Guns, and Old-Fashioned Rocket Launchers! but the Main Killer Was Climate and Disease, As Five Men Died of Sickness to Each Man Killed in Action

The SOTCW World War I Compendium

Edited by Richard Baber

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Shilka Publishing Apt 2049 Chynoweth House Trevissome Park Truro TR4 8UN www.shilka.co.uk German East Africa, WWI

Bryan Graves

After reading the fascinating "The Rif War 1919 / 26" in Issue 53, I became interested in WWI colonial history—especially the East African campaign, which led me to write this wargaming article about the East Africa Conflict of WWI.

This will show the guerilla warfare, trench slaughter, and naval invasion strategies that took place. Many nations fought in the area: German, British, Portuguese, South African, Indian, Belgian, and the local tribes-people, giving an abundance of figure and uniform types. The majority of the conflict is infantry-based, with some artillery, ranging from 37mm to 105mm, machine guns, and old-fashioned rocket launchers! But the main killer was climate and disease, as five men died of sickness to each man killed in action. The Region

German East Africa (GEA) encompassed modern-day Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania. This German colony was bordered to the north by British East Africa (Kenya), to the west by the Belgian Congo, and to the south by Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique). Its eastern shores lay on the Indian Ocean. East Africa is dominated centrally by a 1,000m high plateau; to the north and east by Mount Kilimanjaro, savannah, and huge lakes; and to the south by highlands. Additionally, there are jungles, plains, lakes, rivers, bush, rocky hills and thorny scrub land, and villages and towns. The majority of the fighting was conducted in the bush, where the terrain varied from open, slightly bushy ground to dense jungle or forest.

A soldier described the region as follows: "It's almost impossible for those unacquainted with German East Africa to realize the physical, transport, and supply difficulties of the advance over this magnificent country of unrivalled scenery and fertility consisting of great mountain systems alternating with huge plains...the malaria mosquito everywhere...everywhere belts infested with the deadly tsetse fly which make an end of animal transport. In the rainy seasons, which occupy about half the year, the country becomes a swamp and military movements become impracticable." Brief History

The powers controlling the above colonies, making up the Central Africa Free Trade Area, agreed to respect each other's territory on the grounds that these colonies were neutral. Germany and Britain did not implement this agreement, but the Belgians did, and Germany soon showed what it thought of neutrality by attacking Belgium in 1914. GEA was at a disadvantage as it was surrounded by unfriendly nations when WWI started. Germany recognized the danger of hostilities and sent a capable commander, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck, to defend its biggest German colony. Lettow-Vorbeck had overseas experience against the Boxers in China and Herero in South-West Africa and went through the GEA campaign never losing a battle. His unit was the last German unit to surrender at the end of WWI. Lettow-Vorbeck started the campaign with 3,000 Europeans and 11,000 native levies, and these forces were opposed by an Allied force of 373,000, commanded by a South African Boer war veteran called General Jan Smuts, who later went on to found the League of Nations. Lettow-Vorbeck's out-numbered force tied up, pinned down, eluded, and plundered a force twenty times bigger than itself for four years! A point not to forget is that both sides had thousands of porters, as there were no motorised transport systems, and horses died quickly of disease in the interior of GEA. By the war's end the Allies had 60,000 casualties and had lost huge quantities of resources. It was reported that no German Askaris deserted during the war, and these men were later given pensions. Lettow-Vorbeck was a German version of T.E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia). Also, Lettow-Vorbeck and Jan Smuts had fought together against the British in the second Boer War. The strategic aims for the Germans were to tie down as many Allied troops as possible via a guerilla campaign targeting British interests such as the Uganda railway to lessen allied troop numbers in Western Europe. The Allies' main strategic aim was to destroy German forces and increase colonial territory. The campaign was harsh, and Lettow- Vorbeck spoke of wounded men being relieved of their guns, shot through the head, and left to the lions, hyenas, or vultures. The nationalities that fought in GEA were: German, German colonial regiments, East African tribesmen, British, British colonial regiments, South Africans, Indians, Portuguese, Belgians, and their respective local colonial forces. German Forces

The Schutztruppe (protective force) was Imperial Germany's colonial armed force, and it was made up of German volunteers for colonial duty, along with native troops called Askaris (Arabic for soldier). This force was very loyal and well-trained, and numbered 14 companies (Feldkompagnie) each consisting of about 200 men in three platoons (Zuge) of 60 men, a signal platoon, and 20 bandsmen. Each company had about 20 European officers and NCOs who were regulars and experienced bush fighters. Each company had two to eight Maxim machine guns and two 37mm light field guns; supplies were carried by 250 porters per company. Scouting was undertaken by some Ruga-Ruga irregulars, who were fast, lightly armed local tribesmen. Occasionally some German settlers joined with these forces. The Askaris were armed with modern rifles and bayonets, and several companies still used the old 11mm breech-loading Mauser with black powder cartridges which produced large clouds of dense smoke. Cavalry was limited, as horses died of disease in most parts of GEA in the rainy season, which lasted six months per year.

I have seen a picture of what looks like a Napoleonic rocket launcher being fired, manned by a Schutztruppe crew, which could have been used by both sides as the weapon and ammunition are not that heavy and therefore easier to manhandle. Uniforms

Schutztruppe

Officer - Brownish khaki tunic with a high collar with blue piping around the outer rim, down the front of the tunic, and around the upper cuff. Black, silver, and red twisted cord shoulder straps. Brownish khaki trousers with blue piping down the outer seam. Short boots with grey puttees or leather gaiters. Grey peaked cap with white hat band and piping. Officers carried very little except for a brown leather belt with a brass square buckle with a silver centre, with a revolver holster and binoculars.

NCOs - Brownish khaki tunic of lower quality than the officers uniform, with blue piping around the collar rim, down the front of the tunic, and around the cuff to about two inches up the arm. Shoulder straps were of black, red, and white twisted cord. Trousers were brownish khaki with blue piping down the outer seam. Grey puttees or leather gaiters with short boots. Khaki tropical hats were common or grey slouch hats with white hat band and outer rim piping.

Askaris - Light khaki short five-button tunic with plain shoulder straps and no piping. The trousers were of the same material, again with no piping. Brown leather boots with grey puttees. The hat was made from wicker with a khaki cloth covering and neck sunshade, and the whole item was a tarbush which was finished off with a large white metal Imperial eagle. Brown leather belt and bullet pouches with plain brass buckle. Metal water bottle on separate brown strap. Blanket strapped onto the top of a leather or material backpack with two leather straps. A cloth bread bag is suspended from the belt.

There were two coloured Askari officers in 1914 titled Effendi, who wore a similar officers uniform but without the blue piping, with three silver stars on the shoulder straps, a tarbush hat, and a brown leather belt with red, black, and silver thread twisted and worn to one side of the small buckle. They wore knee- high brown leather boots.

Askari NCOs wore the same Askari uniform but had one to four red stripes on the upper left arm and marksmanship black, red, and white lace bars on the forearms which could resemble cuff piping at first glance. The tarbush was often furnished with vegetation to help with camouflage for ambushes.

Naval detachment

Officer - Khaki tunic with four pockets and braided shoulder straps. Khaki trousers, brown boots with brown leather gaiters, white tropical hat, and brown leather belt. Khaki bread bag with brown leather flap.

Rating - Either dark blue or white sailor uniform, with large, pale blue collar with white piping, black boots, and sometimes khaki gaiters. Black leather equipment (bullet pouches and bayonet holder) with rear Y strap. Khaki tropical hat, or dark blue or white German navy sailor cap with rear black ribbon and ship's name.

Ruga-Ruga

Irregular native troops who wore tribal costumes, went barefooted and may have a bandoleer and old- fashioned firearm and / or spear. Mounted volunteers and reservists

Mostly civilian clothes with a red, white, and black left arm band and a mixture of personal equipment and weapons. These units were absorbed into Schutztruppe units and uniformed in khaki as much as possible.

