FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 7,2 November 1979 164 WINING, DINING, AND THE DEAD: FOOD death drama. The complete drama in­ PROPS AND THE DEATH DRAMA cludes genuine mourning behavior, rit­ ual grief attitudes which one adopts Charles Vaught, because of custom rather than a partic­ Virginia Polytechnic Institute ular affective state (Campbell, 1969:223), and stylized funeral rites. To the very perfyte conclusyon of Goody (1974: 5) stresses the dramatic Christes lore, your lordship calleth qualities of funeral performances, me, mooste noble erIe, and yet more especially in non-literate societies noble in the study of godlynes, than where the funeral oration sums up the in the ornamentes of fortune, in that past history and the social relations ye provoke me to adde to my former of the individual who has died. bokes some lytle thynge, teachinge It is not difficult to distinguish howe a man ought to prepare hym to the elements of formal theater from the deth. For this is of mans lyfe the less-well-directed and less-well-re­ last part (as it were) of the playe .. hearsed aspects of the death drama. Erasmus With the increased rationalization of the process of dying, the funeral home The use of metaphor as a way toward has come to be the setting where the understanding and simplifying abstract funeral play is given. The funeral and complex concepts is probably as old home may be equated with the tradi­ as human society itself (Nisbet, 1969). tional theater, having "backstage Since long before the birth of Erasmus areas" (the embalming and preparation writers have likened life to a play, rooms), and "frontstage areas" (view­ implying that people are only actors ing rooms and the chapel). The stage playing out their assigned roles. dressings are designed to foster the Erving Goffman (1959) introduced the proper atmosphere of dignity and re­ notion of life as theater to sociology. spect, while the piped-in music trans­ He presents a model perspective for the mits a sense of tranquil decorum. In study of social life with principles addition the mortuary offers a skilled derived from theatrical performance. stage manager in the person of the But there are several drawbacks to this funeral director. model as applied to everyday life: 1) To bring the performance off smooth­ the stage has a make-believe quality ly, the funeral director must ensure which is apparent to the audience; 2) that the "star" is properly groomed and unlike the formal theater, life pre­ dressed, so as to present the right sents things that are presumably real "face" to the world. He employs an and less well-rehearsed; 3) the audi­ array of embalmers and costmetologists ence is a third party, essential to the to prepare the star for the dramatic theater, but not part of the real life moment on center stage. As with most situation. While one may not agree back stage regions, the behavior and with these assessments of analogy be­ language of functionaries who provide tween life and the formal theater, the support for the performance may be dis­ metaphor has proved useful. sonant with the image the funeral di­ An additional theatrical metaphor rector presents to the audience. The which might be valuable for sociologi­ stage manager must therefore handle the cal analysis is that to be drawn from action "out front" so as to keep the improvisational theater. Here the ac­ audience and supporting players (the tors are given unscripted roles with a bereaved) at some distance, both psy­ central theme. They must elaborate on .chically and physically, from the back the central theme as they develop the stage region (Goffman, 1959:114). play. Improvisation, though only re­ The image of the deceased is pre­ cently rediscovered, is rooted in nar­ served as "merely in a deep slumber," rative epics of early Greek and Roman so as to dissuade premature visits to comedies (Hodgson & Richards, 1974:2). the mortuary. With the exception of a visit to the funeral home by represen­ THE DEATH DRAMA One life occurrence tatives of the bereaved to plan for the which combines improvisation with cer­ funeral and "choose" a casket, visits tain aspects of formal theater is the are discouraged until the body is ,I,. 'I '1NGtilJIY, In>Greeti ve~l_1[)9Y \lQI>lf~~;' 7,2 November 1979 165 'i.~re.dt .for viewinl." While the' be- tinlll :cind develop the mood befitting ~~~~.d ~e,in: .. ,t:be:}'I1~~t U8r)('" tne , '" rai theme of the drama. It is ~e ...~,':a;r.an.e_ntll ,s~tt:fll:iJfhat food may become an ;.. ••• tb .' ' ...... •.....•.:. '. . of- t'4C(jf.f~ . oTte~ .asa~~lttlre of t"/t'.t.1 property of the drama, taking ".Jl~Catit'•... !hi'lployser.ve~'.tO·'dis­ ou·s,.mbolic as well as instrumental ·~~t~~t.th«.' ..... Ulht~offhe ber.eavedfrom attributes. To understand' the func­ '_at .