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The Response to the 1984-85 Miners' Strike in Durham County : Women, the Labour Party and Community

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The Response to the 1984-85 Miners' Strike in Durham County : Women, the Labour Party and Community Durham E-Theses The response to the 1984-85 miners' strike in Durham County : women, the Labour Party and community. McIntyre, Mary Patricia How to cite: McIntyre, Mary Patricia (1992) The response to the 1984-85 miners' strike in Durham County : women, the Labour Party and community., Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3462/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Mary Patricia Mclntyre Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. in the University of Durham, June 1992 THE RESPONSE TO THE 1984-85 MINERS' STRIKE IN COUNTY DURHAM : WOMEN, THE LABOUR PARTY AND COMMUNITY. ABSTRACT 1bis thematic account of responses from women in mining families, from the Labour Party and from communities, in Durham County, to the 1984-85 miners' strike, firmly separates mythology about the strike, generated both inside and outside the coalfield, from what actually happened. Reasons for both the generation and the persistence of that mythology are sought. The extent of hardship suffered when miners' families faced punishing regulations and discretionary practices of the statutory bodies to which they turned for help, is indicated. An historical exploration is made of the world of working-class, coalfield women, since 1906. Similarities and differences are remarked among women who, at different times, built organisations and became politically active in an excessively proletarian and male-dominated area. Central to this thesis is an examination of the contradiction at the heart of the Labour Party. Its socialist objective is embodied in the 1918 Constitution but successive, revisionist leaderships have preferred class collaboration. The argument made here is that revisionists progressively depoliticise the Party and the working class. As a result, Party members in Durham, disabled by pragmatism and well-entrenched conservatism, could make only a weak and patchy response to the strike. Widespread working-class conservatism ensured that appeals for help, even in pit villages, were not made on the basis of political solidarity. Support group women appealed successfully to safer, conservative notions of "community". In ex-pit areas, however, that appeal was irrelevant because miners were in a minority and, in any case, coal was seen as a dying industry. The year-long strike was a remarkable occurrence, sustained in Durham mainly by family assistance, County Council donations and, contrary to popular belief, the efforts of very small numbers of activists who took on disproportionate amounts of work for hardship relief. THE RESPONSE TO THE 1984-85 MINERS' STRIKE IN DURHAM COUNTY : WOMEN, THE LABOUR PARTY AND COMMUNITY Mary Patricia Mclntyre Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. University of Durham Departtnent of Sociology and Social Policy 1992 © The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without her prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. 2 7 APR 1993 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 1 INTRODUCTION 9 A. CHANGE OF FOCUS 9 B. MYTHOLOGY OR REALITY 10 c. METHODOLOGY 11 1. PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION 11 2. ORAL EVIDENCE 12 3. DOCUMENTATION 13 4. CREDENTIALS 14 5. 'PROPER' INTERVIEWING 15 6. LOST INTERVIEWS 17 7. COMPLETED INTERVIEWS 18 D. OUTLINE OF THEMES 18 Chapter 1 - THE HARDSHIP 19 A. SINGLE MINERS 19 B. FAMILIES 20 c. SURVIVAL STRATEGIES 21 1. HELP FROM THE UNION 21 2. OTHER INCOME 22 3. FORAGING FOR FOOD 22 4. FORAGING FOR FUEL 23 D. WELFARE FOR STRIKERS 27 1. THEDHSS 27 2. COUNTY SOCIAL SERVICES 36 3. THE VOLUNTARY SECTOR 39 E. DEGREES OF SUFFERING 39 F. CONCLUSION 40 Chapter 2 - MYTHOLOGY AND REALITY 42 A. MOMENTOUS CLAIMS 42 B. SELF PRESENTATION 47 c. SUPPORT GROUPS 50 1. THEINITIATORS 50 2. MINING VILLAGES : WOMEN'S GROUPS 52 3. NON-MINING AREAS : SELF-HELP GROUPS 55 4. NON MINING AREAS : MIXED GROUPS 57 5. PROBLEMS FOR NON-MINERS IN SUPPORT GROUPS 61 D. NON-PARTICIPANT MINERS AND WIVES 62 E. SOURCES OF HELP 64 1. THE ROLE OF KINSHIP 64 2. DEPENDENCE ON SUPPORT GROUPS 66 3. THE ROLE OF THE NUM 67 F. CONCLUSION 69 Chapter 3 • POLITICAL WOMEN 70 A. IS THERE A LEGACY? 