To Build a Castle V4+(1).Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

To Build a Castle V4+(1).Pdf About the Book Praise for TO BUILD A CASTLE “Sometimes ironic, sometimes detached, sometimes written in cold fury, but always compelling.” —The New Yorker “This is a landmark book and a human document that remains vital.” —Sir Tom Stoppard, Oscar-winning screenwriter of Shakespeare in Love “Vladimir Bukovsky has written an extraordinary account of his life in the Soviet Union…. Listen closely.” —New York Times “A huge story we must not forget. Even inside prison, a revolt of the mind is possible.” —Masha Alyokhina, co-founder of the anti-Putinist punk rock group Pussy Riot, who read To Build a Castle while serving time as a prisoner of conscience “This book is important.” —Former US President Ronald Reagan “If human bravery were a book, it would be To Build a Castle. Bukovsky’s memoir serves as testimony to the horrors of totalitarianism, a reference manual of the Soviet gulag during the Brezhnev years, and an unforgettable tribute to the courage of dissidents like Bukovsky. Unfortunately, the book is a reminder we still very much need today, when Western moral equivalence would have us believe that such monsters no longer exist. They do, and ‘To Build a Castle’ is an essential guide to understanding them, and how to fight them.” —Garry Kasparov, Chairman of the Human Rights Foundation “Bukovsky is properly outraged, but he is also bitterly amusing.” —TIME Magazine “One of the masterpieces of the period.” —Michael Ledeen, former consultant to the US National Security Council, Department of State, and Department of Defense “A gripping and evocative account of the evil empire from a man who helped bring it down.” —Edward Lucas, Senior Editor, The Economist, author of THE NEW COLD WAR: Putin’s Russia and the Threat to the West “To Build a Castle is a fascinating document of its era, as well as the inspiring story of one man’s courageous battle against a totalitarian state. While the era Vladimir Bukovsky chronicles has long passed, this memoir has not lost its relevance. Its insights on freedom, justice, personal responsibility, and the temptation of communist utopia remain as timely as ever. Bukovsky has an eye for both mundane and striking details that bring this tale to life, and tells his story with superb clarity, compassion, and wry humor. An engrossing and satisfying read.” —Cathy Young, assistant editor at Reason, columnist for Newsday and Real Clear Politics “This book is one of the best literary works of 20th century Russia. It was also a great inspiration to those of us who fought for freedom and human rights against the cruel Soviet communist system.” —Yuri Yarim-Agaev, leading Soviet dissident and a member of Moscow Helsinki Group. “One of the classic works of Soviet dissent, as relevant today as when it first appeared.” —Philip Boobbyer, author of Conscience, Dissent and ReForm in Soviet Russia “Vladimir Bukovsky was the heart and soul of the struggle for human rights in the Soviet Union. In To Build a Castle, he describes in telling prose what it meant to fight against overwhelming odds, to defend principles that others thought did not exist - and to prevail.” — David Satter, Journalist and author of The Less You Know the Better You Sleep: Russia’s Road to Terror and Dictatorship under Yeltsin and Putin “Bukovsky’s convictions and his indomitable spirit come through strongly in this compelling narrative of his ordeal in the prisons, labor camps and psychiatric hospitals of the U.S.S.R.” —FOREIGN AFFAIRS “His sense of mission mutes the prison-is-hell-type testimony we often get … what is notable here is the revolving, buzzing, feverish commitment.” —KIRKUS REVIEW “An intensified version of the same tone projected by Solzhenitsyn.” —NEW YORK REVIEW OF BOOKS “This book is a panorama of Soviet life in and out of prison, seen from below; it is an enthralling account of the now-famous protest movement; it is the record of a personal odyssey of remarkable quality….There have been, and are, many extremely brave freedom fighters (more than we know) in the Soviet Union, but it is only Bukovsky who regarded imprisonment and police persecution not as an oppression to be avoided if possible (and if not, endured) but as the mark of victory, of positive achievement.” —Edward Crankshaw, author and former specialist on Soviet affairs “To Build a Castle...is one of the finest works of contemporary Russian literature I have ever read. Bukovsky is a highly talented writer, with a novelist’s gift for characterization and conversation. His account of his life as a dissenter... is no mere cataloging of horrors, but a very human saga that tells, in our way, the old story of man’s spirit refusing to be defeated by man’s cruelty. Bukovsky’s sense of humor, of detachment and irony, elevates his memoirs to a work of art.... His