The Rise and Fall of the Political Social Club: Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia
By Tamara L. O’Neil B.A. May 2003, The George Washington University
A Thesis Submitted to
The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies
January 31, 2011
Thesis Directed by
Steven Billet Professor of PAC Management
Table of Contents
THESIS STATEMENT...... 1
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ...... 2
2. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE NINETEEN TWENTY-FIVE F STREET CLUB...... 10
Tea with Jane: The Story of the Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club
Cousin Laura’s Salon: The History of the F Street Club
Guarded Secrets: The Club’s Rise and the Mysterious Membership
The Slow Decline of the F Street Club
The Club Closes its Door
3. LADIES WHO LUNCH: THE TURBULENT TIMES OF THE WNDC. . 28
The Mansion at 1526 New Hampshire Ave, NW
The Founding of the Woman’s National Democratic Club
Great-Grandma Roosevelt: An Interview with Anna Fierst
Working Women: Social Clubs Take a Back Seat
The Beginning of the End?
4. A MEETING OF THE MINDS: THE FATE OF THE COSMOS CLUB. . 49
A Breeding Ground for the Intellectual Elite
A Brief History of the Cosmos Club
An Interview with Gilles Syglowski, Assistant General Manager
5. CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF POLITICAL SOCIAL CLUBS. . . 61
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 64
ii THESIS STATEMENT
The Rise and Fall of the Political Social Club: Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia
Political social clubs are unique institutions that were once essential to the cultivation of the American political elite. The social capital that is gleaned from these secretive and exclusive membership organizations is particularly powerful in
Washington, D.C. due to the composition of their membership. These particular clubs produce a uniquely elevated form of social capital that can affect not only the individual and group, but society as a whole through public policy initiatives that stem from these relationships. While, such institutions were once critical to building the early political elite, their importance in building social capital in the 21 st Century has been greatly diminished. With a shift in the Washington political elite structure, the growing use of technology for social networking purposes, a change in campaign finance and ethics laws that restricted traditional lobbying practices, and the general lack of interest from the next generation of D.C. political insiders, the relevance of the District’s political social clubs is being tested.
1 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
In Washington, the sociopolitical elite are nurtured not solely within the vacuum of academia or the hallowed halls of our nation’s Capitol, but through a series of carefully orchestrated lunches, coffees, dinners, social events, and cocktail parties.
Policy is often shaped outside of the office, and one’s social circle is critical to assisting in achieving both personal and business objectives. Formal social clubs, and, in particular, political social clubs, were at one time crucial to cultivating these types of relationships and to building social capital among the American political elite. This social capital, which can be identified as “the resources linked to the bundle of actual or potential relationships that result from ‘mutual acquaintance’,” can be acquired through a delicate series of interpersonal interactions. 1
In essence, social networks have a measurable value for both the individual and
the group, and are essential to American democracy. As Stanley A. Renshon argues in
“Political Leadership as Social Capital: Governing in a Divided National Culture,” social
capital is the latest conceptual attempt to account for a democracy’s persistence and,
when it occurs, its success. “Unlike civic culture arguments, social capital theory located
1 Thomas Rotolo, “Trends in Voluntary Association Participation,” Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 1999; Vol. 28, 199.
2 the foundations of democracy not primarily in citizens’ beliefs, nor in institutions, but in
the relationships of each to the other.”2
Political social clubs produce a uniquely elevated form of social capital that can
affect not only the individual and group, but society as a whole through public policy
initiatives that stem from these relationships. There has been very little research of the
impact of Washington’s political social clubs on the creation and implementation on
public policy. Furthermore, the term private political social club has yet to be defined and explored thoroughly by scholars. For purposes of my research and my thesis, I argue that a private political social club in the Washington area can be defined as an organization that has:
• Restricted and exclusive membership policies • Membership composed of individuals who can directly affect public policy (politicians, lobbyists, ambassadors, judges, politicos, scientists, etc.) • Institutions where privacy is protected and trust is valued • Social venues where members have the opportunity to discuss issues in smaller private groups within the membership • Members that can be, but not necessarily have to be, aligned with a particular political party or ideology • Institutions where one can trace the conception, discussion, or compromise of a particular piece of public policy
Even before permanent ‘brick and mortar’ clubs were established in Washington, social politicking was essential to the development of the burgeoning American democracy. As pointed out by Catherine Allgor in Parlor Politics , “…from its beginning, society in Washington City unfolded in an atmosphere of denial, with social
2 Stanley A. Renshon, “Political Leadership as Social Capital: Governing in a Divided National Culture”, Political Psychology Vol. 21, No. 1, Special Issue: Response Latency Measurement in Telephone Surveys (March 2000), 198.
3 events serving as both private events and political arenas, often at the same time. The politicking necessary to government could be undertaken as long as it did so in the guise of private entertainment.”3 Private clubs generally help to create a strong sense of community and structure for like-minded individuals that greatly assist with social politicking. Early private social clubs in the District provided their elite membership with a predetermined peer network that consisted of associates with similar interests, backgrounds, and most important, social ranking.
The clubs created a screening process for ‘acceptable society’ and are essential to understanding the complex historical social fabric of Washington’s elite. They also helped serve to consolidate political and social power in the hands of a tightly-knit community. The few individuals who had access to such clubs were able to maintain an elevated social status that affected both their personal and professional lives, and the friendships that were developed at these institutions had the power to change policy outcomes. In fact, public policy, both domestic and foreign, was often shaped behind the closed doors of these social organizations.
Private social clubs can be found throughout the country; however Washington’s clubs are unique. The proximity to members of Congress, civil servants, lobbyists, ambassadors, business leaders, insiders, and other high-powered and influential individuals helps to elevate their importance above all others. These clubs were once vibrant and flourishing with affluent, dues-paying members, and lobbyists were able to practice their trade over the lunches and events that were held. Set apart from traditional
3 Catherine Allgor. Parlor Politics: In Which the Ladies of Washington Help Build a City and a Government (The University Press of Virginia, 2000), 23.
4 country clubs (which carry higher membership numbers, additional amenities, and a wider range of clientele), political social clubs in the District tend to be far more exclusive. Clubs such as the Cosmos, Metropolitan, Woman’s National Democratic
Club, Sulgrave, Capitol Hill, Alibi (reportedly one of the most secretive social clubs in
Washington), and the Alfalfa are shining examples of how the District’s socioeconomic elite stay connected and socialize.4
For example, the Alfalfa Club began in 1913 by an exclusively white and male group of private sector leaders and government officials who were interested in forming a small and highly elite social network. The mood of the group was light, with the Club taking the name “Alfalfa” because of the plant’s desire to drink and always be thirsty.
Initially, Club members met infrequently to socialize over an ale and meal to celebrate the birthday of General Robert E. Lee. The Club has its own motto, flag, and even the following song (which was set to an Oskar Straus tune from the operetta, A Waltz
Dream ).
Come to the Land of Alfalfa Come to the Land of Alfalfa, Come where the clocks never chime, Come where ill humor is only a rumor And sadness is labeled a crime. Come where the nights are the gladness And sorrows and acre are taboo. Come to the land of Alfalfa; Good fellows are waiting for you 5.
4 The Alibi Club, located at 1806 I St. NW, is a male-only elite club of business executives and political officials. Membership is restricted to fifty, with new men voted in after the death of a member. George W. Bush acknowledged that he is a member.
5 H. Gregory Platts. Crop Reports 1973-2000 and Early Alfalfa Club History (Alfalfa Club: Washington, D.C., 2002), 255.
5 For the first few decades of the Club’s existence, membership lists were not kept and
privacy was fiercely guarded. Members were free to have discussions and make ‘deals’
that were off the record. As reported in the Washington Post , “…even after nearly 100 years, Alfalfan proceedings remain shrouded in mystery. Journalists, forbidden to attend the dinner, are relegated to staking out the lobby, foraging for scraps of insight from anyone who dares duck out for a bathroom break or a cigarette.”6
Although the nature of the group was quite light-hearted, membership was reserved solely for the most distinguished and powerful of individuals: men who were able to directly influence society. Some of the most notable Club members have included
Herbert Hoover, Henry Kissinger, Sam Rayburn, John D. Rockefeller, George H.W.
Bush, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Bob Hope, John F. Kennedy, Trent Lott, Richard Nixon,
John McCain, Warren Buffet and Colin Powell. As the Club’s early history points out,
Mingling in friendly amnesty at every banquet are Cabinet members, Supreme Court justices, statesmen and ambassadors, members of Congress, political foes, business tycoons, scientists, generals and admirals, and the nation’s foremost professional men. A more influential group of American men could hardly be gathered under one roof. To attend a dinner is somewhat like strolling through the pages of Who’s Who in America .7
It is hard to imagine that this type of social gathering could occur anywhere other than
Washington, D.C. Elected officials, lobbyists, business leaders, and diplomats who can directly impact the direction of public policy are concentrated in the District, unlike
6 “Alfalfa Club Hears Bush Speak as President for Last Time”, Marissa Newhall January 27, 2008 The Washington Post http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/ 26/AR2008012602893.html . Accessed on May 14, 2010.
7 H. Gregory Platts. Crop Reports 1973-2000 and Early Alfalfa Club History , 249.
6 anywhere else in the United States. Furthermore, it lends credence to the idea that
political social clubs in the District are a unique breeding ground for the powerful elite.
The Alfalfa Club continues to exist, and in 1994 admitted females such as
Madeline Albright and Sandra Day O’Connor into its membership. It meets formally
only once a year at the Willard Hotel and limits its membership to approximately one
hundred and fifty. 8 “Throughout the year, Alfalfans gather for informal luncheons,
dinners, and occasional outings. Small groups often dine at the Metropolitan Club or the
Burning Tree Club. Larger groups may be found at Alibi Club…” 9 The major difference
between the present Alfalfa Club and its earlier days is that the Club’s membership is no
longer a guarded secret. The annual dinner is seen as simply a celebration of the
powerful, rather then a place where friendships among the members are greatly and
strategically fostered as they once were. In fact, by making the Club less exclusive and
more open, it has somewhat diluted its power. Membership lists are currently published,
minutes of the annual meetings are recorded and available, and members openly admit
their affiliation.
For example, President George H.W. Bush admitted to the New York Times that he was a member of three clubs, “In response to press inquiries, the White House issued today a list of the clubs to which President Bush belongs. Stephen Hart, a White House press aide, said the President belongs to three clubs: The Alibi Club, the Alfalfa Club and
8 In addition to the annual Alfalfa Club dinner, members will occasionally meet on an ad hoc basis, including informal family summer picnics. Also, there are varying reports that the Club restricts its membership between 150 and 200 members.
9 H. Gregory Platts. Crop Reports 1973-2000 and Early Alfalfa Club History , 249, 250.
7 the Bohemian Club.”10 Even President Obama has made an appearance at the 2009
Alfalfa Club Annual Dinner joking that, “I know that many you are aware that this dinner
began almost 100 years ago as a way to celebrate the birthday of General Robert E. Lee.
