Working Paper February 2021 CONTENTS
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Tanzania 2018 International Religious Freedom Report
TANZANIA 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitutions of the union government and of the semiautonomous government in Zanzibar both prohibit religious discrimination and provide for freedom of religious choice. Since independence, the country has been governed by alternating Christian and Muslim presidents. Sixty-one members of Uamsho, an Islamist group advocating for Zanzibar’s full autonomy, remained in custody without a trial since their arrest in 2013 under terrorism charges. In May the Office of the Registrar of Societies, an entity within the Ministry of Home Affairs charged with overseeing religious organizations, released a letter ordering the leadership of the Catholic and Lutheran Churches to retract statements that condemned the government for increasing restrictions on freedoms of speech and assembly, and alleged human rights abuses. After a public outcry, the minister of home affairs denounced the letter and suspended the registrar. The Zanzibar Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources destroyed a church being built on property owned by the Pentecostal Assemblies of God after the High Court of Zanzibar ruled the church was built on government property. This followed a protracted court battle in which Zanzibar courts ruled the church was allowed on the property. Vigilante killings of persons accused of practicing witchcraft continued to occur. As of July, the government reported 117 witchcraft-related incidents. There were some attacks on churches and mosques throughout the country, especially in rural regions. Civil society groups continued to promote peaceful interactions and religious tolerance. The embassy launched a three-month public diplomacy campaign in support of interfaith dialogue and sponsored the visit of an imam from the United States to discuss interfaith and religious freedom topics with government officials and civil society. -
CHOLERA COUNTRY PROFILE: United Republic of TANZANIA 7 April 2008
WO RLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION Global Task Force on Cholera Control CHOLERA COUNTRY PROFILE: United Republic of TANZANIA 7 April 2008 General Country Information: The United Republic of Tanzania is located in East Africa and borders Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique. It has a long east coast along the Indian Ocean. Tanzania is divided into 26 regions (21 on the mainland and five in Zanzibar). Dodoma is the capital (only since 1996) but Dar es Salaam is the largest city and a very important economic centre for the region. In 1880, Tanzania became a German colony (it was then named Tanganyika). After the end of World War I, in1919, it became a British Mandate which was to last until independence in 1961. Tanganyika and neighboring Zanzibar, which had become independent in 1963 merged to form the nation of Tanzania on 26 April 1964. The economy of Tanzania is highly dependant on agriculture, however only 4% of land area is used for cultivated crops due to climatic and topography conditions. It also has vast amounts of natural resources such as gold. Tanzania's Human Development Index is 159 over 177. HIV prevalence has decreased from 9.6% in 2002 to 5.9% in 2005. Cholera Background History: The first 10 cholera cases were reported in 1974 and since 1977, cases were reported each year with a case fatality rate (CFR) averaging 10.5% (between 1977 and 1992). The first major outbreak occurred in 1992 when 18'526 United Republic of Tanzania cases including 2'173 deaths were recorded. -
Dar Es Salaam-Ch1.P65
Chapter One The Emerging Metropolis: A history of Dar es Salaam, circa 1862-2000 James R. Brennan and Andrew Burton This chapter offers an overview history of Dar es Salaam. It proceeds chronologically from the town’s inception in the 1860s to its present-day status as one of the largest cities in Africa. Within this sequential structure are themes that resurface in later chapters. Dar es Salaam is above all a site of juxtaposition between the local, the national, and the cosmopolitan. Local struggles for authority between Shomvi and Zaramo, as well as Shomvi and Zaramo indigenes against upcountry immigrants, stand alongside racialized struggles between Africans and Indians for urban space, global struggles between Germany and Britain for military control, and national struggles between European colonial officials and African nationalists for political control. Not only do local, national, and cosmopolitan contexts reveal the layers of the town’s social cleavages, they also reveal the means and institutions of social and cultural belonging. Culturally Dar es Salaam represents a modern reformulation of the Swahili city. Indeed it might be argued that, partly due to the lack of dominant founding fathers and an established urban society pre- dating its rapid twentieth century growth, this late arrival on the East African coast is the contemporary exemplar of Swahili virtues of cosmopolitanism and cultural exchange. Older coastal cities of Mombasa and Zanzibar struggle to match Dar es Salaam in its diversity and, paradoxically, its high degree of social integration. Linguistically speaking, it is without doubt a Swahili city; one in which this language of nineteenth-century economic incorporation has flourished as a twentieth-century vehicle of social and cultural incorporation for migrants from the African interior as well as from the shores of the western Indian Ocean. -