vignettes of daily Soviet life, its bleakness and frustration, tell us more about modern Russia than all the textbooks with their dry statistics. I really can’t say enough about the book.” —Philip Caputo, author of A Rumor oF War “The sections of Bukovsky’s book dealing with his experience in Soviet prisons and camps are harrowing and brilliant, worthy of comparison with Dostoevsky.” —Irving Howe, literary critic and founding editor of Dissent magazine Photo by Horst Tappe Vladimir Bukovsky Truly we were born to make KaFka live. The man whom the New York Times called “a hero of almost legendary proportions among the Soviet dissident movement”, Vladimir Bukovsky was expelled from Moscow University at 19 years of age, and by the time he was 35 had spent a total of twelve years in Soviet prisons, labor camps and psychiatric hospitals. Mounting pressure in the West led to his release in 1976, when he was famously traded for the Chilean Communist leader Luis Corvalan. He then accepted an invitation to continue his interrupted biology studies at Cambridge University. His fame as a major irritant to the Soviet government was sealed with the publication of his powerful bestselling prison memoir To Build a Castle. A masterful writer, whom Nabokov called “that courageous and precious man”, Bukovsky continued to write about life under totalitarianism. “The great truth was that it was not rifles, not tanks, and not atom bombs that created power,” he wrote. “Power depended upon public obedience, upon a will to submit.” He himself never offered that obedience or submission to totalitarian authority. Bukovsky has used his acclaim to warn world leaders of continuing deceit and manipulation by Soviet leaders and their successors, up to and including President Putin. He recently said: “Having failed to finish off conclusively the communist system, we are now in danger of integrating the resulting monster into our world. It may not be called communism anymore, but it has retained many of its dangerous characteristics.” In 2014 Bukovksy testified at the British inquiry into the 2006 murder by radiation poisoning of his friend, the FSB defector Alexander Litvinenko; the inquiry found that the killers were probably acting with the approval of President Putin. Vladimir Bukovsky lives in Cambridge, England. Contents Cover About the Book About the Author Title page Contents List of Illustrations Half title Prologue Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Chapter 10 Chapter 11 Illustrations Copyright Footnotes List oF Illustrations: 1. Vladimir playing with his toy soldiers, 1948, age 6 2. With his sister Olga in Front oF their house, 1948, age 6 3. In Red Square with his Friend Sasha, 1957 4. 1957, age 15, Bukovsky was already a member oF a “secret organisation” 5. 1960. Now 18 years old, Bukovsky is one oF a group oF young intellectuals (Mayak: the lighthouse) who gather in Mayakovsky Square, in Moscow, to listen to poems and satirical tracts 6. Daniil Romanovich Lunts 7. Serbsky Center in Moscow 8. The only photograph oF Bukovsky as a prisoner. It was taken secretly in January 1966, at Lyublino, during his incarceration at Psychiatric Hospital no.13 9. March 1970, aFter being released From a labor camp 10. Alexander Yesenin-Volpin 11. Roger Leddington, American reporter in Moscow 12. In 1977, while writing this book, Bukovsky made this scale model oF Vladimir Prison. He gave it to the “Groupe Vladimir” a Paris-based group oF French and Russian individuals who engaged in deFending political prisoners oF the Soviet Union. 13. During his detention, Bukovsky modeled the castle which he mentally built while in prison and describes in detail in this book. 14. 18 December, 1976. Vladimir Bukovsky in Zurich aFter his release, with his Friend Vadim Nikolayevich Delaunay, the poet, who was the youngest oF the pro-Prague Spring demonstrators protesting the invasion oF Czechoslovakia in Red Square, 25th August, 1968. Photo © Irina Belogorodskaya-Delaunay. Used by permission They say that iF you bring a deep-sea diver too quickly to the surFace he may die, or at the very least Feel the blood boiling in his veins and everything bursting inside. That is rather how I Felt one dark December morning in Vladimir jail. It was the start oF an ordinary prison day, a perFectly normal day in the endless monotonous round oF liFe under lock and key. At six o’clock, as usual, the prison guard made his way From cell to cell, hammering on the doors with his keys and squawking hoarsely: “Wake up! Wake up!” The convicts stirred in the cold gray light oF dawn and crawled reluctantly out oF their sacks, disentangling themselves From the blankets, pea jackets, and jerkins in which they were wrapped up For the night: GET STUFFED! The radio loudspeakers blared, booming out the solemn, swelling chords oF the national anthem, just as iF it were parade time on Red Square.