If he were here with us tonight, the general would be 202 years old. And very
confused." 11
While political social clubs such as the Alfalfa Club still exist in Washington,
D.C., their importance as a cultivation tool for the District’s elite has greatly diminished.
In fact, social clubs in general have seen a sharp decrease in membership in recent years
and many have closed their doors for financial reasons. This decline is not limited to
social clubs, as community and social participation have been decreasing in many
different realms over the last few decades. As Robert D. Putnam theorizes in Bowling
Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community , “…for the first two-thirds of the century a powerful tide bore Americans into ever deeper engagement in the life of their communities, but a few decades ago—silently, without warning—the tide reversed…” 12 With a shift in the Washington political elite structure, the growing use of technology for social networking purposes, a change in campaign finance and ethics laws that restricted traditional lobbying practices, and the general lack of interest from the next
10 “ Bush Belongs to 3 Men's Clubs” Feb. 1, 1989 New York Times . Available at http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=950DE6D61531F932A35751C0A96F948260 Accessed on Sept 4, 2010.
11 “ Obama gets laughs at Alfalfa dinner”, Feb. 1, 2009 CNNPolitics.com. Available at http://www.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/02/01/alfalfa.obama/ . Accessed on Oct 1, 2010.
12 Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 27.
8 generation of D.C. political insiders, the relevance of the District’s political social clubs
is being tested.
In order to test this theory, it is important to examine both political social clubs as
a whole empirical unit and on an individual basis. This paper will explore in depth three
independent political social clubs to better understand how and why this form of social
capital in the District is failing. The clubs that will be included in the study are The
Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club (an example of a club that has failed), the Woman’s
National Democratic Club (an example of a club that is failing) and the Cosmos Club (an
example of a club that is surviving yet still struggling to remain relevant).
All three clubs serve as case studies of how and why political social clubs are
losing their importance in Washington, and help to highlight the varying forms in which
these clubs can manifest. The F Street Club , which was once one of the most prominent private clubs in the area, experienced a steady decrease in membership beginning in the late 1980s until finally closing in 1999. The Woman’s National Democratic Club
(WNDC) has been operating with a large deficit and dwindling membership base for the last decade and will likely be forced to close within a few short years. The Cosmos Club , although financially stable, is struggling to stay relevant in the face of declining among younger generations and the presence of lower cost alternatives to socialize in the
District. By exploring these organizations, one can glean a better understanding of how the prominence and relevance of the social capital that was once gained through political social clubs is changing.
9
The Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club (Charles H. Phillips, March 1968 Washington)
“Oh darling, the [F Street] Club used to be so grand! I frequented many debutante balls there. When I was twenty-two, there was one particular ball in which a Senator, who shall remain nameless, grabbed me by the wrist, spun me around, and sat me on his lap. Oh, you can imagine the scandal! It’s not like it used to be.” -Interview with Jane C. Blair, Former Secretary, F Street Club
CHAPTER TWO
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE NINETEEN TWENTY-FIVE F STREET CLUB
Interview with Jane: The Story of the Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club, Inc.
From the moment one steps into the living room of Jane C. Blair, one feels an aura of the highest and oldest Washingtonian social class. As if the finely crafted
Edwardian mirrors or the delicate bone china teacups from which we sipped our
10 afternoon tea were not enough, an original oil painting of Francis Preston Blair which hung above the fireplace seemed to solidify the house and its occupants as having a place in the historical fabric of Washington’s political elite. The portrait, as Jane pointed out, is that of her late husband William D. Blair’s great-great-grandfather, who was a member of
Andrew Jackson's kitchen cabinet, co-publisher of the former Washington Globe newspaper, and namesake of the Blair House. While the ambiance of the home is that of post-colonial American aristocratic reverence, Jane herself was warm and inviting. “I’m not sure how much help I’m going to be,” she said. “The F Street Club was not a formal political club, but a place for private social gatherings. Sure, we had presidents, vice presidents, members of Congress and diplomats among our membership. But we went there for the parties, the lunches, the balls, the social gatherings that would allow us to socialize outside of the strict confines of occupations.” 13
Jane’s point is profound and goes straight to the heart of the theory that public policy is not shaped only through formal processes, but often through a series of social connections. It can occur through the delicate negotiations and compromises orchestrated among an elite group of friends and associates behind the closed doors of a seemingly unassuming social club. It is easy to presuppose that the F Street Club had less to do with formal political ideologies then it did with entertaining the Washington elite. Yet, although it began as a “Republican Salon,” its members were both Republican and
Democrat, conservative and liberal, elected officials and private business owners. The clandestine and exclusive nature of the Club allowed its members to reach across the aisle
13 Jane C. Blair, Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., April 3, 2010.
11 of partisan politics and build the types of bonds of confidentiality that help to shape
political history.
The trust that is built around these clubs is tremendous. As Nancy Dickerson, a
former member of the F Street Club (where she admits to having spent a lot of time
during her early years in Washington) and the first woman on television to report from
the floor of a national political convention, as well as the first to broadcast from the floor
of the Senate, explains in Women in Communication :
I’ve lived here [for years] now and I have always been around these people [political officials]. They know me, and they know they don’t have to say ‘This or that is off the record’ at their parties. The biggest thing is trust. 14
It was this trust that allowed members of the press and members of the Club to discuss issues freely without the fear of exposure. In fact, the Club was so protective of its members that press photographers were not allowed inside except for private parties. The private nature also helped lobbyists to conduct their business affairs without placing themselves or their associates in compromising positions, and it created a protected environment for “off-the-record” interactions.
Jane carries extensive knowledge of the F Street Club, and has seen its rise and fall firsthand. She was a member for over forty years and was part of the Club’s inner sanctum, serving as secretary on the Board of Directors from the mid-1980s until its official closing in 1999. She and her husband were widely considered part of
Washington’s ‘elite crowd’. In addition to the F Street Club, Jane is a member (or has
14 Nancy Signorielli, Women in Communication: A Biographical Sourcebook . (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press., 1997), 122.
12 been a member) of some of the most prominent social clubs in the area. While information about the F Street Club has been difficult for members of the press and scholars to find (membership lists and Club minutes were kept strictly secret; and in 1993 the Club’s scrapbook mysteriously disappeared), Jane was willing to open her records to me for research purposes. 15 She had only two rules; records were not to be removed from her home; and there was to be no “naming names” or mention of any “indiscretions of individual members.”
Nestled between pictures of her last China trip and ledgers of her daughter’s wedding details, she allowed me access to three unmarked boxes containing financial records, minutes, clippings, membership lists, and notes detailing the final days of the F
Street Club. When asked her opinion on the reasons for the Club’s demise she simply said, “Difficulty parking and location, the inability to attract younger members, and people wanted to have ‘lighter fare’ for lunch.” It was discovered that although all valid reasons, the true downfall of the Club and others like it had more to do with a shift in the
Washington political elite structure, the growing use of technology for social networking, and the general lack of interest from the next generation of D.C. political insiders.
Cousin Laura’s Salon: The History of the F Street Club
The former Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club (F Street Club) is nestled in the corner of 20 th and F Streets, NW. The house was originally built by Naval Captain
Charles Steedman and in 1868 it was purchased by Alexander Ray, a prominent land and business owner. It is interesting to note that twenty years earlier, when the Ray family
15 The removal of the scrapbook from Club grounds was reported in the Minutes of Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club, Inc , November 19, 1993.
13 was living at their previous home on 20 th and G in Foggy Bottom, their domestic “rented slave” Emily Edmonson became infamous for attempting to escape aboard the Pearl .16
The house was also home to the prominent American poet and political legacy, George
Cabot Lodge, and his family. His son, John Davis Lodge (former Governor of
Connecticut and U.S. Ambassador) was born in the house. As reported in the Red Bank
Register ,
…John Davis Lodge confided two secrets to a meeting of Republican women: He was born in Washington in the house that is now known as the ritzy 1925 F Street Club. “But alas”, related Lodge, “while I can visit the place of my birth, I am unable to return to the room because it now happens to be the ladies’ powder room. At the time of my birth, it was my mother’s bedroom.” 17
In 1920 the home was purchased as a guest house by American University, and was rented to Mrs. Laura Merriam Curtis Gross in 1923. “Cousin Laura,” as Jane fondly referred to her during our meetings, “was no stranger to scandal.” She was the daughter of former Minnesota Governor William R. Merriam, and by all accounts was raised in the highest circles of the political and social elite.
In 1912 Laura married James Freeman Curtis, however they divorced in 1924. 18
That same year her engagement to Harrison Williams, supposedly the wealthiest man in
16 On April 15, 1848, seventy-six slaves attempted to escape Washington D.C. aboard the Pearl which was docked in the Potomac. It was the largest recorded escape attempt by slaves in the United States. Records indicate that Alexander Ray paid $2 to Rebecca Culver, Emily Edmonson’s owner, on Nov. 3, 1847 to rent the young girl for domestic services.
17 Red Bank Register , “Social Whirl”, Vol. 84 N. 209. April 20, 1962. Available at http://209.212.22.88/data/rbr/1960-1969/1962/1962.04.20.pdf. Accessed on February 7, 2010.
18 National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior “Appleton Family Papers, 1752-1962” (Bulk dates 1831-1885), Third Edition, Catalog No. LONG 20256.
14 America at the time with a fortune of $680 million, was scandalously cut short when, three days after the engagement was announced, Laura had ran off to re-marry her ex- husband. The marriage was once again short-lived, however, as the couple once again divorced in 1938. That same year, Laura married John Gross, Vice President of
Bethlehem Steel, Corp.
Laura was drawn to 1925 F Street for its proximately to government buildings, her friends, and reportedly for its garden. While Laura was staying at the house, she amassed a wide social circle of prestigious Washingtonians who used her home as a social gathering place. As pointed out in the official history of the Nineteen Twenty-Five
F Street Club, Inc.;
The house became a center for social functions. Mrs. Curtis was a staunch Republican and gave many parties for Republican candidates, as well as prominent Washingtonians. She had card tables set up in her living room with papers strewn about. She and her friends would meet to discuss tactics for getting Hebert Hoover elected. No matter what time these gatherings took place, Mrs. Curtis always served the best food and wine. 19
“Cousin Laura liked to entertain-- but mostly she liked the attention that it afforded her”,
Jane added. “She merrily did it by herself, spending great sums of her personal funds to please her guests, but then the Depression happened.”
When the Great Depression first hit, Laura took in Representative Ruth Pratt, who was the first women to represent New York in Congress, as a roommate to share some of the home’s costs. Also, during the Depression, and because of it, “Mrs. Curtis’ close friends, Newbold Noyes (who was associate editor of The Washington Evening Star ) and
19 “Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club, Inc. History”. Acquired from F Street Club Records.