In Singida Region, Tanzania
INSTITUTE OF RESOURCE ASSESSMENT UNWERS1TY OF~DARES SALAAM RESEARCH REPORT NO. 6~ DEVELOPMENT OF WATER SUPPLIES: ~— —~ IN SINGIDA REGION, TANZANIA PAST EXPERIENCES ANfl FUTURE OPTIONS LIGRAHY ~nteni~t~c~ajRsfr~c~C~ntr, t~ComrnunIt~W~t~rSupp’y INGVAR ANDERSSON CAROLYN HANNAN - ANDERSSON ~( 824 —29 02 Institute of Resource Assessment University of Dar es Salaarn Research Report No. 62 DEVELOPMENT OF WATER SUPPLIES IN SINGIDA REGION, TANZANIA PAST EXPERIENCE AND FUTURE OPTIONS. Ingvar Andersson ;- Carolyn Hannan—Andersson I CE~ifl~Rfl ~Tei (C7~ ~1i1 -~ June ~984 Institute of Resource Assessment University of Oar es Salaam Box 35097 Oar es Salaam Tanzania ABSTRACT The water supply/sanitation/health situation in 3 villages in Singida Region was the focus of this study. The objective was to investigate general conditions and to identify the explicit needs of the communities. Relevant socio-economic data on production, livestock, ecological system, etc, is presented, as well as a historical overview of the developments in the water supply sector. Water-use patterns and standards of health, hygiene and sanitation were investigated in 75 households. An attempt was made to evaluate improvements to the water supply in two of the villages, i.e. the functioning of the supplies, the extent of utilization and the impact, e.g. on water use patterns, work burdens and general welfare and health. The effectiveness of the strategy for improving water supplies using shallow wellls with handpumps is assessed. The aspects of density and location of supply are stressed as crucial for the achievement of impact. An alternative strategy is suggested — the improvement of all traditional sources both for domestic and non-domestic uses (livestock and small vegetable gardens). -
The Running in Tanzania As an Economy
Negotiating ‘Modernity’ on the Run Migration, Age Transition and „Development‟ in a Training Camp for Female Athletes in Arusha, Tanzania Aline Taylor _________________________________________ A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology University Of Canterbury August 2008 _______________________________________________________ Abstract Sports have recently been incorporated into international development agendas in a bid to „empower‟ women and foster gender equality. Considered a masculine domain, sports are argued to empower women by challenging the status quo and their „traditional‟ positions in societies. This thesis examines the use of sport in an athletic training camp for female distance runners located in Arusha, Northern Tanzania. Like other similar camps throughout East Africa, this training camp provides financial support for athletes, recruited from isolated rural areas, to live and train full time in the city. The camp was founded and is run by a Tanzanian couple, known as Gwandu and Mama Gwandu, but it has recently begun receiving financial support from an American development organisation. The director of this organisation, Karl, aims to empower the young women training in the camp by enabling them to use their sporting talent to further their education. This directly contradicts Gwandu and Mama Gwandu‟s goals, however, and they strive to enable the girls to improve their lives by earning money from running. The girls themselves perceive running as a unique opportunity to migrate to Arusha and distance themselves from their natal villages. The idea of earning money from running is secondary, for the girls, to the aspiration of settling permanently in the city. -
Tanzania MFR Summary Report
TANZANIA August 20, 2018 Market Fundamentals Summary KEY MESSAGES The objective of this report is to document the basic market context Figure 1. Map of Tanzania for staple food and livestock production and marketing in Tanzania. The information presented is based on desk research, a field assessment using rapid rural appraisal techniques, and a consultation workshop with stakehoders in Tanzania. Findings from this report will inform regular market monitoring and analysis in Tanzania. Maize, rice, sorghum, millet, pulses (beans and peas), cassava and bananas (plantains) are the main staple foods in Tanzania. Maize is the most widely consumed staple in Tanzania and the country imports significant quantities of wheat to meet local demand for wheat flour. Consumption of other staples varies across the country based on local supply and demand dynamics. Cattle, goat and sheep are the major sources of red meat consumed in Tanzania. Tanzania’s cropping calendar follows two distinct seasonal patterns. The Msimu season covers unimodal rainfall areas in the south, west and central parts of the country while the Masika and Vuli seasons Source: FEWS NET (2018). cover bi-modal rainfall areas in the north and eastern parts of the country (Figure 5). Figure 2. Tanzania’s average self sufficiency status for key staple foods (2014/15 – 2017/18) As a member of the East Africa Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Tanzania plays an important role in regional staple food trade across East and Southern Africa (Annex III). The country is generally a surplus producer of staple cereals and pulses, and exports significant quantities of these commodities to neighboring countries in East and Southern Africa inlcuding Kenya, Malawi, Zambia, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratice Republic of Congo (Figure 2). -
