The Rise of Populism and Its Implications for Development Ngos
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Father of the House Sarah Priddy
BRIEFING PAPER Number 06399, 17 December 2019 By Richard Kelly Father of the House Sarah Priddy Inside: 1. Seniority of Members 2. History www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 06399, 17 December 2019 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Seniority of Members 4 1.1 Determining seniority 4 Examples 4 1.2 Duties of the Father of the House 5 1.3 Baby of the House 5 2. History 6 2.1 Origin of the term 6 2.2 Early usage 6 2.3 Fathers of the House 7 2.4 Previous qualifications 7 2.5 Possible elections for Father of the House 8 Appendix: Fathers of the House, since 1901 9 3 Father of the House Summary The Father of the House is a title that is by tradition bestowed on the senior Member of the House, which is nowadays held to be the Member who has the longest unbroken service in the Commons. The Father of the House in the current (2019) Parliament is Sir Peter Bottomley, who was first elected to the House in a by-election in 1975. Under Standing Order No 1, as long as the Father of the House is not a Minister, he takes the Chair when the House elects a Speaker. He has no other formal duties. There is evidence of the title having been used in the 18th century. However, the origin of the term is not clear and it is likely that different qualifications were used in the past. The Father of the House is not necessarily the oldest Member. -
Populism and Fascism
Populism and Fascism An evaluation of their similarities and differences MA Thesis in Philosophy University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Humanities Titus Vreeke Student number: 10171169 Supervisor: Dr. Robin Celikates Date: 04-08-2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Ideology ............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Populism and fascism as ideologies ........................................................................................................ 9 1.3 The Dichotomies of Populism and Fascism ........................................................................................... 13 1.4 Culture and Nationalism in Populism and Fascism ............................................................................... 19 1.5 The Form of the State and its Role in Security ...................................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 25 2. Practice ............................................................................................................................................... -
A Case of Youth Activism in Matica Slovenská
65 ETHNOLOGIA ACTUALIS Vol. 15, No. 1/2015 MARTIN PRIE ČKO Between Patriotism and Far-Right Extremism: A Case of Youth Activism in Matica slovenská Between Patriotism and Far-Right Extremism: A Case of Youth Activism in Matica slovenská MARTIN PRIE ČKO Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava [email protected] ABSTRACT This case study discusses a youth branch of Matica slovenská, a pro-Slovak culture organization. It is based on in-depth research of the structure of the organization and it focuses on basic characteristics of functioning of this social movement such as funding, membership base, political orientation, civic engagement, patriotic activities and also the causes of negative media presentation. Presented material pointed to a thin boundary between the perception of positive manifestations of patriotism and at the same time negative (even extremist) connotations of such manifestations in Slovak society. This duplicate perception of patriotic activities is reflected not only in polarization of opinion in society but also on the level of political, media and public communication. Thus, the article is a small probe from the scene of youth activism with an ambition to point out to such a diverse perception of patriotic organizations/activities in present-day Slovak society. KEY WORDS : Matica slovenská, youth, activism, state-supported organisation, patriotism, Far-Right Introduction Young Matica (MM – Mladá Matica) represents a subsidiary branch of Slovak Matica (MS – Matica slovenská), which is a traditional cultural and enlightenment organisation with DOI: 10.1515/eas-2015-0009 © University of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava. -
On Trumpism, Or the End of American Exceptionalism