15 George Garrett, suggested she convert the house to a club. 20 As described in a 1938 article in The Washington Sunday Star entitled “F Street Club: Richly Furnished First as
Home by Family in Official Life, It Soon Became the Center of Smart Circle,”
By 1932 Laura Curtis and the lovely house had become so much a part of the social structure of Washington that her sudden decision to give up the house and move back to New York caused nothing short of a social panic. …After all the pros and cons had been rehashed time and again some one finally made the brilliant suggestion that was the final solution. Why not turn 1925 F Street into a club, have Laura the head and guiding spirit, keep her furniture, her retinue and efficient servants and to make it quite perfect, use her guest list for members invited to join? 21
On April 15, 1933 the 1925 F Street Club was officially opened with Bylaws, Corporate
Seal and Board of Directors.
After Laura married John Gross, the couple moved to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania to be closer to John’s work. However, she remained active in the operations of the Club and supervised the manager, Mary Cummins. Ms. Cummins oversaw many of the Club’s events that were orchestrated personally by Laura. Ms. Cummins died in the home and the funeral was held in the parlor. 22 In 1974 the property of 1925 F Street was sold to the
George Washington University, however, the Club rented the house from the University and continued to operate as a private social club until its closing in 1999.
20 Ibid.
21 Betty Grove Smith “F Street Club: Richly Furnished First as Home by Family in Official Life, It Soon Became Center of Smart Circle”, The Washington Sunday Sta.r January 16, 1938.
22 Ibid.
16 Guarded Secrets: The Club’s Rise and the Mysterious Membership
Between the 1930s and 1970s the Club rose to become one of the most prominent
social clubs in the District and carried one of the most impressive membership lists in
Washington. With limited ‘socially acceptable’ venues in Washington during 1940s, the
F Street Club truly became a haven for the well-to-do. As Frank George Wisner, a
former ambassador who came of age in the late 1940s points out,
One notable feature about Washington at that time is that there wasn’t anything to do. There was virtually no theater, there was no Kennedy Center. We did have the National Theater, which picked up occasional road shows here and there. But that was about it. We had a second rate baseball and football team. There were no restaurants to speak of, very few hotels, the Mayflower being one. No nightclubs. There was Laura Gross’s 1925 F Street Club for benefits and receptions…23
This void in viable entertainment options helped to establish clubs, such as the F Street
Club, as extremely important places to socialize and build networks. Their growth in popularity was greatly enhanced by the District’s lack of readily available leisure activities. Their popularity was also due in part to their desirable list of members.
However, gaining membership into this elite circle was no easy feat. Rules for proposing a new member of the F Street Club entailed the following; 1.) Filling out a proposal form,
2.) Writing a proposal letter, 3.) Asking two members to write secondary letters, 4.)
Assuring that the three letters and the proposal form are sent to the F Street Club, and 5.)
Finally, the candidate had to receive enough votes from the Board to be approved. 24 To
23 C. David Heymann, The Georgetown Ladies Social Club: Power, Passion, and Politics in the Nation’s Capital (New York: Atria Books, 2003), 36.
24 Nineteen Twenty F Street Club Bylaws, 1987.
17 become a member, one had to have the perfect combination of breeding, social status,
political connections and money.
During the 1950s the Club made a point of excluding minorities and Jews, and
blackballing potential members was a common practice. For example, William S. Paley,
the chief executive who built the Columbia Broadcasting System into one of the foremost
radio and television networks in the country, was rejected from the F Street Club based
on the fact that he was Jewish:
In the late fifties, Phillip Graham, by then the publisher of the Washington Post , had suggested that Paley join the F Street Club. The perfect club for him in Washington, Graham said, just the right combination of men, men who were powerful, attractive, effective. Bill Paley would be at home there. Paley, knowing the Byzantine ways of clubs and restricted apartments and exclusive islands that wanted no Jews, was nervous. He did not really like the idea of clubs…but Graham, a man of infectious enthusiasm said not to worry about that , these were modern, serious, humane men, and he, Phil Graham, the prince of the city, would personally lobby it through. He lobbied for Paley with great vigor and intelligence. But after a few weeks later when his friend Shirley Clurman ran into him on the Washington-New York shuttle, he seemed almost desperate, his normal enthusiasm for life totally absent. Mrs. Clurman asked what was wrong. “Oh God,” said Graham, “this is one of the worst days of my life—this is the day I’ve got to go to New York and tell Bill Paley that he was blackballed at the F Street Club.” 25
Once a new member was voted into the Club, they were required to pay an initiation fee and annual dues. Yet, being wealthy would not guarantee membership, as the Club did not solely depend upon dues for its operations. In fact as Jane points out,
“Our dues were far lower than many other respectable clubs in the area. For example, the
Metropolitan’s initiation fee was ten thousand dollars alone! The Club made its money
25 David Halberstam, The Powers That Be (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 32.
18 through private parties and events, so membership dues were not as important at the time.”
While no official public records of members were kept, the Club did release, in its public history, a few names of notable members such as “Calvin Coolidge, William
Harding, Mrs. Nicholas Longworth, Richard Nixon, Dwight Eisenhower and some of the
Rockefellers.” When asked about the mysterious nature of the lists, Jane C. Blair replied,
“Ahhh yes, the membership lists. The press always made such a big deal about why we kept them quiet. The truth is that we just never really talked about who was a member.
If you were in the Club, you were ‘in’ the Club”. The secrecy made the Club even more desirable for would-be members. The privacy enabled members to enjoy intimate moments with friends and associates. However, even though secrecy was of the utmost importance, it was difficult to keep all political secrets solely within the closed doors of the F Street Club.
For example, Dwight D. Eisenhower, an F Street Club member, experienced how a leak in the Club could be a political public relations disaster. In 1947, as he enjoyed a dinner at the Club, a few casual remarks ignited a scandal referred to as the “Eisenhower dinner”.
The place was the 1925 F Street, an old Georgian mansion with a quiet elegance and some of the best food in Washington. The club’s membership is properly exclusive. Everything is discretely off the record. Yet 24 hours after the guests went home all Washington knew the story of the “Eisenhower dinner.” The story was soon in print and on the air. Sharp-tongued commentator Fulton Lewis, Jr. provided the liveliest version of what when the general and politicians sat down to talk over liqueurs and coffee. The general, so Mr. Lewis told his listeners, had propounded an original cure for inflation—the government should call in
19 the industrialists and have them agree 1.) to reduce prices for a period of two to three years and 2.) “to eliminate all profits whatsoever”. If industry refused, Congress should tax all profits 100%. The story was frightening enough to chill the blood of a Democrat—let alone a good Republican. 26
It was later revealed that the remarks were grossly exaggerated and it was suggested that
the quote sent to the press may have been provided by a foe of Eisenhower’s who had
attended the dinner. Regardless, the embarrassment did not prevent him from continuing
to be a member, nor did it discourage him from using the Club for social events. In fact,
on January 20, 1961, after the inauguration of John F. Kennedy, Eisenhower dined at the
F Street Club before leaving Washington for the first time as a former president. 27 The
Club continued to be a popular place to for the political elite to entertain throughout the
1960s, 1970s and 1980s, and political figures such as Jackie Kennedy Onassis and
Ronald Reagan hosted many events behinds its doors.
The Slow Decline of F Street Club
In 1983, when the Club celebrated its 50 th anniversary, the organization had
approximately four hundred members on the books. Within five years, however, the
Club began to see a steady decline in both membership and usage of the facilities. Jane
C. Blair suggested that 1987 was the year where the first signs of trouble appeared. “That
was the year my husband served on the Board of Directors. Private parties and weddings
were down because people desired the amenities of hotels and larger spaces. We were
26 Robert T. Elson, “What Did Eisenhower Say? His Off-The-Record Comments at a Washington Dinner Start Some Juicy and Malicious Gossip”, Life Magazine . December 19, 1947.
27 Richard F. Weingroff, “The Man who Changed America, Part II,” U.S. Department of Transportation Federal Highway Administration Public Records. Available at http://www.tfhrc.gov/pubrds/03may/05.htm. Accessed on February 13, 2010.
20 always trying to get younger members, but nothing seemed to work. We would get a few, but they would always leave shortly after they joined.” 28
According to Club minutes, the membership in August 1989 dropped from over
400 to 334 (240-Resident members, 84-Non-Resident, 10-Board Members). 29 The drop continued into the early 1990s, at which time the Board began to formulate unsuccessful strategies to keep the Club open. The trend of decreased membership in clubs in the
District was not exclusive to the F Street Club. As mentioned earlier, clubs across the board began to lose members and revenue in the latter half of the twentieth-century.
Frank Vain, president of the McMahon Group (a full-service consulting firm dedicated to serving private clubs in all aspects of their facility, strategic, membership and governance needs), suggests the following reasons for the decline in private club interest:
Today's parents spend much more time engaged in activities with or for their children than prior generations; People travel a lot more; Corporations have changed the way business is conducted; A lot of the client entertainment that was part of the business culture of the past is discouraged today. Business decisions tend to be made more on objective criteria than on relationships; The role of women in business and society has changed dramatically. Private clubs tend to be more appealing to men than to women; Membership in a private club is no longer seen as a sign of social attainment; The trend toward diversity in today's society is the antithesis of the notion of exclusivity, which is an essential element of clubs”. 30
The F Street Club, and others like it, were even more susceptible to the public’s changing views of private social organizations because they lacked the amenities of larger clubs
28 Jane C. Blair, Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., April 3, 2010.
29 F Street Club Board Minutes. August 7, 1989.
30 John G. Fornaro, “Clubs Need More Members…Not Magicians!”, Boardroom Magazine . August 2005. Available at http://www.boardroommagazine.com/faJuly_Aug05.cfm. Accessed on April 14, 2010.
21 and had no specific ‘causes’ to unite the membership other then social networking.
Individuals had less time to spend solely on social activities and building social capital in private settings began to fall out of style.
The first step the Board took to keep the Club out of bankruptcy was to explore ways to increase the Club’s income to offset operational costs. The Club had difficulty increasing its private party revenue and entertained the idea of increasing membership dues. In 1992, the Club’s president, William J. McManus, issued a letter to the membership explaining a rise in dues. The letter stated, “Not since 1980 has the Board of
Governors raised dues. However, it is necessary to attempt to offset our costs and keep up with inflation.” The Board voted on October 27, 1992 to raise annual dues from $330 to $380 effective January 1, 1993.” 31 This small increase was used to test the membership to see if they would be open to the price adjustment. The result was as Jane explained, “A bit of a failure. People were quite upset. It was not the issue of money, but the idea of change.” The Board realized that if the membership was dissatisfied with such a small increase it was going to be very difficult to implement larger increases in the future.
