Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia

Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia

The Rise and Fall of the Political Social Club: Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia By Tamara L. O’Neil B.A. May 2003, The George Washington University A Thesis Submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies January 31, 2011 Thesis Directed by Steven Billet Professor of PAC Management Table of Contents THESIS STATEMENT. 1 Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION . 2 2. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE NINETEEN TWENTY-FIVE F STREET CLUB. 10 Tea with Jane: The Story of the Nineteen Twenty-Five F Street Club Cousin Laura’s Salon: The History of the F Street Club Guarded Secrets: The Club’s Rise and the Mysterious Membership The Slow Decline of the F Street Club The Club Closes its Door 3. LADIES WHO LUNCH: THE TURBULENT TIMES OF THE WNDC. 28 The Mansion at 1526 New Hampshire Ave, NW The Founding of the Woman’s National Democratic Club Great-Grandma Roosevelt: An Interview with Anna Fierst Working Women: Social Clubs Take a Back Seat The Beginning of the End? 4. A MEETING OF THE MINDS: THE FATE OF THE COSMOS CLUB. 49 A Breeding Ground for the Intellectual Elite A Brief History of the Cosmos Club An Interview with Gilles Syglowski, Assistant General Manager 5. CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF POLITICAL SOCIAL CLUBS. 61 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 64 ii THESIS STATEMENT The Rise and Fall of the Political Social Club: Building Social Capital Among the American Political Elite in the District of Columbia Political social clubs are unique institutions that were once essential to the cultivation of the American political elite. The social capital that is gleaned from these secretive and exclusive membership organizations is particularly powerful in Washington, D.C. due to the composition of their membership. These particular clubs produce a uniquely elevated form of social capital that can affect not only the individual and group, but society as a whole through public policy initiatives that stem from these relationships. While, such institutions were once critical to building the early political elite, their importance in building social capital in the 21 st Century has been greatly diminished. With a shift in the Washington political elite structure, the growing use of technology for social networking purposes, a change in campaign finance and ethics laws that restricted traditional lobbying practices, and the general lack of interest from the next generation of D.C. political insiders, the relevance of the District’s political social clubs is being tested. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In Washington, the sociopolitical elite are nurtured not solely within the vacuum of academia or the hallowed halls of our nation’s Capitol, but through a series of carefully orchestrated lunches, coffees, dinners, social events, and cocktail parties. Policy is often shaped outside of the office, and one’s social circle is critical to assisting in achieving both personal and business objectives. Formal social clubs, and, in particular, political social clubs, were at one time crucial to cultivating these types of relationships and to building social capital among the American political elite. This social capital, which can be identified as “the resources linked to the bundle of actual or potential relationships that result from ‘mutual acquaintance’,” can be acquired through a delicate series of interpersonal interactions. 1 In essence, social networks have a measurable value for both the individual and the group, and are essential to American democracy. As Stanley A. Renshon argues in “Political Leadership as Social Capital: Governing in a Divided National Culture,” social capital is the latest conceptual attempt to account for a democracy’s persistence and, when it occurs, its success. “Unlike civic culture arguments, social capital theory located 1 Thomas Rotolo, “Trends in Voluntary Association Participation,” Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 1999; Vol. 28, 199. 2 the foundations of democracy not primarily in citizens’ beliefs, nor in institutions, but in the relationships of each to the other.”2 Political social clubs produce a uniquely elevated form of social capital that can affect not only the individual and group, but society as a whole through public policy initiatives that stem from these relationships. There has been very little research of the impact of Washington’s political social clubs on the creation and implementation on public policy. Furthermore, the term private political social club has yet to be defined and explored thoroughly by scholars. For purposes of my research and my thesis, I argue that a private political social club in the Washington area can be defined as an organization that has: • Restricted and exclusive membership policies • Membership composed of individuals who can directly affect public policy (politicians, lobbyists, ambassadors, judges, politicos, scientists, etc.) • Institutions where privacy is protected and trust is valued • Social venues where