaging in a com- parative study of women in China and the Soviet Union.4 Rather, what I suggest is that a Maoist ideology of gender, even though primarily enacted on a national level, cannot be understood unless we interrogate the centrality of internationalism to its articulation.5 On one level, then, this paper works to gender the important insights offered by Julian Chang who, in his comparative study of the structures and channels of propaganda in the Soviet Union and PRC, highlights the interac- tion between international socialist alliances and national conditions.6 At another 4 For a discussion of the limits of nation-based comparative history, see Ann Laura Stoler, “Rethinking Colonial Categories: European Communities and the Boundaries of Rule,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 1 (January 1989): 134-61; and Ann Laura Stoler, “Tense and Tender Ties: The Politics of Comparison in North American History and (Post)Colonial Studies,” The Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001); also Deborah Cohen, “Comparative History: Buyer Beware,” GHI Bulletin no. 29, 23-33. On the need for a more modest agenda and comparability as a temporal problem, see Harry Harootunian and Hyun Ok Park, eds., Problems of Comparability/Possibilities for Comparative Studies, special issue of boundary 2: an international journal of literature and culture 32, no. 2 (Summer 2005). 5 From a different perspective, but also calling for increased attention to the internationalist foundations of Maoism, see William C. Kirby, “China’s Internationalization in the Early People’s Republic: Dreams of a Socialist World Economy,” The China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 870-90; and Lei Guang, “Realpolitik Nationalism, International Sources of Chinese Nationalism,” Modern China 31, no. 4 (2005): 487-514. 6 Chang primarily considers the institutional, functional, and theoretical linkages between pro- paganda work in the USSR and PRC. This approach leads him to conclude that one of the major differences between Soviet and Chinese propaganda work was the targeting by the for- mer of mobilization of the general population and of education within the party by the latter.
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