In 1994 the former Secretary of the Treasury, Henry H. Fowler, settled a portion of the Club’s debt with his personal funds, but the relief did not last for long. Private parties, the main source of income for the Club, swiftly lost popularity for a variety of reasons. The location of the Club, in the far corner of Foggy Bottom and situated on
George Washington University’s campus, made it a less then desirable destination to host
31 William J McManus, Letter to F Street Club Members. November 24, 1992.
22 events. Parking was difficult and a variety of alternative locations in more fashionable
areas of the District (such as Georgetown, Capitol Hill, and Dupont Circle) were
available. Unlike large hotels and centers, the Club could not hold extremely large
crowds. Also, in order to use the Club for private events one had to be a member. The
Clubs rules stated: “Reservations may only be made by members, who must be present
until all their guests have left the Club. The charges must be billed to the member, and
invitations must be issued only in the name of the member, or jointly with a non-
member.” 32 This rule limited the number of people who were able to use the facilities either for private parties or on an every day basis.
With the severe loss in party revenue, the Board was once again forced to raise dues, and by 1996 the initiation fee was $2,000 and annual membership dues doubled to
$760 for resident members and $530 for non-resident members. That same year the
Board polled F Street Club members in a last effort to pinpoint the causes for the declining usage of the facilities. On May 1 st a survey was sent and one hundred and one members responded with their thoughts regarding the Club. The results showed that members were not satisfied with meal options, were displeased by the lack of parking, and believed that the quality of the membership was declining. When asked why they remained a member of the Club, one member’s answer highlighted the growing feelings of the Club’s antiquity. “I like this beautiful old house which I like to pretend is my grandmothers.” 33
32 Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club Inc., Club Rules. 1986.
33 F Street Club Board Minutes. June 6, 1996.
23 The statement provided a possible reason why younger members were unwilling
to join the Club: The organization had a reputation for being ‘too old-fashioned and
elitist.’ As Jane pointed out, “Our membership was literally dying off. It was never
surprising to open up the Washington Post on any given day and see one of our member’s obituaries.” As the median age of the membership continued to rise, the organization was unable to recruit the next generation of Club leaders. The membership dues were far too high for most Hill staffers and civil servants to afford, and very few working professionals had time to ‘lunch’ at the Club. Also, young, political activists began to form their own social networks outside of the confines of ‘brick and mortar’ clubs. In addition, the history of racism and sexism of many clubs created a negative view of private organizations in the latter half of the 20 th Century. The F Street Club was either
unwilling or unable to stay relevant, and by 1997 did not even have a website. The few
newly acquired younger members in the Club during the late 1980s and 1990s never
stayed more then a few years.
The Club Closes its Doors
On March 7, 1997, the Club asked members to contribute a membership
assessment of $1,000, plus a minimum of $1,000 spent at the Club yearly, to offset the
year’s operating costs. However, members were unwilling to do so, and the Board began
to make negotiations with George Washington University over control of the Club. As
the Washington Post’s Reliable Source pointed out,
Some members, unwilling to write $1,000 checks to bail out the 64-year-old institution, where presidents and debutants genteelly partied, must now share the clubhouse. …Club President William J. McManus sought to keep a stiff upper lip,
24 noting that “GW officials emphasized that they would try to run the Club as it has been run for as long as possible.” 34
On April 3, 1997 the Board sent one of its last letters to the membership. The letter explained that as of May 1, 1997 the George Washington University would assume all financial responsibility for the governance and ownership of the F Street Club and its assets. It stated, “After May 1 st 1997 there will be a Member’s Committee of current F
Street Club members which will advise the new GW appointed governing board. From
May 1 st through at least April 30, 1998, GW will continue to keep the F Street Club open at its present site.” 35 In the contract, the University negotiated a stipulation that if the
Club had fewer than 245 members, they would be able to terminate operations at the Club immediately. At the time of the contract, in May 1997, the Club had a total of only 251 members.
In 1999 the Club was officially disbanded and the George Washington University took complete control over the property. That same year it was dedicated as the George
Washington University alumni house and the different rooms were converted into offices.
In 2008 the house was renovated to serve as the home of GW’s 16th president, Steven
Knapp. When the F Street Club was at the height of its early success, it was reported in
1935 that,
…after an unusually successful season, the Club, Inc., bought the property and building, so that instead of being a temporary situation, the members feel that the 1925 F Street Club is just about as permanent as the Lincoln Memorial, the Washington Monument and the cherry blossoms around the
34 “Class Distinction at 1925 F Street,” The Washington Post Reliable Source . May 7, 1997.
35 William J. McManus. Letter to Club members. April 3, 1997.
25 Tidal Basin every spring, and if anyone thinks that Washington would be as happy a place to live without these attractions, don’t let him tell it to a member of the [Laura] Curtis Club! 36
Unfortunately, unlike the Lincoln Memorial or Washington Monument, the F Street Club and many like it were unable to stand the test of time and have now faded simply into
Washington folklore.
Conclusion
While the F Street Club was unable to stay afloat amid a shift in the Washington political elite structure, its legacy serves as an example of how political social clubs were once extremely important in building social capital. In its heyday, the F Street Club was one of the preeminent meeting places for Washington’s well-connected society members.
Membership lists were guarded to protect the occupants’ privacy, and the exclusivity ensured a screening process to create a tight-knit influential group. However, the F Street
Club experienced a steady decline in membership in the late 1980s and was never able to recover.
In the end, the Club was unwilling or perhaps unable to change its structure to be welcoming to younger members and also unwilling to financially support the Club in its final days. The prominence and relevance of the social capital that was once gained through political social clubs is changing course, and the F Street Club serves as an example of how social networking has changed over time. Social clubs across the country are experiencing a decline and many have been forced to close their doors. The
36 Betty Grove Smith “F Street Club: Richly Furnished First as Home by Family in Official Life, It Soon Became Center of Smart Circle”, The Washington Sunday Star. January 16, 1938.
26 technology used for social networking, and the general lack of interest from the next generation of DC political insiders are making private social Clubs in the District obsolete.
27
Woman’s National Democratic Club (photo courtesy of Cynthia Stanford)
“If you join a gym, you know exactly what you are getting—what machines you are going to use, how many times a week you think you are going to go. The WNDC can just provide you with something that makes you feel like you are part of a community— that you are rooted. I just don’t think that people are interested in being rooted anymore.” -Interview with Anna Fierst, Vice President of Membership, WNDC
CHAPTER THREE
LADIES WHO LUNCH: THE TURBULENT TIMES OF THE WNDC
The Mansion at 1526 New Hampshire Ave, NW
On the corner of Q and New Hampshire Ave. (1526 New Hampshire Ave, NW), nestled in a quiet corner of Dupont Circle, there stands a stately mansion constructed and embellished in the early architectural (and relatively unknown to Washington) Arts and
28 Crafts and Shingle Style. If one is not paying close attention, it is very likely that small gold plaque stating the building is home to the Woman’s National Democratic Club
(WNDC) will be easily missed, and one may assume that it is simply another grand embassy hidden off to the side among the avenues designed by L’Enfant. However, once inside its ornately embellished and painstakingly handcrafted oak door, it is clear to see the historic value of such an opulent home.
In each of the mansion’s four floors, rooms are filled with Edwardian furniture
(both replicas and originals), rare antiques (including the original desk of Frances
Perkins, who was Secretary of Labor under Roosevelt and the first female to serve as a cabinet member), and political memorabilia. While walking through the hallways, one can feel haunting echo of a time when high tea was fashionable and ladies wore hats and gloves to luncheons. The Adlai Stevenson Ballroom (named after the diplomat, politician, and Democratic presidential nominee in 1952 and 1956) hosts rotating art exhibitions, and a new political exhibit is created every few months. From the portrait of
Marjorie Merriweather Post that hangs in the reception room, to the decadent chandelier suspended in the Eleanor Roosevelt wing, it is hard not to be inspired by such a beautiful home.
The building itself is named the “Whittemore House” and was designed by
Architect Harvey L. Page (1859-1934) for opera singer Sarah Adams Whittemore and her husband William C. Whittemore in 1894. 37 Sarah was a descendant of President John
Adams and a great lover of all things musical. In fact, traces of her passion can be seen
37 “The Whittemore House: A Historic Mansion in Washington’s Dupont Circle” available at http://www.thewhittemorehouse.com/gallery.html. Accessed on Sept. 1, 2010.
29 in the form of musical instruments added to the crown molding of the music room (now known as the Hamlin Room). It was also one of the first homes in the district to be wired for electricity. The house had many other important residents such as Sen. John F.
Dryden (R-NJ), Theodore P. Shonts (a wealthy railroad magnate who Teddy Roosevelt appointed Chairman of the Isthmian Canal Commission), and Sen. John W. Weeks (R-
MA). 38 However, no one has held the property longer or has more historical connection to the building than the Woman’s National Democratic Club (WNDC).
The WNDC was once the preeminent political social club for the District’s wealthy and powerful Democratic women. Members have included first ladies, such as
Lady Bird Johnson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, and Hilary Clinton, scores of Congresswomen and Senators, foreign service officers, ambassadors, political activists, businesswomen, and spouses of political figures. Authors, politicians, scientists, activists, and even actors have clamored to be given the chance to speak to members of the WNDC. Before the onset of the television age, it was far more difficult for a political figure to reach a wide audience. The Club served as a forum where a speaker could disseminate their messages to a large crowd, and to hopefully have the print media pick up the story. 39 Furthermore, these twice-weekly club luncheon speakers once drew hundreds of attendees, and many times people had to be turned away at the door due to lack of space.
38 Ibid.
39 Programs at the WNDC were often quoted by the press and radio news conferences were regularly held in the upstairs parlor.
30 As the Club’s website describes, “The twice-weekly events have endured for nine
decades and provide a lively forum for discussion with speakers such as Hillary Rodham
Clinton, E. L. Doctorow, Madeleine Albright, Jim Lehrer, Vernon Jordan, Eleanor
Holmes Norton, Loretta and Linda Sanchez and other prominent national and local
figures.”40 In addition to luncheons, the Club hosts a variety of political and cultural evening programs and members are able to rent the clubhouse for private functions such as weddings, or fundraisers. The WNDC was truly a cultural breeding ground for the early feminist movement and was once the largest and most active Democratic women’s club in the District.
However, the WNDC is currently in an extremely precarious financial position and is struggling to keep its doors open. The Club’s membership has slipped from over
2,000 prominent Democratic women in the 1980’s to under 200 active members as of
Oct. 25, 2010. 41 The Club is unable to attract new members, especially young members,
and has laid off the majority of its staff. The WNDC was also forced to close its
connected PAC in 2009 due to lack of financial support and member interest. Even the
Club’s non-profit 501(C)(3) organization, the WNDC-Educational Foundation, can no
longer support much of its charitable work. Although the Club has faced difficult
economic realities in the past, its current debt to income ratio suggests that the
organization will either have to sell its beloved clubhouse or disband the group in its
entirety within the next few years.
40 “History and Archives”. The Woman’s National Democratic Club website. Available at http://www.democraticwoman.org/history.html.