Shortly into the campaign all the above uniforms can be mixed around into Schutztruppe khaki or Allied bits of uniform, as not many units remained neat and tidy and supplies were not plentiful. Figures

Lancashire Games have a fantastic 20mm range of white metal figures for the WWI Colonial African period including British, German, Askari, Belgian, and Portuguese figures (http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-01) The following plastic figures are of use: Askaris HaT - German WWI Colonial infantry / Waterloo - Anglo Egyptian infantry. You can do some head conversions on the Waterloo figures from Airfix WWI British infantry as the supply shortages led to all sorts of kit being used. I've seen photographs of Askari units wearing fezzes, peaked caps, pill box hats, and floppy bush hats, all within the same unit. You can also mix and match the HaT and Waterloo figures, because in the same photos the Askari have various leather bandoleers and a mixture of cartridge-holding leather belts. You don't have to mix and match, but I have a HaT Askari unit and a Waterloo Askari unit which resembles Belgian Congo Askaris.

Naval detachment - Airfix WWI figures with cloth caps - I needed some head conversions from the surrendering and stretcher parties to get extra figure poses for the headless Picklehaube helmet figures. Airfix WWI Germans, again with some head conversions using Call to Arms British infantry of the Zulu War, or Revell Colonial British Infantry heads with pith helmets. Also, Revell German Navy figures of WWII are of use.

Cavalry / reservists - Strelets Boers or any civilian-looking figures with rifles or shotguns that don't look too modern. Lancashire Games / IT Miniatures do a nice GEA cavalry unit.

Ruga-Ruga - Italeri Zulus, Call to Arms Zulus - Some figures are holding rifles and wearing tunics which can be painted khaki and look great with the native costume. Also throw a few spearmen in for affect.

European troops - Lancashire Games - Nice figures with colonial German bush hats, which look very flattering with a blue rim and band.

Regulars - Airfix WWI Picklehaube-headed figures. I gave these figures an Austrian-type paint job (sand helmet covers with red regiment number, light grey tunic with red piping, and blue pants) to make them look a bit different and stand apart from the khaki Askaris. I have no idea if this uniform was present, but it looked good. Weapons

Mountain & field guns - Airfix ACW cannons with cut-down barrel, Airfix, Emhar WWI Artillery; also, Irregular Miniatures have a large range of cannons.

105mm ships' guns - HaT German WWI 75mm cannon, and pretend.

Maxim Machine guns - loads available, take your pick.

Rockets - HaT Napoleonic British rocket troop, or build your own.

Rifles - Old fashioned rifle / muskets.

Spears / Bows and arrows.

Later war - Armoured cars, mortars, Lewis gun and grenades for the Allies, or if Lettow-Vorbeck can capture them.

German forces had one aeroplane in GEA, which was shot down early in the war. SMS Königsberg

The German light cruiser Seine Majestat Schiff (His Majesty's Ship) Königsberg, armed with ten 105mm guns, arrived at Dar es Salaam in June 1914. At the war's start it captured the British steamer Winchester, in August 1914, and sank HMS Pegasus around Zanzibar in September 1914. The British salvaged the 4" guns from HMS Pegasus and mounted them on carriages which could be towed by Packard trucks to increase the Allied artillery power. Shortly after leaving the Zanzibar area, SMS Königsberg suffered a major engine breakdown and had to take refuge in the Rufiji River delta south of Dar es Salaam while repairs took place. The Königsberg was camouflaged and concealed five miles into the river delta, but was discovered several weeks later and attacked by two shallow-bottomed river monitors, HMS Mersey and HMS Severn, with indirect fire called in by a sea plane. Königsberg could not see the river monitors and suffered heavy damage, resulting in her captain, Captain Looff, scuttling the ship after 35 crew were killed and 28 wounded out of a crew of 325. The ship was heavily salvaged, especially the ten 105mm naval guns, which had carriages and extra shells made in Dar es Salaam's railways yards. These guns aided the German forces, and were manhandled by porter throughout GEA highlands, jungle, bush, and savannah to deliver extra fire power to German actions. The guns were distributed to various parts of GEA. The ship's crew went on to act as guns crews and a special Schutztruppe Königsberg along with other naval personnel trapped in the area whose ships were blocked. Only 15 crew and Captain Looff survived the war, and returned to Germany as heroes in 1919. The Campaign

The GEA campaign started in August 1914 with German raids against Belgian East Africa, Uganda, Congo, Nyasaland, and Northern Rhodesia, and ended in November 1918 with Lettow-Vorbeck still planning raids against the Allies. This encompassed the whole region in dozens of actions, ranging from small skirmishes to large land battles.

There were many battles and skirmishes; this is just a few to give a taster for the wargamer. Surrender

Lettow-Vorbeck learned of the 11th November 1918 armistice from a British prisoner while planning more raids against the Allies with his far-from-beaten force of 3,000 troops. He decided to surrender to the British at Abercorn in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) on 25th November 1918, making him the last German to surrender and lay down arms in WWI. He and his German troops returned to Germany in 1919 and marched in Berlin as heroes. Many years later, Lettow-Vorbeck returned to East Africa and was treated as a hero by his old Askaris. Ironically, Jan Smuts heard that Lettow-Vorbeck was living in poverty after WWII and arranged a small pension to be paid until Paul Emil Von Lettow-Vorbeck's death on 9th March 1964. What-If Scenario Ideas

Zeppelin L59

The L59 zeppelin was a normal zeppelin with a 30-metre section spliced amidships to increase the lift capacity, increasing the zeppelin's length to almost 750 feet. The first attempt at such a conversion ended in failure (L56) but the second attempt resulted in the L59. The L59 left Jamboli in Bulgaria on 21 November 1917 carrying 500 tons of medical supplies, military supplies, 48,000 pounds of fuel, and 22 crew on a one-way mission to resupply Lettow-Vorbeck's forces in the southern Lake Tanganyika region in GEA. The mission was to meet up with Lettow-Vorbeck's forces, hand over the supplies, and then use the zeppelin materials (aluminium frame and acres of outer skin cloth) and fuel to help in any way; the crew would have probably been converted into riflemen reinforcements. On the second day of the flight in the Khartoum area in British-controlled Sudan, the zeppelin's captain received orders from Berlin to turn back, as news had been received that Lettow-Vorbeck's forces had been overrun and had surrendered. The L59 turned around and flew back to Bulgaria, setting a world flight record of over 90 hours in the air, covering 4,200 miles with 24 hours' worth of fuel remaining. The real situation for Lettow-Vorbeck was that he'd had to retreat from the rendezvous but he had not surrendered. He raided into Portuguese East Africa to obtain supplies, which kept his force going until its surrender on 23 November 1918. What would the L59 have carried besides medical supplies and a few reinforcements? My best guess would be any combination of the more modern, lighter machine guns; sniper rifles; grenades; mortars; anti-tank rifles; rifle grenades; flamethrowers; rifles; uniforms; and maybe gas or a vehicle or two. The determining factor would be the volume and weight of the weapons and the quantity of ammunition. I have seen a scenario about this called amusingly "Grey Sausage Down" and briefly it's about the L59 running out of fuel in the middle of nowhere and the crew trying to get to friendly territory while being ravaged by unfriendly Askaris and natives.

French Connection

Colonial France was present in Madagascar, and a force comprised of two battalions of infantry (four were planned) with artillery and engineers, was raised within Madagascar. This force was offered to Britain to help fight the German forces in GEA. Britain turned down this assistance as it was feared that France had plans to expand its African colonies and this assistance would give France a foothold in East Africa.

Friends and Allies

Before hostilities broke out in 1914, Germany and Britain had secret talks about the occupation and division of Portuguese East Africa. Portugal was the oldest of Britain's allies!

