ISSN: 2560-1601

Vol. 32, No. 1 (HR)

September 2020

Croatia political briefing: A New Discourse in the Croatian-Serb Relations? Strengthening of the Ideological Center and Celebration of Valentino Petrović

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A New Discourse in the Croatian-Serb Relations? Strengthening of the Ideological Center and Celebration of Operation Storm

Summary

The political landscape in has changed quite a bit in the last two months thanks to early-July parliamentary election win by HDZ and August celebration of Victory and Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Veterans in the city of . In both of these events, Boris Milošević, a member of Independent Serb Democratic Party (SDSS), had a significant role. First, he became a Deputy Prime Minister in Plenković’s cabinet and, second, he was an official representative of Serb national minority in Knin, during the above-mentioned celebration. As a result, many asked whether this will mark a beginning of a new narrative in the relations between Croatia and , or is it a mere strategic attempt made by HDZ to ensure the support of SDSS.

Introduction

It would probably not be an understatement to say that 2020 was a year with a high level of stress for everyone, including politicians and decision makers who were reasonably eager to take some time off from their daily duties in order to recharge the batteries and prepare themselves for the rest of the summer and highly anticipated autumn months. That is especially truth if we take into account “a new normality” that includes measures of social (physical) distance, safety masks, and the global economy which was severely hit by COVID-19 pandemic. In order to respond to these challenges political leaders had to restructure and adapt their platforms in the first half of the year, yet, they still have to face the possibility of COVID- 19 second wave that is expected in later months.

In Croatia, however, July and August were far from being politically uninteresting because of several reasons that are mutually interrelated. First, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) became a clear winner of parliamentary elections and was in a position to form a majority in Croatian Parliament with the help of two liberal parties and representatives of national minorities. Second, a member of Independent Serb Democratic Party (SDSS), Boris Milošević, became a Deputy Prime Minister in charge of social affairs and human and minority rights, therefore making SDSS a part of the Government for the first time since 2008 when

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Slobodan Uzelac also held a position of Deputy Prime Minister in Sanader’s second cabinet. Third, 5th August is often celebrated as a Victory and Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Veterans, a date when liberated the city of Knin against the Serb occupation during the Operation Storm back in 1995. The 2020 celebration was even more significant because for the first time in history there was an official member of Serb national minority in attendance, that being Boris Milošević.

A debate on HDZ’s ideological shift and marginalization of far right

In Croatian political discourse, Andrej Plenković, a Prime Minister and leader of HDZ, is often accused by far-right politicians or, as they like to call themselves, Croatian sovereigntists, that he is not a true heir of the Christian Democracy concept and a representative of the political idea envisaged by Franjo Tuđman in the 1990s. During the 2020 parliamentary race, right-wing political actors, in lack of their own political knowledge and agenda, would often comment that Plenković has turned HDZ to the center and would claim that a vote for Plenković is a vote for left-wing options. Those representatives were mostly from the far-right Homeland Movement, led-by former presidential candidate Miroslav Škoro. On the other hand, Plenković would counterback by claiming that a vote for Škoro is a vote for Social Democratic Party (SDP). In a midst of these mutual accusations, the voters eventually decided that HDZ would be a guarantor of safety in a time of COVID-19 crisis and rewarded them with another 4-year term in office.

In hindsight, we could argue that Homeland Movement was an election loser, giving the fact that they wanted to have their representative in the executive, but after the official results showed that HDZ can form a government without them, it was obvious that the policy of ultimatums was not as smart strategic option as they hoped it would be. Another right-wing option who does not prefer to be represented that way, the Bridge (Most), won far less mandates than in 2015 and 2016 elections and had to settle only with a position in Parliament. If we look at the overall results, we could debate on whether or not Croatia has turned to the right. It is clear that right-wing options won more than 50% of votes, while the major left-wing option, SDP (the Restart Coalition), had a disappointing result with only 41 mandate. However, both Homeland Movement and Most are heterogeneous in their membership and still have to define themselves regarding political ideology. That is especially the case with Most whose leaders are skillfully deflecting any questions about ideology. Croatian political, economic, or historic

2 sovereignty is a concept that can be found in the narrative of both left- and right-wing options and, thus, cannot be a winning ticket for the election race of any kind.

The Celebration in Knin on 5th August

After the elections, a member of SDSS, Boris Milošević, became a Deputy Prime Minister in a newly-formed Government. Soon after, the public started to ask if his appointment will be the first step in the process of normalization of relations between Croatia and Serbia. Furthermore, it was asked if Milošević will be the official representative of Serb national minority in Knin during the celebration of Victory Day on 5th August. Finally, the agreement was reached on a quid pro quo terms; Milošević will be present in Knin, while Tomo Medved, Minister of Croatian Veterans, will attend the commemoration in the village of Grubori, were six Serb civilians were killed by members of Croatian Army in the aftermath of Operation Storm. In his speech during the celebration, Prime Minister Andrej Plenković expressed his regret for civilian war crime victims committed by the Croatian side, a tragedy that can leave a scar on a just and defensive character of the Homeland War. Yet, he emphasized that after the Operation Storm, Croatia has made great efforts to ensure the return of Croatian Serbs who had to leave their homes during the wartime. In this context, Plenković argued that Croatian Serbs should not perceive this operation only as a cause of massive exodus from Croatia, but as a stronghold that marked the end of war years and offered them a possibility for eventual return.

President of Republic, Zoran Milanović, also recognized the crimes committed during the war but said that both sides still have to learn from past mistakes in order to avoid any future conflict. He welcomed the presence of Boris Milošević and underlined that it was a great effort made by Deputy Prime Minister to come and celebrate this event with the people of Knin and the rest of Croatia. Many analysts addressed the terminology used by Milanović when he said that this was a “celebration”, not a “commemoration”. By using these exact words, and with attendance of Boris Milošević, the representatives of Croatian Serbs have de facto recognized the Operation Storm as a just military action that ended the war. However, Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić expressed his dissatisfaction with Milošević, saying that the decision on Milošević’s attendance in Knin was not communicated with official Belgrade, while Milošević himself claimed that Serbia was informed about everything but the decision was finally made by SDSS and Croatian Serbs. Later in August, during the commemoration for Serbian war victims, Vedran Matić, an envoy of Serbian president, commented that for the first time in

3 history of two countries, “joint commemorations are being organized and that this policy should be a foundation for a stable and permanent process of reconciliation and dealing with the past”.

Conclusion

Whether or not a new discourse in the Croatian-Serb relations has been created, one still has to determine if both sides are willing to take the full responsibility for everything that has happened in 1990s. The celebration in Knin and commemoration in Grubori were for the most part symbolic, yet, the oral recognition of past mistakes from representatives of both sides could give a much-needed impetus for institutional transition that would encompass policy changes and specific actions, in addition to kind words and symbolism.

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