Measuring Access to Food in Tanzania: a Food Basket Approach, EIB-135, U.S
United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Measuring Access to Food Service Economic in Tanzania: A Food Basket Information Bulletin Number 135 Approach February 2015 Nancy Cochrane and Anna D’Souza United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service www.ers.usda.gov Access this report online: www.ers.usda.gov/publications/eib-economic-information-bulletin/eib135 Download the charts contained in this report: • Go to the report’s index page www.ers.usda.gov/publications/ eib-economic-information-bulletin/eib135 • Click on the bulleted item “Download eib135.zip” • Open the chart you want, then save it to your computer Recommended citation format for this publication: Cochrane, Nancy, and Anna D’Souza. Measuring Access to Food in Tanzania: A Food Basket Approach, EIB-135, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, February 2015. Cover images: Nancy Cochrane, USDA, Economic Research Service. Use of commercial and trade names does not imply approval or constitute endorsement by USDA. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its programs and activities on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability, and, where applicable, sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sexual orientation, genetic information, political beliefs, reprisal, or because all or a part of an individual’s income is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.) Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for communication of program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination write to USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, S.W., Washington, D.C. -
Malaria in the 2010 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey
Malaria in the 2010 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) The 2010 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) provides up-to-date information on the population and health situation in Tanzania, including malaria. Over 9,600 households were interviewed and over 6,600 children were tested for anaemia. Trend graphs show changes since the 2004-05 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) and the 2007-08 Tanzania HIV/AIDS and Malaria Indicator Survey (THMIS). Ownership of At Least One ITN by Region Ownership of More than One ITN by Region National Average: 64% National Average: 37% Kagera Mara Kagera Mara 68% 84% 42% 58% Mwanza Mwanza Arusha Arusha 79% Trends in ITN Ownership 53% 51% Kilimanjaro 23% Kilimanjaro Shinyanga 85% 49% Percent of households that own at least Shinyanga 66% 21% one insecticide-treated net Kigoma Manyara 64 Kigoma Manyara Tabora 73% Pemba N. 88% Tabora 50% Pemba N. 70% 58% Sin- Tanga 34% Sin- Tanga 73% Pemba S. 73% 53% Pemba S. 54% gida 60% 39 gida 31% Dodoma Unguja N. 87% Dodoma Unguja N. 66% 34% 20% 72% Unguja S. 90% 23 36% Unguja S. 71% Rukwa Town West 61% Rukwa Town West 40% Moro- Moro- 67% 40% Iringa goro Pwani Dar es Salaam Iringa goro Pwani Dar es Salaam Mbeya 53% 37% 69% 62% 2004-05 2007-08 2010 Mbeya 26% 18% 40% 26% 58% TDHS THMIS TDHS 33% Lindi Lindi 64% 36% Percent of households with Percent of households with at least one insecticide- Ruvuma more than one insecticide- Ruvuma treated net 70% Mtwara treated net 38% Mtwara 64% 36% Currently 64% of Tanzanian households own at least one insecticide-treated net (ITN). -
Dodoma, Tanzania and Socialist Modernity
The Rationalization of Space and Time: Dodoma, Tanzania and Socialist Modernity The categories of space and time are crucial variables in the constitution of what many scholars deem as modernity. However, due to the almost exclusive interpretation of space and time as components of a modernity coupled with global capitalism (Harvey 1990; Jameson 1991), discussions of a socialist space and time as a construction of an alternate modernity during the 60s and 70s—in particular across the Third World—have been neglected. Julius Nyerere’s project of collectivization, or ujamaa , in Tanzania during this period is a prime example of an attempt to develop the nation-state outside of the capitalist format. While it would be interesting to explore the connections Nyerere had with other socialist Third World countries, like China, within the international context, and their attempts at nation-building, this paper will focus on an analysis of the Tanzanian government’s decision in 1973 to move the capital of the country from the Eastern port city of Dar es Salaam to the more centrally located Dodoma. Although the Tanzanian government never completed the majority of the buildings analyzed in this paper due to a lack of funds and a diminishing political will, the exhaustive blueprinting and documentation does provide a glimpse into the conception of an African socialist modernity. The questions of primary importance are: How did moving the Tanzanian capital from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma embody Nyerere’s vision of socialist African development? Or more specifically, how did the socialist urban planning of Dodoma fit into the greater project of ujamaa and rural development? And finally, how was the planned construction of a new urban capital an attempt at a definition of socialist space and time? 1 Space, Time, and Homo Economicus In his seminal work, The Condition of Postmodernity , David Harvey explains why the categories of space and time are constantly cited as the primary way to understand a transformation in a human being’s relationship with his or her surroundings. -