These are some facts to generate additional ideas and maybe extra scenarios. This is just a brief wargamer's view of a very interesting WWI campaign. Scenery

The Square does an excellent range of resin Tribal huts, WWI-type trenches and colonial-looking buildings, along with other items. Bibliography

Osprey Men at Arms 379 Armies in East Africa 1914-18

The Battle for the Bundu - Charles Miller

Indian Army in East Africa - S D Pradhan http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-02 http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-03 http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-04 http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-05 http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-06 http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-07

Also links from the above addresses.

Closing the Dover Straits 1914-18

Rob Morgan. Edited by Stuart Emmett Introduction

The determined forays of units of the imperial German fleet in the early part of WWI, and the even more effective attacks of the U-boats, led to some drastic actions by the Allies in order to protect the vital sea lanes between Britain and France.

The loss of three ships (HMS Aboukir, Cressy, and Hogue) to a single U-boat, the U-9, during the first months of the conflict, led to the installation of anti-submarine net defences at all of the Navy's war stations and bases from Scapa Flow to Plymouth.

Anti-submarine nets were not enough, though; the U-boat threat continued to rise and the straits of Dover proved a danger to shipping. The U-boat had an effective patrol time of 30 days; if they could be forced to sail around the Scottish coast, their patrol time could be seriously reduced. Many top secret schemes were proposed by the Admiralty—most suggested an anti-submarine net the length of the Channel!

Different methods were suggested, composed of nets, anchored monitors and a barrage similar to that used at Otranto to hole up the Austro-Hungarian fleet. The need for a barrier was pressing; Allied losses by 1917 were becoming unsustainable.

An anti-submarine/torpedo net had been placed from Cap Gris Nez to Folkestone, but it was never completely closed to submarine infiltration. A second extended from Dunkirk to Goodwin Sands, (a vast mined buoy 60ft deep) with flank nets off the Goodwins and the Belgium coast. Subsidiary nets backed up the main line, despite the Admiralty itself considering that the net was not effective against U-boats on the surface or those diving to 130ft! The Admiralty estimated that some 90 enemy U-boats had penetrated the net in only two months of it being operational.

Despite the exorbitant costs, an Admiralty emergency plan was proposed to deny the Dover straits to all shipping. This plan would emplace shallow and deep mines between the coast lines, supported by searchlights. A "top secret" listening device (a form of early echo sounder), which could detect U-boats at three miles' distance, would be utilised too. Like Topsey, new schemes were added and the project grew and grew.

There would be a standard net and mine structure built from coast to coast, with heavier electrically operated mines slung between wooden floats, all backed up with floating contact mines moored in front of the net. Desperately, Trinity House was contacted with a request to release spare light ships which could be anchored along the main net to carry searchlights, and the number of shore-based batteries was increased.

Project M & N

One remarkable top-priority plan started by the Admiralty was a line of twelve 10,000-ton concrete and steel armoured towers (floating blockhouses that were flooded into position), placed on the sea bed from Dungeness to Cape Gris. Nets capable of closing the straits to the enemy high-seas surface fleet and submarines would be deployed between these towers.

Each tower was 180ft high and armed with redundant 12" guns from the majestic class of battleships, (eighteen pre-war dreadnought battleship turrets were available for the task) backed up with anti-aircraft guns, searchlights, a set of the new secret submarine-detecting devices, and wireless stations. Each was backed by interconnecting nets with light mines and telegraph cables slung between them. Each would be crewed by 100 sailors and Royal Engineers.

Several towers were completed by the Armistice in November 1918. If the war had continued till 1919 as expected, the tower barrage would have been fully operational. As it was, this white elephant was never operational; one tower was eventually converted into a lighthouse after the war (Nab Tower) — less its gun turret, naturally!

Wargaming Possibilities

The M &N project provides an interesting game option for the WWI naval gamer, either a one-off battle or a campaign.

It is possible to construct a low-level ongoing 1918-19 campaign in which the Axis play attempts to move U-boats through the net, or a surface fleet attack on the towers themselves. Certainly for the latter you would need more than cruisers for the German force to be able to tackle the majestic turrets with their 850lb shells, capable of penetrating three feet of armour!

The game idea isn't as lengthy as the Dardanelles barrier, but is still a tempting game idea, which could initiate a great sea battle in the Dover straits.

A third idea is to consider that the partially submerged M &N defences were built and updated (a sea- going Maginot Line) post-war by both governments and came under attack as part of a pre-invasion assault on Britain by the German army and air force.

Assuming the guns were upgraded to the 30 available 13.5 inch /45 Mark V guns from the scrapped Iron Duke class of ships, two to a turret, the turrets would have been even tougher to crack. The Trinity House boats would certainly have been replaced by faster specialised craft, able to gather and fall back to the protection of the heavy guns if needed, too.

For the Germans to gain maximum use of the French Atlantic ports to attack Allied shipping in the Atlantic, this formidable barrier would have to be reduced by air (like Fort Drum, in the Philippines), and surface fleets (assisted by specialised commando forces). If some of those in French hands fell to the enemy, would a constant battle between the forts have ensued throughout WWII?

Again a "what-if", but the celebrated channel dash by the capital ships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau would have been more risky if facing the 12" guns of the M&N barrier. The stable gun platforms of the M&N barrier were little more effective than squadron of swordfish torpedo bombers, but their presence could have partially closed the straits, considerably changing the effectiveness of the German U-boat fleet during the early part of the battle for the Atlantic.

During the battle for France it would have represented a secure flank position, making a German attack on Calais extremely vulnerable to the fire of six of its guns at long range. If not indestructible, the sunken towers would have at least proved tough nuts to crack, and this would be an extremely interesting table-top “whatif” scenario!

I'd suggest laying out a pack of towers across a table, each a scale of three or five miles apart, and seeing how you would respond to their presence in the Channel. I believe you would quickly see that their presence would have changed the Royal Navy's use of the Channel during the early part of WWII. Model Availability

Models of the towers are available from MY Navy in 1:1300 scale (10mm high x 5mm wide), set number 3149 costing £2.00 with six towers. For £4.00 you can complete the entire fortified link from Britain to France. MY Navy can be found at 7 St Peters Lane, Laxton Goole, E Yorkshire. DN14 7UA. Recommended Reading

I'd suggest reading "The Mystery Towers of WWI", an A5 booklet (36 pages long) by Frank Turner. It is available to buy at £4.50 including P&P from Frank at Glendale House, Marling Cross, Gravesend, Kent. DA12 5UE, or [email protected]

The booklet also contains information on other bizarre developments planned around these concrete towers, including floating concrete "monitors". It's one in a series of booklets dealing with unusual British weapons and fortifications of the 20th Century, so for less than a tenner you can make your table-top Britain unassailable!

Battle for the Canal

Battle of Mons 23rd August 1914; a WWI Rapid Fire! Scenario by Brad Smith Introduction

As part of its stand against Von Kluck's German First Army at Mons on 23 August 1914, elements of Smith-Dorrien's II Corps stood and fought at the Conde Canal west of Mons. As the German juggernaut bore down, the BEF's infantry met it with rapid fire as its engineers desperately tried to blow the canal bridges. British Forces

1st Battalion Royal Scots Fusiliers 40 figs (elite - test @ 20)

1st Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers B, C, and MMG Coys only 20 figs (elite - test @ 10)

1st Battalion Royal West Kents 40 figs (elite - test @ 20)

2nd Duke of Wellington's B and MG Coys only 12 figs (elite - test @ 6)

Sections from 17 and 57 Field Coys RE 8 figs (elite/specialists)

120 Field Bty RFA 1 x 18 pdr with 4 crew and limber (+2 gunners with wagon) German Forces

20th Inf Regt. CO + 2 figs

I, II, and III Battalions each with 40 figs (regular - test @ 20) - enter Turn 1

12th Inf Regt. CO + 2 figs

I, II, and III Battalions each with 40 figs (regular test @ 20) - enter Turn 1

6 batteries (field) - off board British Deployment

The British positions are along the south side of the canal. The Royal Scots are in and around Jemappes, the Northumberlands in and around Mariette, and the Kents in and around St Ghislain. 120 Battery is in St Ghislain, and the Dukes are east of St Ghislain. The engineers are in four teams of two figures at each bridge. All built-up areas start undamaged. German Deployment