41 The WNDC membership rooster currently has a little over 500 members listed in its books, however more than half of those are either “lifetime” non-active and non-dues paying membership or honorary.
31
The Founding of the Woman’s National Democratic Club
In 1922, only two years after women were granted the right to vote, Emily Newell
Blair and Florence Jaffray “Daisy” Harriman decided that the District needed a club dedicated to the area’s prominent Democratic women. During the time, Washington was a predominately Republican town and it was difficult for Democrats, and in particular female Democrats, to find havens to socialize. Following President Woodrow Wilson’s second term, the 1920’s were dominated by Republican politics with President Warren G.
Harding (1921-23), President Calvin Coolidge (1923-29), and President Herbert Hoover
(1929-33) keeping a Republican stronghold over the Oval Office. Emily Newell Blair was director of the Woman’s Division of the Democratic National Committee and believed that the future of the party depended on its ability to organize women. She was also a devoted suffragist, a founding mother of the early feminist movement and gained national attention as editor of Missouri Woman , the state’s only suffrage magazine. 42
When President Harding took office, Republicans ruled the District and Emily had fallen out of favor. By the early 1920’s, Emily found herself…
…existing more or less in a social vacuum, viewing the capital from a bleacher seat, much as she had a decade earlier when her husband, Harry Wallace Blair, had studied law at Columbia College, now The George Washington University. “It is an environment I never enjoyed for long,” she wrote in her mid-1930’s autobiography. “There were available no Democratic hostesses with big houses. But there were Democratic women, wives of senators and representatives and permanent residents
42 Virginia Jeans Laas, Bridging Two Eras: The Autobiography of Emily Newell Blair, 1877-1951 . (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1999)
32 who had no opportunity in the voteless District to serve the party. Why, I thought, couldn’t they be organized to promote a Democratic women’s clubhouse?” 43
While Emily was committed to building a women’s Democratic club in the nation’s capital, she lacked both the financial and social resources to make her dream a reality.
She had a large and dedicated group of associates back in her home sate of Missouri, but she was relatively unknown in the important Democratic social circles of Washington.
With this in mind, she enlisted the help of her friend Daisy Harriman, who had both the means and connections to achieve their goals.
Florence Jaffray “Daisy” Harriman was born into the Hurst family, a connected and wealthy Republican family, in 1870. When her mother passed away when Daisy was three years old, she was sent to live with her grandfather, Edward S. Jaffray, who was a shipping magnate and close friends with J. P. Morgan. By all accounts, Daisy was a free spirit and a woman ahead of her time. For instance in 1906, “when her husband disapproved of women staying unchaperoned in New York City hotels, Daisy helped found the prestigious Colony Club, New York’s first social club for women.” 44
When her husband died of complications due to alcoholism, Daisy became extremely active in Democratic Party politics, campaigning for her good friend Woodrow
Wilson. During her lifetime, she wrote for Harper’s Weekly , led the 1917 New York suffrage march, was appointed by FDR to the U.S. minister to Norway, served as
43 Jewell Fenzi and Allida Black. Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s National Democratic Club. Washington, D.C.: WNDC Education Foundation, 2.
44 Ibid., 8.
33 Democratic committeewoman for the District of Columbia (1924-1955), and helped her
friend Emily Newell Blair found the Woman’s National Democratic Club.
The first meeting of the WNDC was held, coincidentally, just a few houses down
from the F Street Club in the home of Daisy Harriman (2017 F Street) on November 22,
1922.45 Both homes were so close that it is quite possible to assume that the two neighbors were quite familiar with one another. Much as Laura Curtis’s home had become a Mecca for the District’s Republican elite, Daisy’s parlor held some of the most influential Democratic women in the District a year before Laura’s salon opened. The goal of the Club was to share and discuss “issues of the day”, to help organize for the
Democratic Party, and to socialize with like-minded individuals. In fact, their slogan is
“From the Right to Vote… The Power to Lead” and their tagline is “Where Democrats meet, discuss, and act upon issues of the day”.
During these initial meetings, both Daisy and Emily began to recruit some of the most politically connected, wealthy, and elite democratic women in the District: women who would be able to support the club both financially and be able to raise its prominence. They began letter-writing campaigns to other state-based Democratic clubs, enlisted the help of Mrs. Woodrow Wilson, and slowly began to acquire the WNDC’s inaugural group of members. The majority of these early members had husbands who were directly influencing public and foreign policy such as senators, congressman, and business leaders. As pointed out in Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s
National Democratic Club ,
45 Harriman, Florence Jaffray. Letter to Elizabeth (Mrs. Thomas) Bayard about the founding of WNDC, July 5, 1922.
34
Harriman, with her political and social connections, and Emily Newell Blair, director of women’s affairs at the Democratic National Committee, were the principals. They were joined by Marian Banister, sister of Senator Carter Glass (D-VA), who would become Franklin Roosevelt’s U.S. Treasurer; Henrietta Bonsal, “a society matron for whom Democracy was almost a religion”; Ethel Cantrill, whose husband was a six-term congressman from Kentucky (1909-21); Catherine Filene Dodd [Shouse], who almost half a century later would give 100 acres of her Vienna, Virginia estate for the Wolf Trap Farm Park for the Performing Arts; …Huibertje “Bertie” Hamlin, wife of a Federal Reserve Board governor and a “Democrat to her backbone”; Frances Hull, wife of Cordell Hull who was chair of the Democratic National Committee and later Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Secretary of State; Natalia Jones, wife of Senator Andrieus A. Jones (D-NM)… and Isabelle Snell, a “Washingtonian leader of women”. 46
It became very clear early on that Daisy’s parlor, although reportedly quite warm and inviting, would not be a suitable place to continue to hold such a prominent group of women, nor was the room physically large enough to continue to support the quickly growing membership. The first temporary solution was to rent a building at 820
Connecticut Ave., NW, however members of the WNDC had their eyes set on purchasing their very own clubhouse in the nation’s capital.
Through the generous contributions of members and friends, supplemented by membership dues, the ladies of the WNDC were able to purchase the Whittemore estate located at 1526 New Hampshire Ave, NW in May of 1927. The building was a large improvement over their previous home on Connecticut Ave, and had more room to hold the growing membership. The elegant clubhouse was opened with much fanfare and the
46 Jewell Fenzi and Allida Black. Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s National Democratic Club. Washington, D.C.: WNDC Education Foundation, 6.
35 new meeting space was reported on by the media. For instance, the New York Sun reported the following;
Those who feared that politics would make women mannish may calm their fears. The Woman’s National Democratic Club has reversed the role and put politics into ruffles. The new clubhouse on New Hampshire Avenue, right in the heart of Washington’s most exclusive residential section and itself one of the finest old houses on the street, is the last word in putting “Ritz” into politics, and it is safe to say that never before have political schemes been concocted in such rarefied surroundings. 47
The WNDC’s clubhouse became a main gathering point for prominent Democrats, and the Club saw its first dramatic increase in membership and activity during the Roosevelt administration.
Great-Grandma Roosevelt: An Interview with Anna Fierst
One of the WNDC’s earliest and most historically significant members was
Eleanor Roosevelt, and evidence of her presence lingers in the Club’s halls and corridors to this day. The library bears her namesake, the yearly award presented by the Club is known as “The Eleanor Roosevelt Award,” and her large portrait hangs prominently in the grand foyer. Eleanor and Daisy Harriman were good friends, and she was a strong supporter of the Club from its inception. In fact, six years before her husband became
President, Eleanor alluded to her heavy involvement in the Club in a letter to Frances
Parkinson Keys (the wife of Henry Wilder Keyes who was a Republican Governor of
New Hampshire and subsequently Senator for New Hampshire). The letter was in
47 “The New Clubhouse.” The Bulletin, volume II, no. 5. Washington, DC, May 1927.
36 response to her accidentally sending correspondence addressed to Ms. Keys at the
Woman’s National Democratic Club:
“This will, I feel sure, fit in with you[r] plans much better than meeting her in my home in New York.” As to the misdirected telegram, she says: “It was very stupid of me to send your telegram to the Woman’s National Democratic Club. I can only offer as an excuse that I am sending so many things there, it was the only address before my mind”. 48
Just as Eleanor fully supported the activities of the WNDC, the club in return supported
her throughout her tenure as First Lady. The day before Eleanor was officially
introduced to the Washington social scene, the WNDC honored her with an elegant
reception. As pointed out in Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s
National Democratic Club , “Eleanor Roosevelt frequented the club for more than thirty
years (1928-1959). Her major appearances at the Club included a “15 September 1939
broadcast to observe Democratic Women’s Day, broadcast coast to coast by three radio
networks—ABC, CBS, and NBC.” 49
Eleanor Roosevelt’s eldest granddaughter, Anna Eleanor “Ellie” Roosevelt
Seagraves has been a member of the WNDC for almost thirty years and is still active in
Club activities (she serves as the Club’s librarian as well as a hostess). Ellie (who as a
child was nicknamed “Sistie” by the press) along with her bother Curtis Roosevelt
(known as “Buzzie”) are the last remaining Roosevelt’s to have lived in the White House,
48 Eleanor Roosevelt. Typed letter (with secretarial signature). 15 East 40th Street, New York City; To Mrs. Frances Parkinson Keyes; December 9, 1927. Available at http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:p_eQpPYmEMoJ:www.nysl.nysed.gov/msscfa/vc 22638.htm+Eleanor+Roosevelt+and+the+Woman's+National+Democratic+Club&cd=17&hl=en&ct=clnk &gl=us. Accessed on Sept. 14, 2010.
49 Jewell Fenzi and Allida Black. Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s National Democratic Club. Washington, D.C.: WNDC Education Foundation, 28.
37 and two of the last reliable eyewitnesses to FDR’s private home-life. She had a particular
close relationship with both of her grandparents. As reported in Sept. 11, 1933 article in
Time Magazine,
"Goodby, pop!' "Goodby, Sistie ! See you soon!" A yellow-haired little girl with her milk teeth missing stood on the Button Lumber Co.'s wharf at Poughkeepsie one noon last week and waved frantic farewell to her grandfather on a big white yacht easing out into the Hudson River. At the Nourmahal's rail stood "pop," otherwise the President of the. U. S., waving back to his six-year-old granddaughter, Anna Roosevelt ("Sistie") Dall. Also on the wharf were "Sistie's' flaxen- haired young mother, Anna Roosevelt Dall, "Sistie's" white-haired great- grandmother, Sara Delano Roosevelt who, a few minutes before, had kissed her President-son goodbye. ''Sistie's" grandmother, Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, was at that moment motoring toward Newport with Col. Louis McHenry Howe. 50
Ellie’s only daughter, Anna Roosevelt Seagraves Fierst, is also an active member of the
Club and serves on the board of directors as vice president for membership. Anna, much like her mother, bears a strong resemblance to Eleanor Roosevelt in both appearance and demeanor. She has a quiet eloquence about her, is extremely warm and engaging, and has a distinct “no-nonsense” attitude. She also graciously agreed to share her experiences as an officer of the WNDC and to discuss what she believes to be the Club’s largest challenges.