Recommended publications
  • The Suppression of Jewish Culture by the Soviet Union's Emigration
    \\server05\productn\B\BIN\23-1\BIN104.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-JUL-05 11:26 A STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE ETHNIC IDENTITY: THE SUPPRESSION OF JEWISH CULTURE BY THE SOVIET UNION’S EMIGRATION POLICY BETWEEN 1945-1985 I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR .................. 159 R II. BEFORE THE BORDERS WERE CLOSED: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER STALIN (1945-1947) ......... 163 R III. CLOSING OF THE BORDER: CESSATION OF JEWISH EMIGRATION UNDER STALIN’S REGIME .................... 166 R IV. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES: SOVIET EMIGRATION POLICY UNDER KHRUSHCHEV AND BREZHNEV .................... 168 R V. CONCLUSION .............................................. 174 R I. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL STATUS OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET SOCIETY BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR Despite undergoing numerous revisions, neither the Soviet Constitu- tion nor the Soviet Criminal Code ever adopted any laws or regulations that openly or implicitly permitted persecution of or discrimination against members of any minority group.1 On the surface, the laws were always structured to promote and protect equality of rights and status for more than one hundred different ethnic groups. Since November 15, 1917, a resolution issued by the Second All-Russia Congress of the Sovi- ets called for the “revoking of all and every national and national-relig- ious privilege and restriction.”2 The Congress also expressly recognized “the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination up to seces- sion and the formation of an independent state.” Identical resolutions were later adopted by each of the 15 Soviet Republics. Furthermore, Article 124 of the 1936 (Stalin-revised) Constitution stated that “[f]reedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda is recognized for all citizens.” 3 1 See generally W.E.
    [Show full text]
  • Questions to Russian Archives – Short
    The Raoul Wallenberg Research Initiative RWI-70 Formal Request to the Russian Government and Archival Authorities on the Raoul Wallenberg Case Pending Questions about Documentation on the 1 Raoul Wallenberg Case in the Russian Archives Photo Credit: Raoul Wallenberg’s photo on a visa application he filed in June 1943 with the Hungarian Legation, Stockholm. Source: The Hungarian National Archives, Budapest. 1 This text is authored by Dr. Vadim Birstein and Susanne Berger. It is based on the paper by V. Birstein and S. Berger, entitled “Das Schicksal Raoul Wallenbergs – Die Wissenslücken.” Auf den Spuren Wallenbergs, Stefan Karner (Hg.). Innsbruck: StudienVerlag, 2015. S. 117-141; the English version of the paper with the title “The Fate of Raoul Wallenberg: Gaps in Our Current Knowledge” is available at http://www.vbirstein.com. Previously many of the questions cited in this document were raised in some form by various experts and researchers. Some have received partial answers, but not to the degree that they could be removed from this list of open questions. 1 I. FSB (Russian Federal Security Service) Archival Materials 1. Interrogation Registers and “Prisoner no. 7”2 1) The key question is: What happened to Raoul Wallenberg after his last known presence in Lubyanka Prison (also known as Inner Prison – the main investigation prison of the Soviet State Security Ministry, MGB, in Moscow) allegedly on March 11, 1947? At the time, Wallenberg was investigated by the 4th Department of the 3rd MGB Main Directorate (military counterintelligence);
    [Show full text]
  • Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1974 Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”? Phillip A. Petersen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Petersen, Phillip A., "Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?" (1974). Master's Theses. 2588. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/2588 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYSTEMIC ADAPTATION: CAN THE SOVIET SYSTEM ACCOMMODATE THE "DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT"? by Phillip A. Petersen A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1974 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to begin by thanking Dr. Craig N. Andrews of Wayne State University for introducing me to the phenomenon of dissent in the Soviet Union. As for the project itself, Dr. John Gorgone of Western Michigan University not only suggested the approach to the phenomenon, but also had a fundamental role in shaping the perspective from which observations were made. The success of the research phase of the project is due, in great part, to the encouragement and assistance of Lt. Col. Carlton Willis of the Army Security Agency Training Center and School.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
    POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet Domestic Politics and Collapse of the Outer Empire, 1989
    Soviet Domestic Politics and Collapse of the Outer Empire, 1989 FREDO ARIAS-KING n this article, I explore the role of domestic politics in precluding the inter- I vention of the Soviet army in Eastern Europe in fall 1989. A close look at the USSR’s domestic political situation as early as summer 1989 suggests that there was little, if any, intention on the part of the legislators, government, or even the Communist Party to prop up the fast-disintegrating Communist regimes in the East bloc with force. Rather, there is substantial evidence that a revolution in Eastern Europe would be welcomed in Moscow. To my knowledge, this angle has not been examined in the scholarly literature. Many of the leading authori- ties on the collapse of Eastern Europe fail to connect internal policymaking— particularly relating to the creation of legislative power in the USSR and its con- sequences—to the historic collapse of the Soviet Union’s “outer empire.” I do not argue that Soviet democratization caused the collapse of the East European regimes in 1989, but that it was the main factor that precluded an armed inter- vention to save those regimes. Only one of six major books on the revolutions of 1989, for example, even mentions the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies, and then only in passing.1 They focus instead on the USSR as a unitary player, with a reformer (Gorbachev) at the helm, surrounded by like-minded advisers advocating new political think- ing, who decided to “allow” the East Europeans to go their own way.
    [Show full text]
  • (Penguin Classics) by Clarence Brown
    Read Online and Download Ebook THE PORTABLE TWENTIETH-CENTURY RUSSIAN READER (PENGUIN CLASSICS) BY CLARENCE BROWN DOWNLOAD EBOOK : THE PORTABLE TWENTIETH-CENTURY RUSSIAN READER (PENGUIN CLASSICS) BY CLARENCE BROWN PDF Click link bellow and free register to download ebook: THE PORTABLE TWENTIETH-CENTURY RUSSIAN READER (PENGUIN CLASSICS) BY CLARENCE BROWN DOWNLOAD FROM OUR ONLINE LIBRARY THE PORTABLE TWENTIETH-CENTURY RUSSIAN READER (PENGUIN CLASSICS) BY CLARENCE BROWN PDF Reserve The Portable Twentieth-Century Russian Reader (Penguin Classics) By Clarence Brown is one of the priceless worth that will make you always abundant. It will certainly not suggest as abundant as the cash give you. When some people have lack to deal with the life, individuals with lots of e-books sometimes will certainly be better in doing the life. Why must be book The Portable Twentieth-Century Russian Reader (Penguin Classics) By Clarence Brown It is in fact not suggested that publication The Portable Twentieth-Century Russian Reader (Penguin Classics) By Clarence Brown will certainly give you power to get to everything. The book is to review and what we suggested is guide that is reviewed. You can likewise see exactly how the book qualifies The Portable Twentieth-Century Russian Reader (Penguin Classics) By Clarence Brown and also numbers of e-book collections are offering here. Language Notes Text: English, Russian (translation) About the Author Clarence Brown is an acclaimed translator and professor of comparative literature at Princeton University. He is
    [Show full text]
  • The Halifax Citadel
    THE HALIFAX CITADEL National Historic Park Halifax, Nova Scotia Issued under the authority of the Honourable Arthur Laing, P.C., M.P., B.S.A., Minister of Northern Affairs and National Resources HALIFAX CITADEL NOVA SCOTIA THE HALIFAX CITADEL Halifax, Nova Scotia Halifax was founded in 1749 to provide a base for the British Navy and Army and a springboard for attack on the French at Louisbourg and Quebec, because the final contest between France and England for possession of the North American continent was clearly approaching. Citadel Hill was always the innermost keep and chief land defence of the Halifax Fortress. Four forts were built, at different periods, on its summit. The first was part of a wooden palisade around the young settlement, designed to protect the settlers from Indians. The second was built at the time of the American Revolution and was intended as a stronghold and base against the rebels. The third was built while Napoleon Bonaparte was trying to conquer the world, and this one was later repaired for the War of 1812 with the United States. Because of the latter war, Britain knew she must have a permanent fortress here as Atlantic base in time of peril, and so the fourth, the present one, was constructed. Not one of these forts was ever called upon to resist invasion. No shot was ever fired against them in anger. However, it is safe to say that they had served their purpose merely by existing. The First Citadel When the Honourable Edward Cornwallis arrived at Chebucto Harbour on June 21, 1749, accompanied by more than 2,500 settlers, one of his first thoughts was to secure the settlement from attacks by marauding Indians, ever ready to molest the British during periods of nominal peace between England and France.