Each German battalion must enter and stay in close order (except while fording the canal) until the battalion incurs more than 10% casualties (i.e., more than four figures). The 20th Regiment enters along the northern edge of the table between Ghlin and Baradour, and the 12th Regiment between Baradour and the St Ghislain Road. The northern edge of the table is treated as the German lines and the southern edge as the British lines. German Artillery

There are no artillery observers on table. To simulate the random nature of the German bombardment, at the start of each German turn, six position markers (one for each battery) are placed anywhere on the table of the German player's choosing. As each battery is selected to fire, the centre of the template is placed over its marker. A d10 is then rolled to determine the actual target square (10 = any square nominated by the German player) and the position marker is removed. Once the target square is determined, the IDF marker is placed in it and IDF is resolved. After each battery fires, its IDF marker is removed. The same procedure is then followed in subsequent turns. If a bridge accumulates four casualties' worth of damage from IDF, it is destroyed. Terrain

The canal is a linear obstacle. Troops do not receive the close order movement bonus when crossing the canal. Vehicles cannot ford the canal. Scenario Rules

The four bridges across the canal are wired for demolition. To simulate the serious difficulties the engineers operated under due to poor communications and equipment, the following procedures apply. During each British turn, each team having at least one figure in contact with its assigned bridge rolls a d6. On an evens roll the order to blow the bridge is received. Once the order is received a further d6 is rolled, and on a roll of four or more the charges explode and the bridge is destroyed. In the next turn a -1 modifier applies, and in the following turn a -2 modifier, so that after a third attempt, the chance to blow the bridge is lost.

The game lasts 12 moves per side, starting with German turn one. British troops, including the pioneers, start concealed in built-up areas or hasty entrenchments and in reserve fire mode. British artillery starts unlimbered and in reserve fire mode. Victory Conditions

The German objective is to push beyond the line of Boussu to Cuesmes (the "Boussu line") by the end of the day. The British objective is to delay the Germans as long as possible. In addition to casualty points, the British receive 25 points for each German turn that the Germans do not have at least 40 figures (in a non-routed unit) beyond the Boussu line and 15 points for each bridge destroyed. The Germans receive 150 points if at the end of the game they have at least 40 figures (in a non-routed unit) beyond the Boussu line. To claim victory, a side must have 300 points with a margin of not less than 50 points. Any other result is a draw. Bibliography

"Mons 1914 The BEF's Tactical Triumph" by David Lomas Pub. Osprey 1997.

"Mons 1914" by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave Pub. Pen & Sword 2000.

Mons 1914 – WWI Horse website http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-08

The Battle of Mons – First World War web site http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-09 Battle of Tertre, 23rd August 1914

A. J. Ralston

Firstly, I know this is a totally different area of conflict to which those who know me would expect. But the following article is taken straight from a book bequeathed to me by my grandfather many, many years ago in his will. The book is called INVICTA: With the 1st Battalion The Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment in the Great War. From what I have been told by my mother, my grandfather joined the regiment as a boy soldier only twelve years old. How he did this I don't know, for when he was fully grown he was only 5'7" in height. This doesn't explain the height in our family; rather it must come from my grandmother who was 6'2". My grandfather, from what I have also learned, was the only surviving boy soldier of this particular battalion. Thus when this book was written back in 1923 he was given a free first edition copy. In all my years I've never read the book till now, and within the first few pages came across the following battle. Those of you into World War I, I hope will enjoy this, though how you are going to scale it I don't know.

The battle actually took place just before the main Battle of Mons, August 1914, and just like the Battle of Agincourt in 1415 with the British King Henry V, has left German Professors stumped to explain how, when out-numbered 10-1, the British managed to win. At Agincourt it was British longbowmen with a large number from Kent that did the damage; this time it was a single company of Kentish men, or rather Men of Kent. I will add for you at the end a copy of a document written by a German officer who survived the Great War and who took part in this battle.

Firstly thought I will give you the reader a rough TOE of the 1st Battalion Queen's Own Royal West Kent. Officers and enlisted men numbered, in total, 26 officers and 1,015 other ranks. Following are the names of the officers and the units which they commanded.

Lieutenant-Colonel A. Martyn - Commanding Officer

Major P.M. Buckle D.S.O. - 2nd in Command

Lieutenant G. B. Legard. - Adjutant

Lieutenant H. G. Rogers - Quartermaster

Lieutenant D. J. Johnston - Machine Gun Officer

Lieutenant W. Newton - Transport Officer

Lieutenant W. P. Croker, R.A.M.C. Medical Officer

"A" Company:

Captain G. D. Lister - Officer Commanding Captain G. F. Keenlyside - 2nd in Command

2nd/Lieutenant S. K. Gore - Commander 1st Platoon

Lieutenant Wilberforce Bell - Commander 2nd Platoon

2nd/Lieutenant A. A. E. Chitty - Commander 3rd Platoon

Lieutenant C. K. Anderson Commander 4th Platoon

"B" Company:

Major C. G. Pack Beresford - Officer Commanding

Captain W. C. O. Phillips - 2nd in Command

Lieutenant F. Fisher - Commander 5th Platoon

Lieutenant D. C. C. Sewell - Commander 6th Platoon

2nd/Lieutenant Commander 8th Platoon

"C" Company:

Major P. Hastings - Officer Commanding

Lieutenant W. V. Palmer - 2nd in Command

Lieutenant C. A. M. Halloway - Commander 9th Platoon

Lieutenant W. K Ames - Commander 11th Platoon

Lieutenant J. H. Whitehouse - Commander 12th Platoon

"D" Company:

Captain R. G. M. Tulloch - Officer Commanding

Captain H. D. Buchanan Dunlop - 2nd in Command

Lieutenant H. B. H. White - Commander 13th Platoon

Lieutenant N. J. P. K. McClelland - Commander 16th Platoon

Battalion Sergeant-Major H. S. Doe

The 1st Battalion Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment made up part of the 13th Brigade, which also contained the 2nd Battalion King's Own Scottish Borderers (2/K.O.S.B.), 2nd Battalion Duke of Wellington's West Riding Regiment (2/D.W.W.R.R), and the 2nd Battalion King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry (2/K.O.Y.L.I): this brigade was commanded by Brigadier-General Cuthbert. At the time of the outbreak of the First World War, the 1st Battalion Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment was billeted in Dublin at Richmond Barracks. Its last overseas tour had been the Adarega Campaign in 1901 in Aden; before that, it had served on the Indian Frontier in 1897. Even with a long spell of basically sitting on its backside, it was classified as still being well-disciplined, trained, and having a good to high training in musketry. This would be shown in the following battle. Even with all this said, the regiment had a large home population from which to draw recruits, and a large number of fully trained reservists with which to immediately fill its ranks with little additional training. The regiment had for a great many years had no trouble in keeping its ranks full of men from Kent, (Men/Man of Kent, as am I).

The battalion, along with the Brigade Headquarters, the 2/K.O.S.B., and the Duke of Wellington's, boarded the SS Gloucestershire and set sail at 02:20 on the 14th August, 1914. Only the senior officers knew of the final destination for the ship for secret reasons, though rumours were rife; the most favourite rumour being Le Havre, which as it turned out was correct. The ship pulled alongside the quay on the 15th August 1914 at 14:30 in pouring torrents of rain; this rain was to follow the battalion for the best part of the next week too.