Anna first became a member of the WNDC in 1999 and has held the positions of newsletter editor, vice president of communications, and vice president of membership.
She believes that participating in leadership positions within the organization helps her to
50 “The Presidency: The Roosevelt Week: Sep. 11, 1933”, Time Magazine , available at http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,746010,00.html. Accessed on Sept. 14, 2010.
38 make positive contributions to a cause that she believes in, and it helps her to utilize her skill sets in a relevant way. She became interested in joining during the Reagan years after she saw how involved her mother, Ellie, was in the organization. She truly saw her mother as a role model and like Ellie, she “felt a true family connection to the Woman’s
National Democratic Club.” However, Ellie had told her, “You are far too young for this
Club. You need to be out with people closer to your age.” 51
At the time, Anna was raising two small children and was involved with volunteer work at her children’s school and church activities. She pointed out that there was no effort then to involve younger members, there were very few evening programs, and there was very little opportunity to network with people her own age. She decided to take her mother’s advice and wait until her children were a bit older to get involved with the Club. Currently, Anna chooses to limit her participation in political social clubs to the Woman’s National Democratic Club.
By all accounts, Ellie’s statement is indicative of the attitudes about the Club.
The Woman’s National Democratic Club has always had the reputation of being an
“older person’s club.” In fact, the vast majority of its current membership is over the age of sixty-five, retired, and “empty nesters.” While the WNDC is also open to male members, the five listed on the books are all over the age of sixty. Currently, there are only a handful of members that fall into the “Young Dems” (members under the age of forty) category, and generally younger members tend to drop their membership within a year or two of joining.
51 Anna Fierst, Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., October 30, 2010.
39
Working Women: Political Social Clubs Take a Back Seat
As Anna pointed out in our interview, the WNDC’s membership numbers and volume of activity stayed relatively steady through the early 1980’s (an active membership drive in 1982 added 315 new member; and membership rolls totaled
2, 330). A slow decrease began in the decades that followed.52 The parties, auctions, balls, and fundraisers, which were once the main staple of the Club, no longer attracted a younger clientele. Women began to have less time to spend participating in social clubs, and the clubs that were once vital to building social capital began to be replaced by work connections and other forms of networking.
Anna suggested that the rise in women going back to work during the 70’s, 80’s and 90’s made it harder for the Club to attract members. “There are so many more ways now to socialize, and not just through new media. When women went back to work, it was hard for many to take off a few hours in the middle of the day and attend a speaker luncheon program—and finding a babysitter in the middle of the day if you weren’t working was nearly impossible.” She also said “During the 1980s and 1990s, few women had achieved high enough positions to make time for club activities during the day. When you are just starting out in your career, you just can’t take time off to spend at a “women’s’ club. Your commitment would no doubt be questioned.”
The idea that young potential members do not have time for political social clubs is a sentiment shared by Shirley Koteen, club member and former WNDC President, in a
1999 interview.
52 “Highlights of the History of the Woman’s National Democratic Club: 1922-2005”. WNDC Archives.
40
I’ve been thinking of the women who where very active members of the club from the cabinet, from the Hill, who were the magnets for other members. We don’t have that any more, and that’s because, as we said right at the beginning of this interview, women have so many more options now, so many other places to go. They’re working. The young people are the ones who can get the club back together again. Our daughter, Lisa, can come to lunch when she is motivated to and she can bring her friends to lunch, but she has to have a sense that she isn’t the only young person. 53
During the early 2000s, the WNDC’s Board of Directors tried a variety of methods to
attract younger members. In 2004, the Board voted to keep the club open for extended
hours and it hosted a WNDC “pub” where members could socialize after work. After six
months of the pub’s inaugural debut, it was determined that the Club was losing money
from the venture and the pub was forced to close.
The Club tried to hold evening programs in addition to its traditional luncheons,
as a way to attract potential members who worked during the day, however the turnout
was almost always disappointing. As Anna explained, “We [board members] understand
the importance of drawing new members. It seems that every time we gain a new
member we lose one either from dying or resigning. We continue to try to host evening
programming, but the older members don’t like to travel to the club at night, and the
younger members don’t seem to have much interest.” In addition to hosting evening
programs to attract younger members, the WNDC also opened a “Young, Young, Dem”
category of membership. The category gave discounted membership to members who
were under the age of thirty. Since the category was opened in 2006, only two members
53 Jewell Fenzi and Allida Black. Democratic Women: An Oral History of the Woman’s National Democratic Club , 99.
41 have taken advantage of it. It seemed that no matter how hard the club continued to recruit younger members, nothing seemed to work.
Another reason for the difficulty of attracting new members may be the costs associated with the WNDC. The dues for the WNDC are relatively reasonable.
• Individual: $645 per year +$100 initiation fee and $75 food and beverage minimum per quarter • Family: 937.50 per year +$100 initiation fee and $75 food and beverage minimum per quarter • Young Dem: $312.50 per year +$50 initiation fee and $75 food and beverage minimum per quarter • Non-Resident 165.00 per year +$30 initiation fee
Regrettably, there are very few amenities at the Club. Unlike, traditional country clubs, the WNDC can not provide its membership with a gym, pool, or any recreational facilities other then the clubhouse itself. As Anna explained, “If you join a gym, you know exactly what you are getting—what machines you are going to use, how many times a week you think you are going to go. The WNDC can just provide you with something that makes you feel like you are part of a community—that you are rooted. I just don’t think that people are interested in being rooted anymore. Clubs just aren’t as important as they once were. There are just too many other options.”
Anna’s suggestion that “there are just too many other options” is quite accurate.
Indeed, participants in political social clubs want to be assured that they are spending their time and resources in a meaningful and productive way. As suggested earlier, there were once few options for socialization in Washington. “Brick and mortar” clubs were essential to building a community of like minded individuals. Yet, the onset of new
42 technology has allowed people to socialize from the comfort of their home. There are
plenty of advocacy organizations and social groups that do not have dues or hold
meetings. The idea that “people are not interested in being rooted anymore” may hold
quite a bit of truth. Society is far more mobile then it once was, and Washington is often
times only a temporary stop on a young person’s career. As Anna reiterated in our
interview, “Young people are always moving to whichever city their job brings them to.
Many don’t stay very long in Washington. Why should they join a dues paying social
club when they might be moving in a year or two”?
In 2005-2006, the Club held a series of focus groups to create a five-year strategic
plan for the Club, addressing some of the problems outlined above. Sixty randomly-
selected club members were telephoned at home and asked to respond to a set of
questions concerning problems in the Club that would affect a five-year plan. Also, focus groups were created, staff members were interviewed, and questionnaires were sent to every dues paying member. The feedback that was provided helped to identify five major goals.
1.) Preserve, enhance, and promote the historic clubhouse and its archival and museum collections.
2.) Increase the club’s capacity to lead and mobilize effective action on political and social issues.
3.) Provide an array of programs that in their form and content reflect the evolving interests of WNDC members and guests.
4.) Foster a congenial and social atmosphere at WNDC.
5.) Increase WNDC’s work in the community, making outreach a major activity of the club. 54
54 Woman’s National Democratic Five Year Strategic Plan: Focus on the Future. May 2006.
43
Unfortunately, none of these goals included examining the clubs current finances, fundraising, or ways to improve private party revenue. In fact, when the study was conducted it became apparent that both general Club members and even board members were not aware of the organization’s dire financial situation. As quoted in the strategic plan,
Both income and expenditures lead to two basic questions: How much is the cost? Who makes the decisions? Concerning the first question, it is amazing and disturbing to learn that often there is no agreement with regard to the cost of an activity or line item. Indeed, there is disagreement among a number of financial statements. The answer that board members do not understand is not acceptable; WNDC must become more transparent in its financial processes. 55
While some members believed that keeping an operating deficit year after year was acceptable, others believed that drastic measures needed to be taken.
The Beginning of the End?
In 2009, a coup of sorts was almost successful executed behind the closed doors of the WNDC. After years of decreases in private party revenue, losses in membership, and operating in the red, the executive board was ready to make a bold decision. By that time, Club executives had already cut 75% of the staff and limited speaker programs as a way to cut costs. However, the current Club deficit continued to grow. WNDC board members, Lucia Hatch (President), John Marshall (Treasurer, and Lucia’s husband), and
Leila Harrington (VP Administration) met privately to discuss the fate of the eighty- seven year old organization. After consulting financial records and seeking outside
55 Ibid.
44 advice, the three attempted to force a vote to sell the clubhouse and all of its belongings at the November 17, 2009 board meeting. In fact, they informed the board that they had already found a buyer who would purchase 1526 New Hampshire Ave, and that once the debts were paid each dues paying member would get a cut in the profits. 56
The vote was postponed by an extremely surprised and upset board, and word traveled swiftly to the general membership. Lucia attempted to quell some of the board members concerns in an e-mail stating…
…Last month John tried to get the Executive Committee to address the seriousness of our financial Situation, and he raised the issue of selling the mansion. He was literally shouted down. The hard cold fact is that appointing a committee now is too little and too late...
…There are many options that might flow from a sale that could permit continuation of the Club in a revised form (will the new owner lease the building back to us? Should we rent other space with the proceeds?) All these need to be discussed once we have made the move to hire the broker, but must be based on realistic assumptions...
…The bottom line is we cannot wait until we are broke to put the house on the market. The consultant estimated that at our current mode of operation, we will be out of funds by February. The directors and officers have a fiduciary responsibility to maintain insurance, heat and light for the mansion. We need to pay severance to employees if we need to reduce staff further. As John pointed out to the Executive Committee, this requires a multivariate analysis in which there are a large number of unknown variables. The officers, Executive Committee and Board will need to make many ad hoc decisions as the process evolves. But we cannot wait to start the process. -Lucia S. Hatch 57
A heated exchange of e-mails were sent throughout the night—most of them conveyed surprise and anger for the lack of transparency in such a vote. Many believed that the
56 WNDC Board Minutes. November 17, 2009.
57 Lucia Hatch. “Memo to WNDC Board of Governors.” November 17, 2009.
45 Club needed to make a “last stand” and could not possibly sell its only true resource.
Without the clubhouse, how could the club possible go on? The next day, Lucia, John and Leila resigned their positions on the Board.
It is with regret that I submit my resignation as your president, effective immediately. The board voted today to wait until the third Wednesday in January to make a decision about putting the mansion on the market and thereby being eligible to secure a bridge loan. …By the end of January we will have run out of money and will not be able to pay our bills, including payroll and taxes, insurance, utilities, costs of food and beverage, and any severance payments…
I am not willing or able to put myself in a position of financial liability for such costs, and therefore must remove myself as an officer of the club. You will need to appoint a successor very quickly, as you will need a new authorized signature for checks.