Teoria politica 9 | 2019 Annali IX On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Publisher Marcial Pons Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2019 Number of pages: 209-226 ISSN: 0394-1248 Electronic reference Nadia Urbinati, « On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism », Teoria politica. Nuova serie Annali [Online], 9 | 2019, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 26 May 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Teoria politica On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati* Abstract This papers uses Trumpism to illustrate populism in power. It analyses it in its rhetorical style; in its propaganda, tropes, and ideology; and finally in its aims and achievements. It shows how the representative construction of the people is rhetorical and is independent of social classes and traditional ideologies. The paper argues that populist democracy is the name of a new form of representative government that is based on two phenomena: a direct relation between the leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the «right» or «good» people; and the superlative authority of the audience. Its immediate targets are the «obstacles» to the development of those phenomena: intermediary opinion-making bodies, such as parties; established media; and institutionalized systems for monitoring and controlling political power. Populist leaders compete with other political actors with regard to the representation of the people and use electoral victory in order to prove that «the people» they represent is the «right» people and deserves to rule for its own good. -
Populists in Power Around the World | Institute for Global Change
Populists in Power Around the World JORDAN KYLE RENEWING LIMOR GULTCHIN THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Trouble With Defining opulismP 9 Two Essential Features of Populism 12 Types of Populism 21 Cases of Populism in Power 26 Populism Trends Around the World 32 Conclusion 44 Appendix: Methodology 45 Downloaded from http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populists-power-around-world on November 7 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Populism is dramatically shifting the global political landscape. This report defines populism and identifies its global prevalence by introducing a global database “Populists in Power: 1990–2018”. Only with a clear and systematic understanding of the phenomenon of populism can political leaders begin to offer meaningful and credible alternatives. This report sets out to define populism from a global perspective and identify some of its key trends since 1990. Populism contains two primary claims: • A country’s ‘true people’ are locked into conflict with outsiders, including establishment elites. • Nothing should constrain the will of the true people. Although populism always shares these two essential claims, it can take on widely varying forms across contexts. This report identifies three types of populism, distinguished by how populist leaders frame the conflict between the ‘true people’ and outsiders: • Cultural populism claims that the true people are the native members of the nation-state, and outsiders can include immigrants, criminals, ethnic and religious minorities, and cosmopolitan elites. Cultural populism tends to emphasise 3 religious traditionalism, law and order, sovereignty, and painting migrants as enemies. • Socio-economic populism claims that the true people are honest, hard-working members of the working class, and outsiders can include big business, capital owners and actors perceived as propping up an international capitalist system. -
Generational Divide Will Split Cult of Corbyn the Internal Contradictions Between the Youthful Idealists and Cynical Old Trots Are Becoming Increasingly Exposed
The Times, 26th September 2017: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/comment/generational-divide- will-split-cult-of-corbyn-c0sbn70mv Generational divide will split cult of Corbyn The internal contradictions between the youthful idealists and cynical old Trots are becoming increasingly exposed Rachael Sylvester A graffiti artist is spray-painting a wall when I arrive at The World Transformed festival, organised by Jeremy Corbyn’s supporters in Momentum. Inside, clay-modelling is under way in a creative workshop that is exploring “the symbiotic relationship between making and thinking”. A “collaborative quilt” hangs in the “creative chaos corner” next to a specially commissioned artwork celebrating the NHS. The young, mainly female volunteers who are staffing the event talk enthusiastically about doing politics in a different way and creating spaces where people can come together to discuss new ideas. It is impossible to ignore the slightly cult-like atmosphere: one member of the audience is wearing a T-shirt printed with the slogan “Corbyn til I die”. But this four-day festival running alongside the official Labour Party conference in Brighton has far more energy and optimism than most political events. There have been two late-night raves, sessions on “acid Corbynism”, and a hackathon, seeking to harness the power of the geeks to solve technological problems. With its own app, pinging real-time updates to followers throughout the day, and a glossy pastel-coloured brochure, the Momentum festival has an upbeat, modern feel. As well as sunny optimism there is a darker, bullying side Then I go to a packed session on “Radical Democracy and Twenty- First Century Socialism”. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
Jun—Jul 2017