From Le Havre, the 13th Brigade moved by train, officers in ordinary coaches and enlisted men in cattle carts (typical), with 40 men to a cattle carriage/truck. The cattle trucks, though, were at least fitted with benches for the troops to sit on. The 13th Brigade formed, along with the 14th and 15th Brigades, the 5th Division, which was commanded by Major-General Sir Charles Fergusson. This division in turn made up part of the British 2nd Corps, which was commanded by Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien. The brunt of the Battle of Mons was to fall on the 2nd Corps, and the 13th Brigade in particular. The first part of the main Battle for Mons fell on the loop in the canal held by elements of the 3rd Division, and spread to the 5th Division. But even before this had happened the Germans had their noses bloodied by the 1st Battalion The Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment—a bloody nose that the Germans had to lie about in propaganda in 1916 in a vain attempt to explain just what had happened. As Sir A. Conan Doyle remarks, "The day began by some losses to the West Kent Regiment, who were probably apart from cavalry patrols, the first troops to suffer in the Great War". This of course is in regards to British troops.

Now, having covered a little bit of the history, I'll jump forward a few days to just before the opening battle. The British 3rd and 5th Divisions reached the Mons Canal on Saturday the 22nd August 1914, around late morning/early afternoon, according to the book and diary accounts within. Fortifications along the canal started immediately and carried on into Sunday the 23rd August 1914, whilst "A" Company was to prepare to assist and support in a patrol with the divisions Reconnaissance Cavalry and Reconnaissance Bicycle unit.

It is now that I'll start to use dairy accounts straight out of the book for ease. Also please remember, I'm ex-military and used to using the 24-hour clock, so I've changed the time settings to suit. Captain Lister's Narrative (After Action Report)

On the night of the 22nd/23rd August 1914, "A" and "B" companies were in billets at Hornu. At 05:30 on the 23rd August 1914, I was told by the Adjutant that I had to be at the bridge over the canal at 08:00 with my company. I was informed that at that hour, the 5th Divisional Mounted Troops ("A" Squadron 19th Hussars and the 5th Divisional Cyclist Company) were to cross the canal to make a reconnaissance, and that my company was to go with these troops and take up a position approximately at the cross roads south of the village of Tertre; with the object of covering the retirement of the mounted troops if necessary.

I arrived at the bridge with my company at about 07:50. The only information I received of the enemy was that a few Uhlans had been seen the previous day north of the canal. The Divisional Mounted Troops under Major Parsons (19th Hussars) arrived about 08:15 and we at once crossed the canal. Shortly afterwards there were a few shots fired at us from a north-easterly direction.

The mounted troops went forward and I halted my company as ordered at the cross roads, south of Tertre. [I've supplied a map below with dispositions for everyone from the book.] Then, in company with Captain Keenlyside, I personally reconnoitred the ground to the front and decided to dispose of my company as follows:

Number 1 Platoon under 2/Lieut. Gore at point A

Number 2 Platoon under Lieut. Wilberforce Bell at point B

Number 3 Platoon under 2/Lieut. Chitty was kept in reserve, just behind number 2 platoon at point B

Number 4 Platoon under Lieut. Anderson at point C

The platoon commanders commenced at once to improve existing cover and number 2 platoon to loophole the garden walls, etc., of a small farm house at point B.

Number 1 Platoon had a fair field of fire of about 250 yards, whilst numbers 2 and 4 had a better one of about 450 yards. The line of retreat to the canal was very difficult, as the ground was intercepted with numerous deep dykes and barbed wire; as far as time permitted I had this wire cut.

The lines of retreat, which I ordered, were arranged with the view to avoid the masking of the fire of the main body in position along the canal

These preparations were scarcely complete when I saw four cyclists with an officer coming at full speed down the road from Tertre. On arriving at our position, they flung themselves down by me, and the officer in charge stated that the remainder of his detachment had been blown to pieces by the enemy's artillery fire. [This unit also had its origins in Kent.]

I informed him to immediately send a cyclist back at once to the canal with this information. Within five minutes I saw the enemy's infantry debouching from Tertre in large numbers. I counted on the east side of the road some 400-500 men. [This was a huge underestimation by himself, as you will see.]

Fire was at once opened upon them and it could be seen that the enemy was suffering considerable loss. After a short time he returned the fire heavily.

I sent a report of this to Headquarters at the canal bridge, at the same time asking if any news had been heard of the Divisional Cavalry. This was answered in the negative.

Shortly after this I received by cyclist a memo, from Major Parsons (Officer Commanding Divisional Mounted Troops) asking me to cover his retirement. There was no indication from whence the message had been written, and so I considered that the only way in which I could do this would be to hold on to my position as long as possible. This I decided to do.

By this time a battery of the enemy's artillery had come into action at point "D" [See map - knowing the German unit involved, I can only assume that they were its Regimental Guns and probably 77mm in calibre.] Another body of enemy troops, which proved to be a machine gun company, came into action straight to our front.

All this time number of the enemy had been deploying east and west of the Tertre-Hornu Road. Hence I decided to send half a platoon (number 3) under 2/Lieut. Chitty to reinforce number 1 platoon, which appeared to be somewhat exposed at point A.

I sent back another report to the canal, and asked once more if any news had been heard of the Divisional Cavalry. I again received an answer in the negative, but was told I had better commence to retire if things were getting too hot.

I decided to retire and sent an order to number 1 platoon to commence their retirement.

Just at this moment, I perceived that number 4 platoon at point C had already commenced to retire. It did so in good order in a south-easterly direction, but it had apparently suffered some loss. It was impossible at that moment to stop this retirement, so I then extended the half platoon I had in reserve at point B along a somewhat deep and very boggy dyke [Remember all that rain Imentioned above.], to replace number 4 platoon. The platoon sergeant of number 4 came to me almost immediately afterwards and informed me that Lieut. Anderson had been killed, and he had been told that we had retired. He apparently realised that his retirement had been premature. A message now reached me from a small connecting post [Set up by staff from the Company Headquarters.], at point "E" that number 1 platoon had successfully got away.

I then crossed to the west side of the road in order to collect the men on that side and thereby endeavour to take up a position to cover the retirement of the centre (number 2 platoon).

I now saw the advancing German infantry some hundred and fifty yards away and also about twenty men, probably of number 4 platoon, slowly retiring in file along the western side of the road.

I at once realised that, unless they either scattered or crossed to the deep ditch on the east side of the road, they must be annihilated. So I went out into the field to attract their attention and to issue instructions, but I was, unfortunately, wounded through the right shoulder and fell close to the road. I was unable to move and so could do nothing further.

Two or three men doubled past me and offered to carry me back, but I refused to allow them to do so as it was almost certain to mean sacrificing their lives.

Shortly after this I became unconscious and remember nothing more until I was aroused by a German who gave me a drink and bandaged me up as best he could.

Since the action, I have ascertained that in my immediate front the Germans had three battalions of the Brandenburg Grenadiers Regiment, one battery of artillery and one machine gun company.

From information since received it appears that some 90 men out of the 200 got back to the main position on the canal.

The enemy's losses, according to their own account were very heavy and included Major Praeger, who commanded the Fusilier Battalion.

Finally the officers, NCOs, and men of the company comported themselves well under difficult circumstances, and although the premature withdrawal of number 4 platoon was an error, it did not seriously affect the situation.

This closes the after action report from Captain Lister who was made a prisoner of war but survived to write the above for the Regiments History Records, which in turn was made available for this book. What Captain Lister didn't know even when writing his after action report was just how much damage he and his single company had actually done to the Brandenburg Grenadier Regiment. This company was heavily outnumbered but managed to decimate this regiment very heavily, inflicting extremely heavy casualties upon it, as you will see when you read the German report below. Captain Bloem's Narrative

Walter Bloem, the well-known German writer, author of three excellent novels on the Franco-Prussian War and manager of the Hof theatre, Stuttgart, was, in 1914, forty-six years of age. He was at that time about to relinquish his managership and enjoy himself travelling with his family for a couple of years, when war broke in on his happiness. Within a few days of freedom he was called to the colours and, as a Captain of the Reserve, found himself in command of a company of the 1st Battalion of the 12th Brandenburg Regiment (III Corps). His book is a most remarkable one. It is not a novel, though at times one is reminded of the pages of La Débâcle and Le Desastré, but a truthful, vivid, and first-hand account, told with much literary skill and dramatic effect, of what an actual combatant in Von Kluck's army saw and felt from the moment that the war clouds arose until the author fell wounded, before our Second Army Corps near Missy on the Aisne.