    [Show full text]
  • Drink Driving Initiative
    DRINK DRIVING INITIATIVE 2016 SUMMARY REPORTS The work summarized in this report is part of the implementation of the Beer, Wine and Spirits Producers’ Commitments to Reduce Harmful Drinking CONTENTS 1 About this report 3 Executive Summary 4 Cambodia 8 Dominican Republic 12 Mexico 15 Namibia 19 Russia 24 South Africa 28 Thailand 1 ABOUT THIS REPORT Road traffic crashes result in more than 1.25 million fatalities and as many as 50 million injured people per year. Reducing these figures must remain high on political and public health agendas, especially if we are to meet the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 3.6, to halve the number of global deaths and injuries resulting from road traffic crashes by 2020. Much work is already being done to improve road safety. In 2016, the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution A/70/L.44, “Improving global road safety,” and identified many best-practice initiatives and strategies, which Member States and stakeholders could adopt to reduce road crashes. In addition, UN Road Safety Week 2017 focused on behavioral measures such as speed management, motorcycle helmets, seat belts and child restraints, and drink driving prevention. Henry Ashworth President of IARD Ultimately road safety is a shared responsibility and government, civil society and the private sector must all play a role in reducing deaths and injuries. The alcohol industry recognizes the dangers of drinking and driving, especially in low- and middle-income countries and has a long history of working in partnerships to prevent or reduce alcohol- related traffic deaths and injuries. The International Alliance for Responsible Drinking (IARD) and its member companies convene stakeholders to implement drink driving prevention initiatives using strategies that are evidence based and have proved effective in a variety of contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Reform and Human Rights the Gorbachev Record
    100TH-CONGRESS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES [ 1023 REFORM AND HUMAN RIGHTS THE GORBACHEV RECORD REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES BY THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE MAY 1988 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1988 84-979 = For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Chairman DENNIS DeCONCINI, Arizona, Cochairman DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida FRANK LAUTENBERG, New Jersey EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts TIMOTHY WIRTH, Colorado BILL RICHARDSON, New Mexico WYCHE FOWLER, Georgia EDWARD FEIGHAN, Ohio HARRY REED, Nevada DON RITTER, Pennslyvania ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JACK F. KEMP, New York JAMES McCLURE, Idaho JOHN EDWARD PORTER, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming EXECUTIvR BRANCH HON. RICHARD SCHIFIER, Department of State Vacancy, Department of Defense Vacancy, Department of Commerce Samuel G. Wise, Staff Director Mary Sue Hafner, Deputy Staff Director and General Counsel Jane S. Fisher, Senior Staff Consultant Michael Amitay, Staff Assistant Catherine Cosman, Staff Assistant Orest Deychakiwsky, Staff Assistant Josh Dorosin, Staff Assistant John Finerty, Staff Assistant Robert Hand, Staff Assistant Gina M. Harner, Administrative Assistant Judy Ingram, Staff Assistant Jesse L. Jacobs, Staff Assistant Judi Kerns, Ofrice Manager Ronald McNamara, Staff Assistant Michael Ochs, Staff Assistant Spencer Oliver, Consultant Erika B. Schlager, Staff Assistant Thomas Warner, Pinting Clerk (11) CONTENTS Page Summary Letter of Transmittal .................... V........................................V Reform and Human Rights: The Gorbachev Record ................................................