Many of you have thanked me and other officers for “having worked so hard” to save the club. Unfortunately, hard work and facts haven’t been enough. I wish you all well.
-Lucia S. Hatch 58
I have attempted to meet my obligations as Treasurer of the WNDC to a full professional extent. I have offered to help a new Treasurer to make a transition. I also had planned to continue to work with the finance office to see that our bills are being paid on an interim basis…
What I cannot do is work with a Board that permits its decision making responsibilities to be co-opted by emotional appeals from past presidents and non- members of the Board. The Executive Committee unanimously approved a proposal to initiate a process to market the building. I secured a commitment to help in securing funding that would allow us to meet our financial obligations to vendors and to meet our moral obligations to faithful employees. …Much as we all love our home, the hard cold facts are not conducive to sustaining that fantasy. When WNDC can’t meet operating expenses, how would it service a mortgage? I will be delighted if this newly energized brain trust can achieve a solution that does not involve marketing the building as leverage to secure sufficient operating
58 Lucia Hatch. “Letter of Resignation.” November 18, 2009.
46 capital. I remain skeptical.
-John Marshall 59
For the past year, the Woman’s National Democratic Club has been able to keep its doors barely open by discontinuing its in-house food service (and opting for using out- sourced catering), eliminating the PAC, consolidating its resources, and severely cutting its operating staff. The Club has been forced to close its accounting, membership, and development departments, and has not been able to keep any of its kitchen staff. Even with the delicate financial climate, the Club’s current leadership is hopeful. In a letter addressed to Club membership on October 28, 2010, WNDC’s current President wrote,
It was this time last year when dark clouds were gathering on the horizon. Lighting didn’t strike until November but the evidence of a gathering storm was evident to all who read communications from club leaders. …We’ve come a long way since then. The much-needed restructuring that began in the waning months of 2009 has been gaining momentum and we are now at point where panic recedes and hope begins. The largest change has been the Club renting the upstairs space in the Whittemore house to the Asia Society. 60 Despite some initial trepidation from Club members who were concerned that sharing their beloved clubhouse would be difficult, the partnership seems to be working. 61
In fact, it appears that the only way the WNDC, and other similar private clubs, can survive is to partner with like-minded institutions and perhaps even consolidate resources. When asked the question of whether of not the WNDC will continue to be able to function in the future, Anna Fierst suggested the following. “The board continues
59 John Marshall. “Resignation.” November 18, 2009.
60 The Asia Society was established by John D. Rockefeller in 1956 as a way to promote knowledge of Asia. The organization is headquartered in NYC with branch centers located in Houston, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C.
61 Nuchhi Currier. “Letter to WNDC Club Members,” October 28, 2010.
47 to ask that question each and every time we meet. Fortunately, we know that there are
other groups in similar positions. We have already taken steps to team up with the
Women’s Leadership Forum of the Democratic National Committee (WLF) and the
Women’s Campaign Fund to see how we can work together. I think that the only way we
can succeed in the future is to make sure that partner with as many other groups as we
can. It won’t be the same, but at least we would not have to close our doors.” 62
Conclusion
While the Woman’s National Democratic Club was once the preeminent women’s
Democratic organization in the District, it is currently in an extremely precarious financial position. At the height of its popularity, the WNDC held over 2,000 prominent members and its speaker programs were regarded as some of the best in Washington.
During the late 1980s and 1990s, when women began entering workforce in larger numbers, the Club began to see a decrease in interest. Young members were difficult to attract due to a partially accurate view that the Club was for “ladies who lunch” and catered to the older set. With competition from non-dues paying organizations, social networking, and a disinterest in remaining “rooted”, it will be very difficult for the
WNDC to remain relevant in the future. Years of declining membership, operating deficits, and a changing social climate have lead to the Club’s near extinction. In order to survive, the Club must be willing to continue to change its current programming structure, partner with like-minded organizations, and aggressively market the
Whittemore House for private parties and events.
62 Anna Fierst, Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., October 30, 2010.
48
The Cosmos Club (James P. Blair, 2006 Washington)
The most fruitful meeting of the minds—It must take place in an atmosphere conducive to the free exchange of views. It must also take place where many intellectual roads cross and where ideas of the most different sorts will encounter each other. Such a place is the Cosmos Club. -The Cosmos Club “About the Club ”
CHAPTER FOUR
A MEETING OF THE MINDS: THE FATE OF THE COSMOS CLUB
A Breeding Ground for the Intellectual Elite
Perhaps one of the most well-known and exclusive private clubs in Washington is the Cosmos Club. Its stature among the political elite of Washington comes not from the affluence of its membership, but from the intellectual capital that each individual member
49 brings to the organization. In fact, contrary to the popular belief that “money can buy your way into clubs” the Cosmos has a strict membership policy that is based on the personal achievements of possible members and not necessarily the size of a person’s bank account. The Club prides itself on accepting only those candidates who have made significant accomplishments in their respective fields of study, and makes no exceptions to this rule. As the Washington Post points out, “the Cosmos Club is one of the few private organizations in which all the money and power in the world won't guarantee membership.”63 In fact, even some of the most well-connected and wealthy
Washingtonians have been turned away due to a lack of intellectual accomplishment.
For example, when the now infamously disgraced D.C. lobbyist Jack Abramoff attempted to gain membership into the Cosmos, he knew that he lacked the proper credentials. Yet even with this knowledge, Abramoff called in special favors to try to secure his membership.
Now, in late 2000, came Abramoff's moment to cross over, to make the transition from being just another muscular political operative to something more fixed in the capital's firmament: a Cosmos Club member. Hence the e-mail to his friend, Rabbi Daniel Lapin; it's among documents released as part of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee's investigation of Abramoff. "I hate to ask your help with something so silly, but I have been nominated for membership in the Cosmos Club," Abramoff wrote. He noted that the club has "Nobel Prize winners, etc. Problem for me is that most prospective members have received awards and I have received none." …"I was wondering if you thought it possible that I could put that I have received an award from Toward Tradition with a sufficiently academic title, perhaps something like Scholar of Talmudic Studies? …Indeed, it would be even better if it were possible that I received these in years past, if you know what I mean. Anyway, I think you see what I
63 “A Silly Assault on the Cosmos Club,” Washington Post . July 3, 1987.
50 am trying to finagle here!" Lapin saw. "Mazel tov," he e-mailed back, "the Cosmos Club is a big deal." 64
The ruse did not work, and Jack Abramoff was never invited to become a member of the
Cosmos Club. In order to prevent this type of deception and in an effort to keep true to
its mission, dues are kept surprisingly low compared to other private clubs ($1,800 for
initiation fees, $517 quarterly dues, and a food and beverage minimum). As J. Stephen
Huebner, current president of the Cosmos Club and member since 1973 points out,
We have set very high membership standards, creating a club for men and women of intellectual distinction, accomplishment, high character, and sociality. At the same time, we have tried to make sure that financial considerations do not bar a qualified person from continuing his or her membership, even if their resources are reduced in later years 65 .
These membership standards include being nominated into one of three specific
categories which include; 1.) “Meritorious Original Work”—work that is deserving of
professional recognition within its field. 2.) “Known to be Cultivated”—an individual
who is not professionally engaged in some field of science, literature, or the arts but is
recognized by leading professionals in that field as refined, educated or accomplished.
3.) “Recognized as Distinguished”—an individual who is distinguished in a learned
profession or public service, which is not limited to government, whose professional
achievements bring personal recognition beyond an institution, locale or narrow sphere of
influence.
64 Peter Overby, “Joining the Club Proves Difficult for Lobbyist” NPR . 7 July 2005. Available at http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4734647 . Accessed on Oct. 3, 2010.
65 J. Stephen Huebner, “New Fund-Raising Committee Formed,” The Cosmos Bulletin . Vol. 63, No.11. November 2010; 3.
51 Even the nomination process itself is quite a difficult procedure. In order for a current member to nominate a new candidate for membership into the Cosmos, one must find a senior member co-sponsor and produce four letters of support from Club members; write a letter that includes strong documentation of the nominee’s eligibility (including specific documentation of awards and recognitions, and a description of the candidate’s character ); have the co-sponsor write a secondary letter of support; add the CV and other supporting documentation; and submit all information to the Admissions Committee.
The candidate is then examined by the Committee, and the group must be unanimous in their decision.
With this criteria and tedious nomination process, the Cosmos has built a reputation for housing some of the most brilliant and productive minds in not only
Washington, but the country as a whole. Its membership consists of “Engineers, lawyers, physicists, chemists, educators, economists, geologists, architects, writers, administrators, historians, biologists, editors, political scientists,…surgeons, clergymen, bankers, librarians, publishers, etc.”66 While its membership lists are kept secret, it does openly boast on its website to having had three Presidents, two Vice Presidents, a dozen
Supreme Court justices, 32 Nobel Prize winners, 56 Pulitzer Prize winners and 45 recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom among its membership. 67 Unlike the F
Street Club or the Woman’s National Democratic Club , the Cosmos may at first glance not appear to be a political social club. However, many of its members not only have the
66 Paul H. Oester, “The Cosmos Club of Washington: A Brief History” Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C. Vol. 60/62, pp. 250-265 available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067229 .
67 “About the Club” The Cosmos Club website . Available at https://www.cosmosclub.org/Default.aspx?pageid=31&pageindex=1&status=1 .
52 ability to write public policy, but also perform the research that shapes it. For example,
on August 28, 1940 the Anglo-American radar partnership, which was instrumental in
winning World War II, was created over dinner at the Cosmos Club. Also, many
scientific organizations, such as the National Geographic Society , can trace its origins to causal meetings conducted over simple dinners at the Club. The prestige of the Club’s membership is enhanced by the magnificent clubhouse that houses the group.
A Brief History of the Cosmos Club
It is difficult not to feel a quiet sense of reverence as one strolls through opulent rooms of the Cosmos Club. The Gilded Age is strongly represented in the home’s design which is both luxurious and lavish from floor to ceiling. The grand Warne Lounge
Ballroom is one of the most beautiful spaces on Embassy Row, and the ambiance of the room is incomparable to any other site in Washington. Located on nearly an acre of prime Embassy Row real estate at 2121 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, and only a few short blocks away from Woman’s National Democratic Club, the Cosmos Club’s historic building is one of the most impressive structures in Dupont Circle.
The building was originally designed in 1899 for Mary Scott Townsend (daughter of Congressman William L. Scott, a Pennsylvania railroad baron who left the bulk of his immense fortune to Mary) by the famous New York architectural firm, Carrère and
Hastings—the same firm which designed such iconic buildings as the NYC Public
Library, Metropolitan Opera House, Russell Senate Office Building, Standard Oil
Building, and the Cannon House Office Building. While the Club did not purchase the
Townsend Mansion until 1950 (the Club officially moved into the building in 1952), the
53 group had been the District’s paramount intellectual social institution since it’s founding in 1878.