·f'lulp~eningllba·~.ltst4gen. Usual- tions of the death drama and the uses .ll:t~;~he .., ti~spent.. waiting' .for the of food properties in modern America we .,'.: ~.r'~e of. the star takes p14ce in must discuss the drama in' times and ·faltlil,~OIl1e• Once'the body ~ s cultures where the formal theater of t .t~ .dle 'viewing .rOQBl, ho\t1ever, the funeral ceremony and the improvisa­ t~~r.i_r;y focu'of.tbedrama shifts tional theater of mou~ning are not so to ~He~rtuaT".ai· the vigil by family neatly separated. attdM.frieft(fsbeg~tls This vigi"l u8ulllly e,~ft~i.a"e.untiltim.forthe.. f~rmal FOOD AS A REFUTATION'OFDEATH One of ~~re1lon~t ...blttthe·cast .of .cbaracters thee.arliest . functions of the death "'11 . cnange I . and the drallS wit~l be drama· was to indicate to the mourners ~.. .. ted·b~vi.its; ··.home ·to restor t~atdeath is merely a stage in life. "~\t"; '\lp.~:. . Freud' (1968)·argued that primitive man ·."~v~r~.e.,.~, ...·...;ailabl.~· ... in· .the "'funeral ha~ .an inconsistent attitude toward' _..,.•t~ ••bor·linate··to ·tbecostuae of death. On the one hand, he took'death '~e~~a.,,~ ti~prcJpaof.th:"ch~pe1 seriously, as the termination of life; aM!tbe'vtewil"oom, and the'Yarioos ont-be other hand, he denied . death. "er ','ic~ , atl1oftbemort~ar·y. Death came to be regarded as a transi­ , ate' ii.tted toceffee tionpoint 'for the individual, who , . wbl.cbare bf"tea' dla- would. c·ontinue life in another form. ~i"::f~,N·~efiine. lo.cated at some Potpti'lDit i ve man, the" dead were s t i 11 .llliacl.ftomttle viewina rooms'.. The verY11l~ch with' the living, and had to ~.,ic~~t., ~.p~:r.tion ..of . suc~ .. refresh- be :treatedaccordingly. t. Bever- WhO ,carry the dead man'ssbare'.. of the ~ """ ",. ' ' .. ' ..,1~ .• ' tl\~' <,ful1~~a1. :home., f~.Sl:'to·.· the grave, . and "repeat the I.*_(];n.tt..~~aIftlllc t io~~, .atl~ ..are fontula "Take and eat'; heretofore you It_tttil:; p~.per'ti.esof tie funeral b:a,,~ .·eaten and drunk with us J you can dosoftomore; you' were one of us, you cea'.-0 'no longer; we come no more to ~()u"""comeyou not to us~n '1'b.ft!gyptians' used food to refute death symbolically.At death, a por­ tionofthe i.ndividual's estate was set asId~fol:' the provision. of the. cor,pse. ·'J:~,ep.~~re . the departed's receipt of t.bis"bounty, a tube was . connec-=ed to .~~e,uthof the. corpse, and be was fe~~'~,~edthrough' . the tube (Puckle, 1.'., :. :'1(1) •.... The Chinese .. al~~ ... hele.,(~~e ~~l:i.'>that the.departed.u~t.eD.(AJ.~­ ttJti' i.ti~, •. In the Chi schem~, tbesoul FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 7,2 November 1979 166 possessed a duality, one of which re­ the sin eater. When the sin eater mained in the grave to receive the food emerged, the bereaved hustled him off offerings of the living. Without regu­ and flung two or three silver coins lar offerings of food, the soul would after him. Cavendish notes that con­ become hungry, and would surely remind sidering the stigma attached to sin delinquent relatives of their duty. eating, the reward was rather small Thus, food was used to express a belief (1970: 2584) . in life after death. In time, the meal became a symbolic piece of bread and glass of wine placed EXPIATION OF SIN With the advent of near the corpse, and the sin eating was Christianity and the conception of performed publicly by a close male rel­ eternal life in Heaven for the righ­ ative of the deceased. Puckle teous, and a Hell for those who strayed (1968:102) notes that as late as the from the straight and narrow way, the time of the Stuarts in England it was notion of an afterlife took on ever common practice for the mourners to more serious overtones. Not only would drink wine from a cup placed on the the deceased continue to exist after coffin, and thereby to "enter into a death, but he would endure either in kind of communion with the dead." To­ very glorified or very tortured circum­ day, in Rumania and certain other Eas­ stances. The principle of intercession tern European countries, it is custom­ for the soul led the bereaved to ensure ary to pass a glass of wine across the that many prayers would be offered for open grave of the deceased, which the the soul, in the corpse's presence, recipient then drinks (Habenstein, until the burial. Lamers, 1960). In Mexico, food is This practice gave rise to the gath­ often taken to the burial site and ering-in of the relatives and friends passed to those closely related to the of the deceased, who would feast and bereaved (Kelly, 1975). pray in the presence of the dead. Puc­ kle notes that in the fourth century FOOD PROPERTIES IN THE MODERN DEATH the charge was levelled against Chris­ DRAMA Food has been an integral part tians that "ye appease the dead with of the death drama throughout much of wine and meals" (Puckle, 1968: 108). human history, sometimes as a principal The rich often set aside amounts of element and sometimes performing sec­ cash to buy food to be distributed to ondary functions. Though we no longer the poor, with an earnest request that attempt to expiate sin through the food they pray for the safe passage of the property, the practice of giving the departed soul to Heaven. deceased monk's meals to the poor, or A variation of this