As a military work the book is of high value, as it tells us with evident truthfulness many details, which we have long desired to know, of Von Kluck's great flank march down to the Marne and of his historic retirement, and much of interest as regards our own men.

The first serious engagement of this regiment, the 12th Brandenburg Grenadiers, is with the British.

The regiment marched down to the Condé Canal towards St Ghislain, and, all unconscious, the author tells a story that must ever redound to the high military qualities and training of the old army and to the credit of the Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment in particular. The 12th Grenadiers are halted in Baudour north of the canal.

Hussar patrols trot by and report that for 80 km (50 miles) to the front all is clear of the enemy. Field kitchens are brought up and we halt for a comfortable midday rest. The meal was not finished before blood-stained Hussars gallop in and report the enemy near at hand in the next village. All is confusion for a while; then the captains are summoned to the battalion commander, who says: "Maps out, gentlemen. The village Tertre in front of us is occupied by the enemy, strength not yet known. The regiment is attacking supported by three batteries", etc. The Brandenburgers deploy and advance by rushes, fired at by an always invisible foe and losing men every time they rise. The British fire gradually seems to die down, and the order passes: "Now for a general rush of 80 yards, then fix bayonets and storm the houses".

Captain Bloem continues: "The enemy seems to have waited for the moment of a general assault. He had artfully enticed us to close range in order to deal with us more surely and thoroughly. A hellish fire broke loose and in thick swathes the deadly leaden fire was pumped on our heads, breasts, and knees. Wherever I looked, to the right and left, nothing but dead, and blood streaming, sobbing, writhing wounded".

The unfortunate remnant is glued to the ground. More fire, apparently from their own people, is poured into them, until at last night comes and they creep back half a mile knowing that are beaten. Captain Bloem has lost all his five officers and half the men of his company.

He (Captain Bloem) meets his battalion commander, who lays his hands on his shoulders, and with shaking voice says: "My dear Bloem, you are my sole and only support. You are the only company commander left in the Battalion. The Battalion is a mere wreck - my proud, beautiful Battalion". So it was with the regiment - "shot down, smashed up, a handful only left"; and the full consciousness of defeat soaks in; "Heavy defeat, why not admit it? Our first battle is a heavy, unheard-of heavy defeat, and against the English, the English we laughed at".

The poor man's despair might have been even more overwhelming had he known that the "Enemy, strength unknown," that knocked out 3,000 Brandenburg Grenadiers was one company of the 1st Battalion The Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment, with the sole help of a few men of a cavalry squadron and a cyclist company, not 300 all told. The odds of Agincourt once more, ten to one—truly the men of Kent have not degenerated in 500 years. A nice problem the fight will be for German professors to explain, who cannot yet understand the English victory in 1415, except on the supposition that Henry V had superior numbers.

Here Captain Bloem mixes up the cyclists and the cavalry together; when you read the book, you find that the cavalry crossed back over the canal further down and were never involved, except in running skirmishes. Only one cavalryman reached Captain Lister's position with his message and stayed.

Next morning, to the utter astonishment of the Germans, they hear the explosions of the canal bridges being blown up. "It is quite impossible. The English—destroy the bridges! Sheer Lunacy! It must be something else." Eventually, they advance with caution for, "Curse them, they seem to understand war, these English. We find convincing signs of this everywhere. Marvellous how they have converted every house, every wall into a fortress ... and have finally slipped away without waiting for our bayonets and our butt ends."

Brave words the day after the battle, but over-night the colonel of the Brandenburgers had said, "If the English have the slightest suspicion of our condition and make a counter-attack, they will completely do us in.".The regiment (the Brandenburg Grenadiers), though in the advance guard, quite lost touch with us (the British). "The enemy was off—the signs of a hasty retreat, but not of a disorganised flight, are to be seen everywhere—disabled motor cars, burnt supplies, but not a single weapon or article of equipment." Later on Captain Bloem again notices that there are no signs of disorder.

Another account of the battle by the same writer published in Die Wocke in 1916 differs considerably from the above, and is evidently "cooked" for public consumption. In this the author complains that the Brandenburgers had to attack without artillery support—an obvious misstatement. He also remarks upon the deadly machine-gun fire of the English. At one period "We were only exposed to machine guns, but there were many, which shot excellently and were absolutely invisible." Though this may have been written in good faith, Captain Bloem is almost certainly mistaking rapid rifle fire for that of machine guns. At that time the British Army, compared with the Germans, had very few of the latter weapons.

The 1st Battalion Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment in truth only having two such weapons located up on the canal at this time. These may have been able to give support fire over the heads of "A" Company, but that is all. Neither of the two machine guns belonging to the battalion was with "A" Company. The truth is that very few German officers then had any conception of the capabilities of the rifle in British hands. Since the South African War an immense advance in musketry training had been made, and the quick and neat manipulation of the bolt of the rifle had received as much attention as accurate shooting. This had entailed much hard work, and the British infantry in general, and The Queen's Own Royal West Kent Regiment in particular, should be very grateful to Captain Bloem for his testimony to the result of their labours. The section covering this battle also mentions some of the conflict that was just starting to rage along the rest of the Mons–Condé Canal just as this battle was ending. In this, the British soldiers had the following to say of their German counterparts. This also included what "A" Company witnessed and felt as recorded by Private Donovan D.S.M. (it was he who ran to Captain Lister's aid when he was wounded and attempted to bring him back under a great barrage of fire).

What seemed to impress the rank and file, almost more than the unpleasantness of the German shell fire, was the very low standard, compared with their own of the German rifle fire. "The Germans couldn't hit a haystack," said one private to Private Donovan during the battle. A lance-corporal remarked, "The Germans came across the valley in front of us in thousands (very close), but their rifle fire as they advanced was absolutely rotten, while the only damage inflicted on us was wrought by the big guns which covered their advance.”

From the information it is not impossible to put this battle together. Though as I stated at the very beginning, working out the ratios for the combatants is a problem. Likewise, how you cover the slaughter that "A" Company made of the 12th Brandenburg Grenadiers is something I leave to you. Whatever you decide on, some manipulation of the rules is going to be necessary. Also, even though the Germans employed a machine gun company, it doesn't in general terms seem to have done them any good, and in fact isn't even mentioned as having caused too many casualties as compared to the artillery. The 110 dead and wounded seem to have been caused mainly by just this weapon, the artillery battery.

The slaughter of roughly two-thirds of a regiment is staggering, and in World War II would certainly have meant the death of its commander. As I said at the beginning, how do you explain defeat when you have odds of 10:1 in your favour?

I am only on page 45 of 325, and I am sure that I'm bound to find more interesting battles for those of you interested in World War I. Oh, I mentioned my Grandfather. Well, he also went on to serve in the Second World War and Afghanistan just after the end of the conflict in 1918. He is survived by my mother, my sister, younger brother, and of course me. Of the whole family, only I seem to have followed on in the military tradition for our family: being the first born male, joining up, and usually dying, believe it or not. My grandfather's oldest brother did this in the Great War, and the family tree show going back well over 700 years. Unfortunately I let the side down, one might say, but my son has already stated, "Dad, I'm going to be joining up." I'll not stop him, though, this is his wish. At least if it is the Australian military, I can say that they are exceptionally well paid.