SUA-INTSORMIL Project" (2010)
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln International Sorghum and Millet Collaborative INTSORMIL Presentations Research Support Program (INTSORMIL CRSP) 12-2010 Developing Entrepreneurship, the Tanzania Experience: SUA- INTSORMIL Project Joseph J. Mpagalile Sokoine University of Agriculture, [email protected] Wenceslaus R. Ballegu Sokoine University of Agriculture Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/intsormilpresent Part of the Agricultural Economics Commons, Agronomy and Crop Sciences Commons, Entrepreneurial and Small Business Operations Commons, and the Food Processing Commons Mpagalile, Joseph J. and Ballegu, Wenceslaus R., "Developing Entrepreneurship, the Tanzania Experience: SUA-INTSORMIL Project" (2010). INTSORMIL Presentations. 32. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/intsormilpresent/32 This Presentation is brought to you for free and open access by the International Sorghum and Millet Collaborative Research Support Program (INTSORMIL CRSP) at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in INTSORMIL Presentations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. DEVELOPING ENTREPRENEURSHIP, THE TANZANIA EXPERIENCE: SUA-INTSORMIL PROJECT SOKOINE UNIVERSITY OF AGRICULTURE Department of Food Science and Technology Prof. J.J Mpagalile and Dr. W.R. Ballegu [email protected] BACKGROUND INFORMATION • Sorghum in Tanzania o Importance of sorghum in Tanzania ~ Ranked as third important cereal -
Female Genital Cutting 13
FEMALE GENITAL CUTTING 13 Female genital cutting (FGC), also known as female circumcision or female genital mutilation (FGM) in Tanzania, is a common practice in many societies in the northern half of sub-Saharan Africa. Nearly universal in a few countries, it is practiced by various groups in at least 25 African countries, in Yemen, and in immigrant African populations in Europe and North America (Yoder et al., 2004). In a few societies, the procedure is routinely carried out when a girl is a few weeks or a few months old (e.g., Eritrea, Yemen), while in most others, it occurs later in childhood or adolescence. In the case of the latter, FGC is typically part of a ritual initiation into womanhood that includes a period of seclusion and education about the rights and duties of a wife. The Tanzanian Special Provision Act, a 1998 amendment to the penal code, specifically prohibits FGC. However, while the practice has been outlawed, it is still occurring in many areas. FGC is considered compulsory in some communities whereas in other communities, women may have options about being cut. The 2004-05 TDHS collected data on the practice of female circumcision from women age 15-49. The 1996 TDHS also collected data on female circumcision from women in the same age group. The 2003-04 Tanzania HIV/AIDS Indicator Survey (TACAIDS, NBS, and ORC Macro, 2005) included only one question on circumcision for male and female respondents: whether the respondent was circumcised. In this chapter, topics discussed include knowledge, prevalence, and type; age at circumcision; person who performed the circumcision; and attitudes towards the practice. -
Poison and Dope: Radio and the Art of Political Invective in East Africa, 1940-1965”
“Poison and Dope: Radio and the art of political invective in East Africa, 1940-1965” Paper delivered at the African Studies Center Seminar, University of Leiden, 15 May 2008∗ James R. Brennan SOAS, University of London and University of Illinois at Urbana (starting August 2008) [Please do not cite or quote without author’s prior permission – [email protected]] The radio weapon was perhaps the most important, for its influence was out of all proportion to the number of listeners, perhaps ten to each radio set. Its voice carried the stamp of authority and a reputation for veracity. Its emotional appeal, interspersed with popular music, had a special attraction for the still large numbers of illiterate people. Randal Sadleir, Information Officer, Tanganyika Public Relations Office, 1955-19611 This paper examines how international radio popularized generic anti-colonial polemics through a history of shortwave broadcasting to British East Africa from the Second World War to the region’s decolonization in the 1960s. It focuses in particular on the role of Radio Cairo’s broadcasts to East Africa in the 1950s, and the political networks that sustained this station’s Swahili-language broadcasts. Hostile external broadcasts looped and amplified nationalist voices. Swahili radio announcers, enmeshed in East African politics and often directed by regional political parties, transmitted their arguments and rhetoric across the shortwave band to radio listeners back home. The phenomenon raised new questions of sovereignty2 – how were territorial ∗ One part of this paper was originally given at a workshop on the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference, held at Stanford University in May 2005; that portion is now to be published as ‘Radio Cairo and the Decolonization of East Africa, 1953-1963’, chapter of collected volume entitled Bandung and Beyond, edited by Christopher J.