use of food in the contributions to charity in the the death drama is the practice of "sin name of an illustrious member of the eating" which flourished in parts of community are not far removed from this Great Britain and Western Europe in the practice. We also continue to use food middle ages, with vestiges remaining in as a means of indirectly symbolizing Eastern Europe today (Cavendish, our refutation of death. The bereaved 1970:2584). The sin eating rite was in the modern American family will be conducted particularly upon the death coaxed to eat, "because life must go of an emminent member of the community. on ..." In the film script No Callers After he was dressed and "laid out" Please a young woman tells of the upon his bier, a meal was placed upon events immediately following the bur­ his chest, and the local sin eater was ial of her mother: called. When the sin eater arrived, he Immediately afterwards we all gath­ was ushered into the death chamber by a ered in the nearby parlour for a cup witness, who made sure the meal was of coffee. I discovered that that is actually consumed and not pocketed. the least you can arrange for people The sin eater would consume the meal to do afterward ... But you know, I and drink the wine, thereby ingesting found that quite a pleasant experi­ the sins of the departed. The bereaved ence ... I don't know any other way of heard moaning and wailing from the describing it... It was then I moved death chamber as the sins left the body into a sort of exhilaration, when I of the corpse and entered the body of hadn't the least trace of regret. I FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 7,2 November 1979 167 felt almost normal, drank a cup of the drama in the family home is longer, what tasted like very savoury coffee including various subplots, the oppor­ and ate a couple of sandwiches. Lat­ tunity for changes of atmosphere is er on I felt dreadful about it when I much greater (Hodgson, Richards, told my husband that the sandwiches I 1974:164). In this family theater-in­ had were delicious. the round, food will be a more integral (Matse, Nevejan, Faber, 1971:73) property of the drama. Blackmar (1963) explains this reac- One function of a stage property is tion by the secret sense of elation to initiate a particular line of action "which cries out inwardly, 'The grave (Bruder, 1969:52). In furnishing the has opened again, nearby, but not for house of mourning with a plentiful sup­ me!' " ply of food the family and friends have A traditional func tion of the death ensured that there is a mechanism which drama, which continues today, is the allows for the suspension of expres­ integration of the mourners. The drama sions of grief. Charmaz (1976) reports presents the opportunity to "te11 the a statement by a coroner in her study story of the deceased" (in Glaser and to the effect that "Grief lasts as long Strauss' terms), and to trace the as it takes the flowers to wilt." (73) threads of relation among the survi­ Although this is cynical, it recognizes vors. In our highly mobile and ratio­ that even the deeply affected must have nalized society a death presents a rare respite from continual wailing and occasion when significant portions of moaning during the death drama. An the family assemble. The family assem­ emotional outpouring of grief cannot be blage allows the expression of continu­ maintained for the entire run of the ity, even in a soc iety wi th a high drama. Food serves as a focal point degree of anonymity and superficial­ around wh ich to ac t ou t some of the ity. For a short time, there is a sort less emotionally charged scenes of the of pseudo gemeinschaft. This is not to play. The widow may be encouraged to say that the drama is without rivalries engage in "normal" activities, such as and factionalisms, but the overall sen­ taking nourishment or playing hostess timent will be the sentiment of "to­ to friends and neighbors who enter the getherness." This idea has been ac­ state to utter lines of sympathy and knowledged by Campbell in asking the condolence. rhetorical question, " ...why does not Secondary ac tors play bit parts in the fundamentalist minister say deci­ the drama (grandchildren, distant kin, sively, 'Here's a man who's going to friends) whose roles call for them to burn in Hell. If ever we've had a demonstrate respect but not grief. In beautiful case, this is it'?" the formal theater of the funeral home, (1969: 220) . Here, the drama is in­ these bit players stay in back regions tended as an integrating device. of the play, while the principle sup­ porting actors occupy a distinct front DRAMATIC IMPROVISATION IN THE HOME region (the segregated sanctuary). In But where will the integrating acts of the theater-in-the-round of the home, the death drama be played? The funeral however, all actors are onstage togeth­ home is a formalized and rigid setting er. In this improvisational setting, where some acts of the drama are out of provisions must be made for the various place. The