    [Show full text]
  • September 20, 1968 Yu. Andropov to the CPSU CC
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified September 20, 1968 Yu. Andropov to the CPSU CC Citation: “Yu. Andropov to the CPSU CC,” September 20, 1968, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, RGANI, F. 80, Op. 1, D. 513, Ll. 58-60. Obtained and translated by Mark Kramer. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/188129 Summary: This memorandum from KGB Chairman Andropov to the CPSU Politburo follows up on the initial report from Andropov, Shchelokov, and Malyarov. The document highlights the “malevolent views” of the group that held an unauthorized demonstration in Red Square on 25 August 1968, singling out Pavel Litvinov, Larisa Bogoraz, Viktor Fainberg, and Vadim Delaunay for particular opprobrium. Andropov stresses that the KGB will intensify its crackdown on opposition figures who try to “spread defamatory information about Soviet reality.” Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Blavatnik Family Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document Secret Copy No. 1 USSR ___ Committee of State Security of the USSR under the USSR Council of Ministers ______ 20 September 1968 No. 2205-A Moscow To the CPSU CC By way of addendum to our No. 2102 from 5 September 1968, I am reporting that the Moscow procurator, in contact with the Committee of State Security, has completed the investigation and is remanding to the court the criminal case charging L. I. BOGORAZ-BRUKHMAN (the wife of the imprisoned writer [Yulii] Daniel), P. M. LITVINOV, K. I. BABITSKII, V. I. FAINBERG, V. A. DREMLYUGA, and V. N. DELAUNAY. The guilt of these people in staging disturbances on Red Square on 25 August 1968 was confirmed by the testimony of multiple witnesses and by material evidence that was confiscated.
    [Show full text]
  • Fort Washington Since the Civil War Fort Washington Was Abandoned in 1872, and 13 Years Later the Obsolete Muzzle-Loading Guns Were Removed
    Fort Washington Since the Civil War Fort Washington was abandoned in 1872, and 13 years later the obsolete muzzle-loading guns were removed. From 1896 to 1921 the reservation was headquarters for the Defenses of the Potomac. During this period, eight con­ crete batteries were constructed near the old fort. Some of these batteries mounted 10-inch disappearing guns. (Similar fortifications were built directly across the Potomac at Fort Hunt, Va., so that fire might be delivered against approaching enemy vessels from both sides of the O river.) These concrete batteries can still be seen, although the guns have been removed. Nearest the old fort are Battery Decatur to the north; Battery Many, reached by the south exit of the fort; and Battery White, located at the apex of the old water battery. Many buildings were erected on the reservation after 1896 as quarters for officers and enlisted men, but these have now been removed. In 1921, after the fort was no longer needed as a coast defense, it became the headquarters of the 12th Infantry. Fort Washington was transferred from the War Depart­ 01 ment to the Department of the Interior in 1939. Shortly after Pearl Harbor it reverted to the War Department; u.s. department of the interior later it was transferred to the Veterans' Administration. Finally, in 1946 the fort was returned to the Department national park service of the Interior for park purposes. Fort Washington About Your Visit Fort Washington is on the Maryland side of the Potomac • ••• River. You can reach the fort by crossing the South Capitol Street Bridge and driving south on Int.
    [Show full text]
  • Protest and Dissent in the Soviet Union: the Unofficial Moscow • Journal, a Chronicle of Current Events, (American Heritage Press, 1972), 18
    •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••r• Glasnost as Speaking TruthisPower: In partialfulfillmentoftherequirements Submitted toProfessorLindaGerstein In LateSovietRussia For theBachelorsinArtsHistory, By ElizabethHeld Haverford College a WeaponofDissent April 20,2012 •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••►•••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS flour, andeggs. To ProfessorLindaGerstein,whotaughtmethattobakeacakeyouneedbutter,sugar, ii •• iii •• ABSTRACT ••• In 1968, a group of Soviet dissidents began to print their own newspaper, the •• Chronicle of Current Events, and to work with western reporters to spread their message about the illegality of the ruling regime. By using their own media forms, the dissidents •• were able to break the government's monopoly on information. More importantly, they •• used the media technologies to advocate for their two key, interconnected goals of •• glasnost, or openness, and the rule of law. The dissidents made two main arguments. •• First, that glasnost was integral to creating an equitable and fair justice system. Second, that speaking truth was legal and not something the government could prosecute. •• • Glasnost served as both a rallying cry and as a weapon. The dissidents called for openness, but also used their media outlets to expose events the government wished to ••• keep quiet. • In choosing the two mantras of legality and glasnost, the dissidents consciously put themselves in the shadow of previous groups of Russian reformers who had the same ••• demands. They placed themselves in a historical debate. The dissidents also sought to •• differentiate their version of glasnost, complete openness, from various government •• leaders' definitions of the term. •• This thesis seeks to explore the way dissident media outlets forced the dual goals •• of glasnost and respect for the rule of law. It will examine the causes and forms of dissident media, and their relationship to the idea of legality.
    [Show full text]