The Rise of Populism: an Examination Into the Conditions That
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Populism and Fascism
Populism and Fascism An evaluation of their similarities and differences MA Thesis in Philosophy University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Humanities Titus Vreeke Student number: 10171169 Supervisor: Dr. Robin Celikates Date: 04-08-2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Ideology ............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Populism and fascism as ideologies ........................................................................................................ 9 1.3 The Dichotomies of Populism and Fascism ........................................................................................... 13 1.4 Culture and Nationalism in Populism and Fascism ............................................................................... 19 1.5 The Form of the State and its Role in Security ...................................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 25 2. Practice ............................................................................................................................................... -
On Trumpism, Or the End of American Exceptionalism
Teoria politica 9 | 2019 Annali IX On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Publisher Marcial Pons Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2019 Number of pages: 209-226 ISSN: 0394-1248 Electronic reference Nadia Urbinati, « On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism », Teoria politica. Nuova serie Annali [Online], 9 | 2019, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 26 May 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Teoria politica On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati* Abstract This papers uses Trumpism to illustrate populism in power. It analyses it in its rhetorical style; in its propaganda, tropes, and ideology; and finally in its aims and achievements. It shows how the representative construction of the people is rhetorical and is independent of social classes and traditional ideologies. The paper argues that populist democracy is the name of a new form of representative government that is based on two phenomena: a direct relation between the leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the «right» or «good» people; and the superlative authority of the audience. Its immediate targets are the «obstacles» to the development of those phenomena: intermediary opinion-making bodies, such as parties; established media; and institutionalized systems for monitoring and controlling political power. Populist leaders compete with other political actors with regard to the representation of the people and use electoral victory in order to prove that «the people» they represent is the «right» people and deserves to rule for its own good. -
Populists in Power Around the World | Institute for Global Change
Populists in Power Around the World JORDAN KYLE RENEWING LIMOR GULTCHIN THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Trouble With Defining opulismP 9 Two Essential Features of Populism 12 Types of Populism 21 Cases of Populism in Power 26 Populism Trends Around the World 32 Conclusion 44 Appendix: Methodology 45 Downloaded from http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populists-power-around-world on November 7 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Populism is dramatically shifting the global political landscape. This report defines populism and identifies its global prevalence by introducing a global database “Populists in Power: 1990–2018”. Only with a clear and systematic understanding of the phenomenon of populism can political leaders begin to offer meaningful and credible alternatives. This report sets out to define populism from a global perspective and identify some of its key trends since 1990. Populism contains two primary claims: • A country’s ‘true people’ are locked into conflict with outsiders, including establishment elites. • Nothing should constrain the will of the true people. Although populism always shares these two essential claims, it can take on widely varying forms across contexts. This report identifies three types of populism, distinguished by how populist leaders frame the conflict between the ‘true people’ and outsiders: • Cultural populism claims that the true people are the native members of the nation-state, and outsiders can include immigrants, criminals, ethnic and religious minorities, and cosmopolitan elites. Cultural populism tends to emphasise 3 religious traditionalism, law and order, sovereignty, and painting migrants as enemies. • Socio-economic populism claims that the true people are honest, hard-working members of the working class, and outsiders can include big business, capital owners and actors perceived as propping up an international capitalist system. -
Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties Written by Sean Hanley
Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties Written by Sean Hanley This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Czech Elections: How a Billionaire Populist Upstaged Established Parties https://www.e-ir.info/2013/11/09/czech-elections-how-a-billionaire-populist-upstaged-established-parties/ SEAN HANLEY, NOV 9 2013 Voters in the Czech Republic went to the polls in early legislative elections on 25-26 October. The elections followed the collapse in June, amid personal and political scandal, of the minority centre-right government of Petr Nečas and the subsequent failure of a technocrat administration imposed by President Miloš Zeman to win a parliamentary vote of confidence. As in the previous May 2010 elections, the result saw losses for established parties and breakthroughs by new anti- establishment groupings campaigning on platforms of fighting corruption, renewing politics and making government work better. However, the 2013 results represent a decisive breach in the Czech Republic’s previously stable pattern of party politics party whose four main pillars – pro-market conservatives, Social Democrats, Christian Democrats and Communists – made it arguably Central and Eastern Europe’s best approximation to a West European style party system. The new political landscape that has emerged is both fluid and highly fragmented, with no fewer than seven parties now represented in the Chamber of Deputies. Seats held by parties following Czech parliamentary elections of 25-26 October. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected]
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 5-2014 Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime, 99 Iowa L. Rev. 1473 (2014) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Flawed Coalitions and the Politics of Crime David Jaros" ABSTRACT: Bipartisanship can be dangerous. In the late I970s, liberal and conservative forces united to discard two centuries of discretionary federal sentencing practice by passing the Sentencing &form Act, which ushered in an era offixed guidelines that would reshape the criminal justice landscape. In the decades that followed, liberals would come to bitterly regret their alliance with conservative sentencing reformers. The guideline regime established by the Act ultimately advanced hardline conservative criminal justice goals that were antithetical to the objectives of many of the Act's former liberal supporters. &searchers have shown that a particular cognitive bias-cultural cognition-can explain why intense partisan conflicts persist even when different sides share the same long-term goals. But while scholars have documented ways that cultural cognition fosters disagreement where parties agree on desired outcomes, no commentator has explored the opposite phenomenon: whether cultural cognition may foster agreement where, in fact, citizens and policymakers sharply disagree. -
The Re-Elaboration of Fascism and Its Impact on Right-Wing Populism In
National Past and Populism: The Re-Elaboration of Fascism and Its Impact on Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe Daniele Caramani and Luca Manucci Department of Political Science University of Zurich Affolternstrasse 56 8050 Zurich Switzerland Email: [email protected] / [email protected] Phone: 0041 44 630 4010 Web: www.ipz.uzh.ch Abstract: The electoral performance of right-wing populism also depends on the type of re-elaboration of countries’ national past and their collective memories. Complementing socio-economic and political-institutional factors, the paper analyses cultural opportunity structures. Given the link between fascist and populist visions of power, it shows that different collective memories of the fascist past and World War II may open up or close down the space for right-wing populist parties. Theoretically, the typology includes four types of re-elaboration: culpabilization, victimization, heroization and cancellation. Results of a comparative analysis of eight West European countries based on a novel measurement method point to (1) culpabilization and heroization as types of re-elaboration limiting right-wing populist parties’ electoral performance, (2) cancellation as a type having an undetermined effect, and (3) victimization as a type triggering the success of right-wing populist parties. Keywords: populism, fascist past, re-elaboration, collective memory, cultural opportunity structures, comparative. 2 Introduction The success of Alternative for Germany in the 2017 federal elections came to many as a shock. Germany is a country that dealt critically with its past and developed a political culture making it unthinkable that right-wing populist discourses and parties would establish themselves. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America Matt Browne, John Halpin, and Ruy Teixeira April 2011 The “Demographic Change and Progressive Political Strategy” series of papers is a joint project organized under the auspices of the Global Progress and Progressive Studies programs and the Center for American Progress. The research project was launched following the inaugural Global Progress conference held in October 2009 in Madrid, Spain. The preparatory paper for that conference, “The European Paradox,” sought to analyze why the fortunes of European progressive parties had declined following the previous autumn’s sudden financial collapse and the global economic recession that ensued. The starting premise was that progressives should, in principle, have had two strengths going for them: • Modernizing trends were shifting the demographic terrain in their political favor. • The intellectual and policy bankruptcy of conservatism, which had now proven itself devoid of creative ideas of how to shape the global economic system for the common good. Despite these latent advantages, we surmised that progressives in Europe were struggling for three pri- mary reasons. First, it was increasingly hard to differentiate themselves from conservative opponents who seemed to be wholeheartedly adopting social democratic policies and language in response to the eco- nomic crisis. Second, the nominally progressive majority within their electorate was being split between competing progressive movements. Third, their traditional working-class base was increasingly being seduced by a politics of identity rather than economic arguments. In response, we argued that if progressives could define their long-term economic agenda more clearly— and thus differentiate themselves from conservatives—as well as establish broader and more inclusive electoral coalitions, and organize more effectively among their core constituencies to convey their mes- sage, then they should be able to resolve this paradox. -
Political Game Theory Nolan Mccarty Adam Meirowitz
Political Game Theory Nolan McCarty Adam Meirowitz To Liz, Janis, Lachlan, and Delaney. Contents Acknowledgements vii Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1. Organization of the Book 2 Chapter 2. The Theory of Choice 5 1. Finite Sets of Actions and Outcomes 6 2. Continuous Outcome Spaces* 10 3. Utility Theory 17 4. Utility representations on Continuous Outcome Spaces* 18 5. Spatial Preferences 19 6. Exercises 21 Chapter 3. Choice Under Uncertainty 23 1. TheFiniteCase 23 2. Risk Preferences 32 3. Learning 37 4. Critiques of Expected Utility Theory 41 5. Time Preferences 46 6. Exercises 50 Chapter 4. Social Choice Theory 53 1. The Open Search 53 2. Preference Aggregation Rules 55 3. Collective Choice 61 4. Manipulation of Choice Functions 66 5. Exercises 69 Chapter 5. Games in the Normal Form 71 1. The Normal Form 73 2. Solutions to Normal Form Games 76 3. Application: The Hotelling Model of Political Competition 83 4. Existence of Nash Equilibria 86 5. Pure Strategy Nash Equilibria in Non-Finite Games* 93 6. Application: Interest Group Contributions 95 7. Application: International Externalities 96 iii iv CONTENTS 8. Computing Equilibria with Constrained Optimization* 97 9. Proving the Existence of Nash Equilibria** 98 10. Strategic Complementarity 102 11. Supermodularity and Monotone Comparative Statics* 103 12. Refining Nash Equilibria 108 13. Application: Private Provision of Public Goods 109 14. Exercises 113 Chapter 6. Bayesian Games in the Normal Form 115 1. Formal Definitions 117 2. Application: Trade restrictions 119 3. Application: Jury Voting 121 4. Application: Jury Voting with a Continuum of Signals* 123 5. Application: Public Goods and Incomplete Information 126 6. -
The Islamist Factory
The Islamist Factory SHORT VERSION SEPTEMBER 2018 There is no desire more natural than the desire for knowledge The author An Ecole Normale graduate and with an agrégation in geography, Hakim El Karoui taught at the Lyon II University before joining the cabinet of the Prime Minister in 2002 as speech writer. After serving within the Ministry of Finance, in 2006 he integrated the Rothschild bank, where he led the Africa Practice together with Lionel Zinsou. In 2011, he joined the strategy consulting firm Roland Berger, where he was joint head of the Africa and French Government advisory sectors. In 2016, he founded his own strategy consulting firm, Volentia. Hakim El Karoui is also a writer and social entrepreneur (he created the Club du XXIe siècle - The 21st Century Club). The Islamist Factory SHORT VERSION - SEPTEMBER 2018 SOMMAIRE Foreword .................................................................................... 5 Partie I : Islamism: Genealogy of an Ideology ............................................. 9 Chapter I: Islamism as a Response to the Question of Modernity Raised by the West during the Colonial Era .............................13 Chapter II: Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood: the Two Main Islamist Ideologies .....................................................16 Chapter III: Contemporary Developments: Islamism Reasons Alone and Independently of the West ............................19 Chapter IV: Why Islamism Becomes a Mass Ideology in the 1980s ..21 Part II : At the heart of Islamism’s Production Centers ................................ 23 Chapter I: The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and in the Arab World 26 Chapter II: Saudi Arabia ........................................................... 31 Chapter III: Turkish Islamism: Political Islam in Power ....................35 Chapter IV: Iran: A Marginal System of Production? .......................40 3 Part III – People, Organizations, and Media: How Islamism spreads ...........