family home acts as a sort levels and types of mourning behavior, of theater-in-the round, where the more and changes in the atmosphere of deep free-form elements of the drama can grief. best be played out. Although the pri­ Actions involving the food property mary theme is established by the occa­ may serve to create a change in atmo­ sion, the actors themselves establish sphere from deep mourning to subdued the mood, develop the roles to be festivity. An extreme example of the played, and explore the subplots of the festive use of the food property is the drama. In this setting the creation wake, where participants feast and and use of stage properties becomes drink to the honor of the departed in a more problematic, because this act of much less solemn atmosphere than the the play is not as we 11 rehearsed and formal funeral proceedings (Blackmar, managed as in the funeral home. Since 1963). This subdued festivity offers FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 7,2 November 1979 168 relief from tension, and allows less and expressions of compassion, the sym­ serious parts of the funeral tale to be pathizers are doing much to indicate told. the status of the star and his entou­ A second function of the stage prop­ rage in the larger connnunity. The erty is to reinforce the mood of the bereaved, as principle supporting ac­ scene (Bruder, 1969:52). Orthodox tors in the drama, also help to flesh Jews, who discourage lavish forms of ou t the character of the star by pro­ funeral display, present sympathizers viding a luncheon or some other gather­ with hard-boiled eggs and salt. The ing for "near friends," either before egg symbolizes regeneration, and the or after burial services (Blackmar, salt symbolizes incorruptibility (Puc­ 1963). This gesture provides another kle, 1968:108). Thus, with a minimum opportunity to relate the tale of the of elaboration, the mourners display deceased. faith in the regenerative and ongoing force of life. In the modern American EPILOG The funeral ceremony and bur­ household the food properties are lav­ ial ends the play for the star. His ish and varied, but the mood which they part is done; his exit made. Support­ help to establish is the same. The ing actors, however, have an epilog. preparation of food is a creative ef­ The process of returning dishes and fort which embodies the essence of re­ u~ensils provides a final setting for generation. Dressing the stage with friends to express sympathy, and for these food props reinforces one of the tHe berefit to express grief. The basic themes of the death drama: "We dialog will usually be spoken on a more are gathered to honor one who has de­ intimate level, and will conclude by parted. However, we affirm that life reaffirming life. goes on, and we therefore fortify our­ selves for the struggle." The mood REFERENCES which food properties help to reinforce is one of continuation. Blackmar, M.K. 1963 Funeral feasting. Ladies Home Journal, June, 80. ESTABLISHING THE CHARACTER OF THE AC­ Bruder, Karl 1969 The Theater Student TORS For an acceptable performance, Properties and Dressing the Stage. New the actors in the drama must build a York, Rosens Press. believable character. If the character Campbell, E. 1969 Death as a social is not connnensurate with the role the practice. 'In Perspectives on Death, actor is attempting to play, his per­ L.O. Mills, Ed. Nashville, Abingdon formance will be unconvincing. Bit Press. players who appear to express condo­ Cavendish, R. 1970 Man, Myth and Mag­ lences to the family often flesh out ic. New York, Cavendish Corp. the character of sympathizer by bring­ Charmaz, Kathy 1976 The coronor IS ing offerings of food. Ideally, this strategies for announcing death. In food offering is the result of the Toward a Sociology of Death and Dying, creative efforts of the actor, and ed. L. Lofland, Beverly Hills, Califor­ serves to comfort the bereaved. Even a nia, Sage. casual perusal of the dining table in a Erasmus, Desiderius 1975 Preparation house of mourning will indicate that to Deathe. Amsterdam, Theatrum Orbis the performative emphasis is more on Terrarum. creativity than upon function. Cakes, Freud, S. 1968 Civilization, War and pies, and assorted confections will Death. Ed. J. Rickman, London, Hogarth. outnumber the offerings of less expres­ Goffman, Erving 1959 Presentation of sive but more funtional dishes. Self in Everyday Life. New York, Anchor In developing their own characters, Books. the bit players are also embellishing Goody, J. 1975 Death and the inter­ the character of the star and the prin­ pretation of cuIture. In Death in ciple supporting actors. The entire America, Ed. D. Stannard, University death drama is intended to portray the of Pennsylvania Press. star as a social entity, possessing a Habenstein, R. &W. Lamers 1960 Funer­ degree of worth to the participants of al Customs the World Over, Milwaukee, the play. In their offerings of food Bulfin Printers. . 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