The Club was established by Major John Wesley Powell, who was considered one of the most distinguished geologists of his generation. 68 Much like the origins of the F
Street Club and the Woman’s National Democratic Club, the first meeting of the Cosmos was held in the living room of the Powell residence. However, unlike the mentioned clubs, the Cosmos Club was a strictly male-only institution until 1988. 69 Once the group began to grow, the organization rented rooms in the Corcoran Building. Their first official Clubhouse which was located on the corner of 15th Street and Pennsylvania
Avenue, N.W. (the present site of the Washington Hotel). “From 1886 to 1952, the Club occupied several historic residences along the northeast corner of Lafayette Square, including the Dolley Madison House, in sight of the White House.”70 By the time the
Club purchased the sprawling and decadent Townsend Mansion, membership was an all time high and the quality of the Club’s programming was unparallel.
An Interview with Gilles Syglowski, Assistant General Manager
Gilles Syglowski has been the assistant manager of the Cosmos Club since 2008.
While he is fairly new to the Cosmos, he is no stranger to political social clubs in the
District. Prior to his current position, he was general manager of the Woman’s National
68 Josh Wesley Powell was also a noted explorer of the American West, and his most famous expedition was to be first passage of European Americans through the Grand Canyon. He was also served as second director of the US Geological Survey from 1881until 1894.
69 It has been reported, although not confirmed, that the Cosmos only agreed to invite women into their membership after their liqueur license was threatened due to discrimination.
70 “About the Club” The Cosmos Club website . Available at https://www.cosmosclub.org/Default.aspx?pageid=31&pageindex=1&status=1 .
54 Democratic Club (WNDC) for almost ten years, and has seen first-hand how private clubs have changed over time. Both poised and humble, he is beloved by members and staff alike, and is consistently recognized by his colleagues as being extremely professional. Before I sat down to discuss the Club with Gilles, I theorized that the organization may have been an exception to the thesis that political social clubs are losing their importance in Washington society and are no longer essential to building social capital among the elite.
With such a beautiful, well-maintained, and mortgage-free building , a robust menu of monthly activities and speaker events (including weekly champagne brunches, discussion tables, committee events, chess groups, dance lessons, etc), and an exclusive membership one would assume that the Cosmos Club was not only financially secure, but thriving. However, after examining decreasing membership numbers and speaking with
Gilles, it was determined that although currently stable, the Club is struggling to remain relevant and is facing some of the same problems as other political social clubs.
When asked if he believed the Cosmos Club was “successful”, Gilles responded,
“That depends on your idea of success. Any club can succeed depending upon what its mission is. The Cosmos’s mission is to basically gain knowledge from one another. It’s hard to describe its exact niche because the membership is so varied. We bring in about four million [dollars] a year, but that is mostly through private party rentals, the restaurant and overnight accommodations—not from membership dues and member spending. But the Club has definitely paid the price of this economic downturn—not right away mind you. Our members are more comfortable then the ‘Average Joe,’ so we
55 did not feel it much at first. But we are definitely feeling the effects now, especially as
the economic downturn continues. We are booking less parties and events as people are
looking for less expensive venues. 71 ”
With such a strong reliance on outside revenue streams, it is easy to see how the
current recession can affect clubs such as the Cosmos. To solidify Gilles’ point, Club
records show that in 2007, 30% of the revenue from membership dining came from only
192 individuals 58 of whom are of age 80 and above. The 2008 figures were very
similar. 72 These become extremely worrisome statistics if one makes the logical
assumption that once these members pass away, there will be a smaller group of members
to take their place. Unfortunately, when an organization continues to rely less and less on
its membership base, the social clout of the club begins to diminish. In essence, without
a thriving membership the Cosmos Club runs the risk of turning into nothing more then a
private hotel. Both the F Street Club and the Woman’s National Democratic Club
experienced a similar downward trajectory when their revenue from private parties began
to diminish. Once that particular stream was depleted, it was only a matter of time before
the financial burden of the clubs became too great and they were forced to close.
In terms of membership, the Cosmos Club’s largest struggle is their complete lack
of younger members. Currently, there are no resident members under the age of 40, and
there has only been one member in the Club’s history under the age of 28. As Gilles
points out, “Our membership numbers are not increasing nor are they decreasing, but the
71 Gilles Syglowski. Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., 10 November 2010.
72 Gilles Syglowski and Willo Kabiling. “Suggestion for Membership.” Presented to the Cosmos Club Board of Director. May 19, 2009.
56 real problem is that the average age of our membership is growing at an alarming rate.
As members grow older they take on emeritus status. With this status comes reduced membership dues, and they tend to use the Club less and less often. Our average age is around 70 and it continues to creep up higher year after year.” He went on to joke, “you are considered to be ‘young’ here if you are under the age of 50.” This point was reiterated in the Cosmos November Bulletin notes section which states, “Sobering statistics. According to general manager William Caldwell, of the current number of resident members, approximately 1,700, only 600 attend one event per year or more. Of these 600 members, 30 percent are over 80 years of age.” 73
74
73 “Club Notes”, The Cosmos Bulletin . Vol. 63, No.11. November 2010, 31.
74 Gilles Syglowski and Willo Kabiling. “Suggestion for Membership.” Presented to the Cosmos Club Board of Directors. May 19, 2009.
57 As the graph shows, in 1980 new members age 40 and below comprised 12% of total club membership. In 2008, this same age bracket comprised only 5% of the total membership.
Without a vibrant group of younger members ready to take responsibility for the
Club’s future, it is very possible that the organization will not survive in decades to come.
For Gilles and the Club’s board members, membership is a main concern. However, there is much disagreement over how to solve the problem. For instance, it is very difficult for an individual in their 30s and 40s to achieve the level of success that is required of membership. It has been proposed that a “younger membership category” should be established as a way to introduce new members to the organization. This would be a separate category with less requirements, the individual must have permanent sponsorship by a senior member, have non-voting privileges, and a time limit on how long they can hold the membership (they must be working on their accomplishments in an effort to achieve full residential status). Members in this category would current memberships without compromising its integrity. There was concern about the activities of the club and evolution that the club might take with the influx of a much younger crowd; however the importance of bringing in new members for the vitality of the Club seemed to outweigh the concerns.
When asked about the difficultly attracting not only young members, but new members in general Gilles replied, “I have seen many different clubs having difficultly attracting new members. At the Woman’s National Democratic Club we could never get a young group off the ground, nor could we replace our membership fast enough. At the
58 Cosmos Club… Well, the Cosmos is considered to be an “old club” with “old rules.” Not everyone likes to wear suits and ties and be dressed up whenever they enter the Club, or have to put away their cell phones and Blackberrys—especially the young people. I don’t think that it’s an issue of money. I think it’s a moral issue. Times are changing and we need to keep up. New policies must be designed for new technologies.”
When asked if there is anything else the Cosmos Club can do to attract more members, Gilles went on to say, “It used to be word of mouth. People would nominate their friends, and so forth. The length and difficulty of the nomination application seems to issue for many people and could be made a bit easier… It seems to be a game of balance. If we relax some of the rules and requirements, we run the risk of alienating the members that we do have. I’m not sure why people aren’t as interested in clubs as they once were. But if we don’t adapt, we are in trouble. ”75
Conclusion
The Cosmos Club was once the preeminent social institution for some of the most brilliant minds in America. However, as the membership base continues to grow in age, it has become apparent that it is not being replaced with the next wave of leaders within the organization. The pattern of difficulty in attracting, keeping, and cultivating new members is a reoccurring theme in political social clubs. The Cosmos Club, which at first appearance seems to be thriving, is struggling to attract new members. Much like the F Street Club and the Woman’s National Democratic Club, the Cosmos Club is no longer the socialization vehicle of choice for the next generation of leaders in
Washington. Although new policies and techniques are being tested in an effort to attract
75 Gilles Syglowski. Interview with the author. Washington, D.C., November 10, 2010.
59 this group, there is little evidence to suggest that it will be successful. With a difficult application process, an antiqued set of ‘old rules’, and an aging membership the Club will certainly find itself struggling in the future.
60 CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF POLITICAL SOCIAL CLUBS
Political social clubs were once critical to cultivating generations of the socio- political elite in the District. With limited outlets for respectable socializing in early
Washington high society, clubs served as important venues in where partnerships were created and nurtured. They were institutions where trust was valued, friendships were fostered, and public policy was created. Outside of the formal confines of boardrooms and chambers, political social clubs created an atmosphere where business could be comfortably conducted.
From the late 1800s until the early 1990s, these institutions were both plentiful and vibrant in the District, with strong membership bases and exceptional programming and events. Also, the clubhouses of these organizations were once heavily sought after places to hold private events. However, the utility of political social clubs as essential mechanisms for building social capital in the District is slowing coming to an end. As these clubs continue to close due to financial instability and lack of interest, new forms of social networking by the politically well-connected are taking their place.
The 1925 F Street Club served as an intimate gathering place which brought together a prestigious array of ambassadors, elected officials, and other elite members of the Washingtonian inner-circle. What began as “Laura’s Salon” blossomed into a fully incorporated social club with its own by-laws and membership practices. Yet, even though it was the meeting place for Presidents, Congressmen, and diplomats, the
61 organization could not withstand a lack of interest from more recent generations of
Washington insiders.
The Woman’s National Democratic Club was once the preeminent institution for
Democratic women to socialize in the District. At the height of its popularity, its membership soared to approximately 2,330 and its twice-weekly speaker programs consistently drew sold-out crowds. However, much like the F Street Club, the WNDC began to see a steady decline in membership beginning in the early 1990s. Working women had less time to attend luncheon programming, people were joining institutions with similar ideals but with no or less membership dues, and potential young members no longer feel “rooted” in Washington and therefore may not be interested in making an investment in membership.
Finally, the Cosmos Club was once the paramount private club for Washington’s intellectual elite. Its exclusive nature and legendary nomination process made it one of the most desirable membership organizations in the area. Even though the Cosmos is currently in a stable financial position, its membership base has stopped growing and its current members are becoming too old to use the club.
The main recurring theme throughout the exploration of political social clubs is the difficulty in attracting and keeping young members. All three clubs mentioned have
(or had) an image problem of being ‘too old,’ ‘too stuffy,’ or ‘too expensive.’ Generation
X and Y do not seem to be interested in joining private institutions that offer no extra amenities, and they may feel that there is no longer a need to build relationships through dues paying, closed groups. There are many more opportunities to gain social capital in
62 the District than for earlier generations. Also, online social networking has become an important way for individuals to network for both personal and business reasons.
The future for private political social clubs in the district appears bleak. When the current generation of club members pass away or become too old to continue to use the institutions, there will be no new club leadership to take their place. With a lack of interest from young members, these clubs will no longer be financially secure. Within the next decade, the District’s political social clubs will unfortunately continue to close their doors and an important piece of the Washington’s political story of will fade into history.
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