70 B. POLITICAL SOCIALISATION 72 C. WOMEN'S LABOUR LEAGUE (WLL) 74 1. DIFFICULTIES OF RECRUITMENT 74 2. HELPERS AND SUPPORTERS 77 D. DURHAM WOMEN'S ADVISORY COUNCIL (DWAC) 78 1. SELF-AWARE OR SELF-EFFACING WOMEN? 78 2. THE CAMPAIGN FOR BIRTH CONTROL ADVICE 83 3. LOYALTY - THE PRIORITY 87 E. 1980s COALFIELD WOMEN 89 1. CHANGING EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS 89 2. OLD AND NEW OPPRESSIONS 90 F. WOMEN AND THE UNION 1984-85 93 1. WOMEN'S WORK AND CLASS STRUGGLE 93 2. UNHELPFUL MEN 94 3. THE SACRISTON EXPERIENCE 97 G. DURHAM AREA SUPPORT GROUPS MEETING 99 1. ITS PURPOSE 99 2. SOME PROBLEMS 100 3. GRIEVANCES 103 4. PICKETING WOMEN 104 5. WOMEN'S AUTONOMY 105 6. THEIMPORTANCEOFDASG 109 H. AN EDUCATION IN ITSELF 109 1. EFFECTIVE SPEAKERS? 110 2. EXPERT ORGANISERS? 110 3. CONFIDENT SOCIALISTS? 111 I. COMPARING THE GENERATIONS 119 Chapter 4 · LABOUR IN CRISIS 124 A. AN OUTLINE 124 B. THE LABOUR PARTY IN PERSPECTIVE 124 1. SOCIALIST CRITIQUES 124 2. THE POLITICS OF LABOUR LEADERSHIPS 126 3. LABOUR AND THE CONSERVATIVE CULTURE 127 (a) The dominance of social reform 127 (b) Reproducing social reform 130 4. THE WEAKNESS OF THE LEFT 131 5. SOCIALIST CHANGE 133 6. THE PARLIAMENTARY FOCUS AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST 135 C. DURHAM- A HEARTLAND OF LABOUR 139 1. THE LEGACY OF PATERNALISM 139 2. LABOUR IN POWER 141 3. LABOUR'S CONSERVATIVE IMAGE 144 4. THE DECLINE OF COALMINING 145 ii D. LABOUR IN ACI'ION IN THE MINERS' STRIKE 146 1. INFLUENCES ON MEMBERS 146 (a) Parliamentary leaders 146 (b) Absence of a pre-strike ballot 148 (c) Picket line violence 149 2. LOCALM.P.s 150 3. LABOUR COUNCILLORS AND PARTY BRANCHES 151 (a) North Durham Constituency 151 (i) Labour Party Branches 151 (ii) Chester-le-Street District Council 157 (iii) North Durham CLP Support Group 158 (b) North West Durham Constituency 160 (i) Labour Party Branches 160 (ii) Derwentside District Council 161 (c) Easington Constituency 162 (i) Seaham 163 (ii) Dawdon 164 (iii) Murton 165 (d) Sedgefield 165 (e) Hetton 166 (f) City of Durham Constituency 166 (i) Labour Party Branches 166 (ii) City of Durham District Council 170 (iii) City of Durham Miners' Support Group 170 4. DURHAM COUNTY COUNCIL 173 (a) Aid for strikers' families 173 (b) Opening school kitchens 174 (c) Active County Councillors 177 E. AN ASSESSMENT OF LABOUR IN ACTION 178 F. CONCLUSION 180 Chapter 5 · COMMUNITY 183 A. THE CONCEPT OF COMMUNITY 183 B. CHANGES IN THE COALFIELD 185 1. EFFECTS OF PIT CLOSURES 185 2. THE EFFECTS OF SOCIAL PLANNING 186 3. COAL- A DYING INDUSTRY? 187 c. PIT VILLAGES IN THE STRIKE 188 1. THE APPEAL TO COMMUNITY 188 2. THE TRADERS' RESPONSE 190 3. THE CHURCHES 191 4. OTHER SUPPORT 192 D. FORMER MINING AREAS 192 1. DERWENTSIDE 192 2. NORTH DURHAM 197 3. DURHAM CITY 199 4. FERRYHILL 203 5. BISHOP AUCKLAND 203 6. CHURCHES 203 E. HELP FROM OUTSIDE THE COALFIELD 205 iii 1. APPEAL FOR POLITICAL SOLIDARITY 205 2. THE RESPONSE 205 (a) SEAM Relief 205 (b) STC 206 (c) City of Durham CLP 206 (d) North Durham CLP 207 (e) Derwentside 207 F. CONCLUSION 208 1. PIT VILLAGES 208 2. EX-PIT AREAS 208 3. SOLIDARITY OR CHARITY? 209 4. HAD COMMUNITY EVER EXISTED? 210 Chapter 6 - CONCLUSION 211 A. THE CONSERVATIVES' 'OPEN CONSPIRACY' 211 B. MYTH MAKERS 212 C. SOCIALISTS AND REVISIONISTS 213 D. THE CONSERVATISM OF DURHAM LABOUR 213 E. COMMUNITY 214 F. COALFIELD WOMEN 215 1. WOMEN IN THE PAST 215 2. WOMEN IN THE STRIKE 215 (a) The NUM's verdict 215 (b) Radicalisation 216 G. TWO QUESTIONS 217 1. LACK OF SUPPORT 217 2. ENCOURAGING MYTHOLOGY 218 H. THE HEGEMONY OF CONSERVATISM 219 APPENDIX 1 Chronology of the Strike 221 APPENDIX 2 Map of the Durham Coalfield 226 APPENDIX 3 Manifesto of the Links organisation 228 APPENDIX 4 (a) Infant mortality rates in Durham County and England and Wales 1919-1927 231 (b) Enquiry into maternal mortality and into the incidence of puerperal infection 1924 231 APPENDIX 5 Women Against Pit Closures' Petition to the Queen 238 APPENDIX 6 Letter from NUM General Secretary to Pat Mclntyre 240 APPENDIX 7 North Durham CLP Support Group's Programme for Action 242 APPENDIX 8 Letters from North Durham CLP Support Group asking Labour Party members and trade unionists for their help. 246 APPENDIX 9 City of Durham CLP Miners' Families Support Group - record of donations 1984-85. 255 CATALOGUE OF TAPED INTERVIEWS 261 BIBLIOGRAPHY 265 iv Acknowledgements I am indebted to many people who, in one way or another, facilitated the writing of this thesis.
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