members have the opportunity to discuss issues in smaller private groups within the membership • Members that can be, but not necessarily have to be, aligned with a particular political party or ideology • Institutions where one can trace the conception, discussion, or compromise of a particular piece of public policy Even before permanent ‘brick and mortar’ clubs were established in Washington, social politicking was essential to the development of the burgeoning American democracy. As pointed out by Catherine Allgor in Parlor Politics , “…from its beginning, society in Washington City unfolded in an atmosphere of denial, with social 2 Stanley A. Renshon, “Political Leadership as Social Capital: Governing in a Divided National Culture”, Political Psychology Vol. 21, No. 1, Special Issue: Response Latency Measurement in Telephone Surveys (March 2000), 198. 3 events serving as both private events and political arenas, often at the same time. The politicking necessary to government could be undertaken as long as it did so in the guise of private entertainment.”3 Private clubs generally help to create a strong sense of community and structure for like-minded individuals that greatly assist with social politicking. Early private social clubs in the District provided their elite membership with a predetermined peer network that consisted of associates with similar interests, backgrounds, and most important, social ranking. The clubs created a screening process for ‘acceptable society’ and are essential to understanding the complex historical social fabric of Washington’s elite. They also helped serve to consolidate political and social power in the hands of a tightly-knit community. The few individuals who had access to such clubs were able to maintain an elevated social status that affected both their personal and professional lives, and the friendships that were developed at these institutions had the power to change policy outcomes. In fact, public policy, both domestic and foreign, was often shaped behind the closed doors of these social organizations. Private social clubs can be found throughout the country; however Washington’s clubs are unique. The proximity to members of Congress, civil servants, lobbyists, ambassadors, business leaders, insiders, and other high-powered and influential individuals helps to elevate their importance above all others. These clubs were once vibrant and flourishing with affluent, dues-paying members, and lobbyists were able to practice their trade over the lunches and events that were held. Set apart from traditional 3 Catherine Allgor. Parlor Politics: In Which the Ladies of Washington Help Build a City and a Government (The University Press of Virginia, 2000), 23. 4 country clubs (which carry higher membership numbers, additional amenities, and a wider range of clientele), political social clubs in the District tend to be far more exclusive. Clubs such as the Cosmos, Metropolitan, Woman’s National Democratic Club, Sulgrave, Capitol Hill, Alibi (reportedly one of the most secretive social clubs in Washington), and the Alfalfa are shining examples of how the District’s socioeconomic elite stay connected and socialize.4 For example, the Alfalfa Club began in 1913 by an exclusively white and male group of private sector leaders and government officials who were interested in forming a small and highly elite social network. The mood of the group was light, with the Club taking the name “Alfalfa” because of the plant’s desire to drink and always be thirsty. Initially, Club members met infrequently to socialize over an ale and meal to celebrate the birthday of General Robert E. Lee. The Club has its own motto, flag, and even the following song (which was set to an Oskar Straus tune from the operetta, A Waltz Dream ). Come to the Land of Alfalfa Come to the Land of Alfalfa, Come where the clocks never chime, Come where ill humor is only a rumor And sadness is labeled a crime. Come where the nights are the gladness And sorrows and acre are taboo. Come to the land of Alfalfa; Good fellows are waiting for you 5. 4 The Alibi Club, located at 1806 I St. NW, is a male-only elite club of business executives and political officials. Membership is restricted to fifty, with new men voted in after the death of a member. George W. Bush acknowledged that he is a member. 5 H. Gregory Platts. Crop Reports 1973-2000 and Early Alfalfa Club History (Alfalfa Club: Washington, D.C., 2002), 255. 5 For the first few decades of the Club’s existence, membership lists were not kept and privacy was fiercely guarded. Members were free to have discussions and make ‘deals’ that were off the record. As reported in the Washington Post , “…even after nearly 100 years, Alfalfan proceedings remain shrouded in mystery. Journalists, forbidden to attend the dinner, are relegated to staking out the lobby, foraging for scraps of insight from anyone who dares duck out for a bathroom break or a cigarette.”6 Although the nature of the group was quite light-hearted, membership was reserved solely for the most distinguished and powerful of individuals: men who were able to directly influence society.

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