B Our Magazine is published every Jun—Jul other month and is freely available to 2017 our members www.cenca.co.uk Stay ‘In Touch’ with the ISSUE 41 Corby & E Northants Conservative Association Published by RM Boyd on behalf of Corby & E Northants Conservative Association and Tom Pursglove, all at CENCA, Cottingham Road, Corby, NN17 1SZ Printed by Contract Printing Services Ltd., Unit J, Cavendish Courtyard, Sallow Road, Weldon North Industrial Estate, Corby, NN17 5DZ WE NEED TO WIN THIS ELECTION BOTH LOCALLY AND NATIONALLY TO SECURE THE BEST POSSIBLE DEAL FROM BREXIT Our future prosperity, our place in the world, Getting Brexit right matters because it will and our standard of living all depend on decide whether or not our children have a getting the Brexit deal right. safe, secure and prosperous future. The only way you can ensure we have the And with your help, together we can make it strong and stable leadership to get this work right is by backing me, and voting for the We will: local Conservative candidate, Tom • Take back control of our borders, our laws Pursglove, in the Corby & East Northants and our money constituency. • Sign new trade deals around the world with new friends and old partners • Ensure we leave in a smooth and orderly way, and that Brexit works for the whole of the United Kingdom • Provide as much clarity as possible at every Theresa May stage of the process, while maintaining a Prime Minister strong negotiating hand Conservative Association Chairman’s Report to Members Ray Boyd (Agent and Deputy Chairman—Membership) May 2017 elected and he has been true to this. -
Dennis Skinner
DENNIS SKINNER UK HOUSE OF COMMONS THE BEAST OF BOLSOVER He’s a conviction politician, he’s an unrepentant, old school socialist, he represents the place where he grew up in Derbyshire and he once did a real job for a living (he was a coalminer) – any one of those qualifications makes Dennis Skinner a rare specimen in British politics these days. He once said that he would retire at the age of 65, that to do otherwise would be to ‘take another man’s job’, So far, he’s gone 18 years beyond that, but nobody could ever accuse him of riding the gravy train: Skinner has arguably had the best attendance record in the House and yet frequently listed as claiming the least in expenses. He’s always spurned paid trips abroad, anything smacking of patronage and even the House of Commons bars – he prefers to meet visitors in the canteen. He’s also democracy’s most prolific and vituperative heckler and his sneering harangues have become legendary. Sometimes they’re funny; often they’re just bile and battery acid. He called one former cabinet minister ‘slimy’ and ‘a wart’ and another a ‘pompous sod’. He accused Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of being the sort who would bribe judges ‘to save her own neck’. Skinner’s staunchly against the monarchy, and the annual opening of Parliament has always triggered a response – usually directed at ‘Black Rod’ the liveried official sent to summon MPs to the House of Lords for the Queen’s speech. When a new Black Rod, the diminutive retired general, Michael Willcocks, made his first appearance, Skinner cried: ‘They’ve short-changed us! He’s nowt but a midget!’ For decades he was something of a hate figure for everyone who didn’t share his politics. -
Election Observation Table of Contents
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 25 AND 26 SEPTEMBER 1998 ODIHR ELECTION OBSERVATION TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS III THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK III.1 General III.2 The Electoral System III.3 Some Legal Issues IV THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION V VOTER AND CIVIC EDUCATION VI VOTER REGISTRATION VII CANDIDATE REGISTRATION VIII THE PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IX THE MEDIA X OBSERVATION ON POLLING DAY XI OBSERVATION OF COUNTING XII AGGREGATION AND VERIFICATION OF RESULTS XIII RECOMMENDATIONS 2 I. INTRODUCTION Upon invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic of 18 August 1998, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe=s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) established an Election Observation Mission in Slovakia for the 25 and 26 September Parliamentary elections. Ms. Helle Degn, President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Danish Parliament, was designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as his Representative for the Election in Slovakia. Mr. Kåre Vollan was appointed by the ODIHR as the OSCE On-site Co-ordinator and Head of the ODIHR Election Observation Mission, and Ms Siri Skåre as Deputy Head upon being seconded by the Government of Norway. The OSCE was involved at an early stage in the pre-election process including a visit by the ODIHR Director, Ambassador Stoudmann, on February 6 and May 5-6, and a visit by the former President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Mr. Javier Ruperez on May 4-5. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European