For the following TOEs, I have simply used Osprey's books on the First World War, British and German Force 1914 - 1918. These are not their exact titles, but will suffice for now. In both cases I have had to take a general layout simply because I could not find any exact TOEs for the units involved. Thus I apologise up front if some think I have it wrong, those who play this period I'm sure will be able to correct any mistakes. British Battalion

Battalion Headquarters: Information not mentioned in any detail, except that the heavy machine gun officer was also to be found here. If you have to use it, placing a stand of say twenty men should suffice.

Battalion Machine Gun section: Two Maxims, one officer and 12 enlisted men. Machine guns carried on mules, each section divided into two teams (one gun each). These may have given support, as "A" Company was only roughly 700 yards in front of the Mons–Condé Canal itself, thus well within range of these weapons. What they may have seen is not recorded.

Four Infantry Companies (each):

Company Headquarters: Usually commanded by a captain—the rest is unfortunately not stated, but I would assume runners, a bat-man, stretcher bearers, etc. Each company normally contained four platoons (as shown above, this wasn't the case with the 1st The Queen's Own Royal West Kents).

1st - 4th Platoons (each): Platoon Headquarters Commander, usually an officer but later in the war a sergeant, though sometimes a corporal would be in charge.

4 Sections (each): 14 Riflemen. At this stage the British Army didn't contain any rifle grenade launchers or light machine guns, just rifles and bayonets.

Roughly, the following TOE is from a similar Osprey book on the German army of World War I. Again, it may not be 100% accurate and I would assume that at the very beginning the majority of the platoons if not all were commanded by an officer at this time. German Infantry Regiment 1914

Regimental Headquarters: Size and strength unknown, but apart from runners and other communications, it itself plays very little in the battle.

Each regiment contains three battalions, or in the case of the 12 Brandenburg Regiment, two battalions and one fusilier battalion. Here I have made them all the same for ease and space. But again, those in the know may wish to change this arrangement; this I leave to them.

Each battalion contained four companies and a machine gun company. Now, in this battle only one platoon of the machine gun company was involved; where the other two were, or if they even existed, I don't know, but only one is mentioned.

Battalion Headquarters: Again, size isn't recorded so again a stand to represent should suffice.

Companies: Each company consisted of four platoons, with each platoon divided up into four sections.

Company Headquarters: Again, exact size unknown, but a stand or figure should suffice with the company, usually commanded by a captain. Each company also contained four stretcher bearers.

Platoon Headquarters: Commanded by a junior officer, but other than that I have no information.

Four sections (each): One lance corporal (commander) and eight riflemen.

Machine Gun Company:

Company Headquarters: One officer and 10 enlisted men, two riding horses, 18 draught horses, nine two-horse wagons, and six hand carts for the Maxim 08 machine guns. Each of these carts was drawn by two men from the gun's team. One spare Maxim 08 machine gun as a replacement.

Three Heavy Machine Gun sections (each): Two Maxim 08 heavy machine guns, one officer and 20 enlisted men. [I thought this number a bit high, but doing the maths seemed to confirm this when the company in total had 137 officers and enlisted men].

77mm Artillery Battery: (Though according to Osprey they may well have been 10.5cm guns, I would go with the former personally). These were not near the front line but back behind Tertre, more in the direction of the Baudour—in particular the cross roads just before that village. Now, the 12th Brandenburg Regiment was well ahead of the rest of the army; in fact, it had managed to keep up with the German cavalry Uhlan Regiments. It was these guns which were usually attached to these regiments —thus the reason for this statement.

At this time, these batteries consisted of six guns in three sections of two each.

This completes the general (though not complete) TOE, for both forces which were involved in this battle. As stated in the history, the bulk of the casualties were caused by the artillery, with very few to the actual rifle fire of the 12th Brandenburg Grenadier Regiment itself.

Note: The German machine gun company was located in the vicinity of the Fusilier Battalion. Also, the distance from the bridge over the Mons–Condé Canal to where "A" Company set up was roughly 700 yards. This should give the gamer a rough scale with which to work. I have no idea of the name of main river where the 4th Platoon was located ("C" on map), as it is unreadable and not mentioned in the book either. This is the same for the stream as well. Both of this waterways flow into the Mons-Condé Canal, though. To the north there is also a railway station and train line which crosses over the canal off of the map to the right.

Well, I hope that this article gives you something to think about if you are into this period of warfare. Altering whatever rule sets you use I suspect will be necessary, just looking at the odds of 10:1 and the fact that the British company caused so much havoc, as stated even by the 12th Brandenburg Grenadiers' commander that evening after the battle. Some will ask why the bridges were blown; this was because the French armies to the left and right of the British were in full retreat, and the British forces were in a position to be surrounded and cut off. The Germans, in fact, were surprised later to find that the British troops managed to escape largely intact all the way back to just outside of Paris, mainly on foot. Defence of la Bois Haut

Battle of Mons 23rd August 1914. A WWI Rapid Fire! Scenario by Brad Smith Introduction

As the BEF fought desperately in the Mons salient on 23 August 1914, the German 33rd Brigade sought out its right flank in an effort to choke off the salient before the British could withdraw. Part of the BEF's 8th Brigade, supported by XL Brigade RFA, was deployed east of Mons to blunt the German pincer. British Forces

2nd Battalion Royal Scots Fusiliers 40 figs (elite - test @ 20)

1st Battalion Gordon Highlanders 40 figs (elite - test @ 20)

2nd Battalion Royal Irish Regt. B, D, and HQ Coys only

20 figs (elite - test @ 10)

Sections from 17 and 57 Field Coys RE

8 figs (elite/specialists)

XL Brigade RFA - 6, 23, and 49 Field Bty RFA each with 1 x 18 pdr with 4 crew and limber

(Brigade has 5 gunners with 1 wagon and 1 lorry) German Forces

75th Inf Regt. CO + 2 figs

I, II, and III Battalions each with 40 figs (regular - test @ 20) - enter Turn 1

76th Inf Regt. CO + 2 figs

I, II, and III Battalions each with 40 figs (regular test @ 20) - enter Turn 1

6 batteries (field) - off board British Deployment

The British positions are along the western table edge; all British Forces are deployed on table at the start of the game. The Gordons are deployed along the Harmignies Road, with the Royal Scots to their south. The Royal Irish are closer to the Mons-Havre Road. British artillery starts unlimbered on the un- wooded areas of la Bois Haut, and in reserve fire mode. There are no German or British FOO on the table. German Deployment

Each German battalion enters and must stay in close order until the battalion incurs in excess of 10% casualties (i.e. more than four figures). The 75th Regt enters along the eastern edge of the table, north of St Symphorien, and the 76th Regt along the eastern edge south of St Symphorien. The eastern edge is treated as the German lines and the western edge as the British lines. German Artillery

There are no artillery observers on table. To simulate the random nature of the German bombardment, at the start of each German turn six position markers (one for each battery) are placed anywhere on the table of the German player's choosing. As each battery is selected to fire, the centre of the template is placed over its marker. A d10 is then rolled to determine the actual target square (10 = any square nominated by the German player) and the position marker is removed. Once the target square is determined, the IDF marker is placed in it and IDF is resolved. After each battery fires, its IDF marker is removed. The same procedure is then followed in subsequent turns. If a bridge accumulates four casualties' worth of damage from IDF, it is destroyed. Terrain

The elevations are not steep and as such do not act as a continuous obstacle, other than where wooded. All built-up areas start the game undamaged. Scenario Rules

The game lasts 10 moves, starting with German turn one. British troops start concealed in hasty entrenchments and in reserve fire mode. Victory Conditions

The German objective is to cut the Hyon road as quickly as possible. The British objective is to delay the Germans as long as possible.

In addition to casualty points, the British receive 25 points for each German turn that the Germans do not have at least 40 figures (in a non-routed unit) beyond the Boussu line and 15 points for each bridge destroyed. The Germans receive 150 points if at the end of the game they have at least 40 figures (in a non-routed unit) beyond the Boussu line. To claim victory, a side must have 300 points with a margin of not less than 50 points. Any other result is a draw. Bibliography

"Mons 1914 The BEF's Tactical Triumph" by David Lomas Pub. Osprey 1997.

"Mons 1914" by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave Pub. Pen & Sword 2000.

Mons 1914 – WWI Horse website http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-10

The Battle of Mons – First World War web site http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-09

Mons, August 23rd, 1914

A "Square Bashing" Scenario by Nigel Clarke. After Action Report by Rob Connolly

They shall not grow old, as we that are left grow old. Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning We will remember them.

“The Fallen”, Robert Binyon

The battle of Mons was the first great accident of WWI involving the British. Having landed in France on the 14th of August, the 70,000 strong BEF, under the command of Sir John French, headed out to meet the French Army at Charleroi.

On the 22nd August it made contact with the German 1st Army under General Alexander von Kluck, who was surprised to find his opponent here. He had been in pursuit of another nation's army and found instead a small force from the British Empire.

Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien deployed II Corps along a 40km front aligned with the canal. Forbidden from outflanking his enemy for fear he would lose contact with 2nd Army, Kluck ordered a full-scale assault the next day. On the 23rd 150,000 Germans attacked the British. The rifle fire they met was so intense that some reported the use of many machine guns. Despite only suffering 1,600 casualties and inflicting many more on the enemy, and forcing him to commit his reserve, the BEF was hopelessly outnumbered and forced to withdraw, an inevitability hastened by the collapse of the Belgians. The BEF withdrew to the Marne to fight the next big set-piece engagement of the Great War. Square Bashing

Square Bashing was, on its release, quite unusual. It used a grid system and was designed for truly immense battles. Each base of figures was a company, with four bases making a battalion. Artillery batteries were represented by one or two gun models. A little diorama makes up the vitally important higher command bases. Within the rules there is only ranged fire by artillery; everything else is the assault, a combination of rifle and machine gun fire, as well as the final bayonet charge (if it ever gets that far). It plays in a quick and easy fashion, but still has the right "feel".

The Forces

The British forces are elements of II Corps under Sir Smith-Dorrien, and are battalions of four bases, rated as professional, and batteries of single 18-pounder gun model. Higher commanders are brigadier- generals. The British have "Dig in and Hold" orders and use the "They Shall Not Pass" rule from Storm of Steel.

Elements of 7th Brigade

1/Wiltshire Regiment (A3)

1/Royal Irish Rifles (A4)

Elements of 8th Brigade

Brigadier –General (A3)

4/Middlesex Regiment + 1 MG Company (B4)

1/Gordon Highlanders (A4)

9th Brigade

Brigadier General (A2)

1/Royal Scots Fusiliers (B1)

1/Northumberland Fusiliers (A2)

1/Lincolnshire Regiment (A3)

4/Royal Fusiliers + 1 MG Company (B3)

Elements of XXII Brigade RA

107th Field Artillery (B3)

XL Brigade RA

6th, 23rd, and 49th Battery (each 1 gun) (all A4)

The Germans are elements of 1st Army under General von Kluck. The cavalry are regiments of four bases, the infantry regiments, each consisting of one MG company and three battalions each of four bases. Artillery is any appropriate type. All German forces are Average quality. They have "Steady Advance" orders, and must make their first assault on any British-held square in close order. Elements of 9 Cavalry Division

1/Hussars (6)

3/Uhlans (D1)

8/Cuirassiers (D4)

III Korps

Elements of 6th Division (all D1)

20 Infantry Regiment

24 Infantry Regiment

3 Field Artillery Regiment (3 Batteries)

IX Korps

Elements of 17th Division (all A6)

75 Infantry Regiment

24 Field Artillery Regiment (3 Batteries)

Elements of 18th Division

84 Infantry Regiment (D3)

85 Infantry Regiment (D6)

86 Infantry Regiment (D4)

9 Field Artillery Regiment (6 Batteries) (D3)

54 Field Artillery Regiment (6 Batteries) (D5) Deployment

The British start in and around Mons. The reference in the order of battle refers to the starting square. In addition, the following squares have level 1 fortification in the form of shell scrapes and barricades; A1 (Jemappes), A2, B3 (Nimy), B4 and A4. Reserves

Unlike a standard Square Bashing game, the German attackers do not start on table. They arrive according to the following schedule, in the squares noted in their order of battle above. Artillery needs to roll a 3+ on a d6 to arrive, rolling each turn until it is successful. Higher commands allow the usual re-roll.

Time Turn Units

6:00 1 9th Cavalry Division

9:00 2 18th Division

9:45 4 17th Division

10:30 7 6th Division Victory

Victory is determined by the usual rules with the following specific notes:

Defender (British) receives +6 per order option lower for a total of +18.

Attacker (German) receives +2 per square occupied or the last to pass through from A1-5 and B1-5 (maximum of 10 squares), and +3 per defender base edge square (A1-4) occupied with a clear path to own baseline, up to a maximum of +9 (three squares). The Re-Fight

The Germans intended to attack in the centre, massing 84th and 86th Regiment, together with the Hussars and the Uhlans, to attack Nimy. 85th Regiment was to act as flank support. 20th and 24th regiments are either to conduct a follow up attack or assault Jemappes, while 75th will move against the British east of Mons, but will not push their attack if high casualties are likely. The British planned to hold their position using the Lincs and Wilts battalions as reserve.

The first turn sees the arrival of the cavalry and the British holding their ground, with the Royal Scots falling back across the bridge. Turn two sees the 18th Division arrive, and the British artillery begins to fire on the arriving German infantry. Turn three heralds more manoeuvre, and the start of an artillery duel between 9th Field Artillery and 107th Battery RA, which the British lose, a company being destroyed as well as the artillery battery.

Turn four is the first time the Germans are in a position to assault, and assault they do, with the 84th and 86th Regiments, supported by the Cuirassiers. They wipe out the Fusiliers,but the British had moved up the Lincs, and so hold the square (by using the "They Shall Not Pass" rule. The Lincs lose a base but do not have to retreat). The artillery continues to fly back and forth across the battlefield, inflicting casualties on both sides.

The next turn the Germans launch another assault on Nimy. Supported by artillery, the Germans' close- order assault wipes out the Lincs and takes the square. This is vital, as by occupying the square the British lose both the fortifications and the river to defend.

By turn seven the remaining Germans have arrived and are beginning to push the British across the line. The next turn the Germans are ready to assault on from Nimy into Mons itself, but despite casualties the British hold, while the Germans are driven back, taking heavy loses.

Turn nine sees the 75th Regiment pushing the British right. They drive the forces there back into Mons, but are unable to press their advantage and occupy the terrain. The British then reoccupy Nimy in the next turn and drive back an assault on their left flank with style.

Turn eleven sees a final German assault from on the British left flank, wiping out another infantry battalion and advancing from Jemappes towards Mons. After this turn the countdown reaches zero and the game ends. Time to count the victory points and see who won. Final reckoning puts the British on 44 to the Germans' 41, a narrow British victory, just giving the Germans a bloody nose. Conclusions

A more evenly balanced game than my previous one, with the Germans making a slow start, keeping up a strong middle, but petering out at the end. The close scores at the end reflect how the game went. The Germans were helped by the longer game length—up to a point. Had the game carried on for another turn, they might well have recaptured B4. The British suffered constant losses without being able to inflict more in return, until they massed in defence.

Such a tactic, however, weakened their line elsewhere, meaning that the Germans were bound to break through at some point. The BEF's professional status and musketry bonus, helped them to avoid serious morale failures; the Germans came off consistently worse when testing for morale. The German artillery was never the influence it might have been, being scattered across the board and taking a long time to concentrate.

This time round the German tactic of massing three regiments for Close Assault paid off, but at a cost— only 14 bases of the original 36 survived, and these were thrown back against their own start line. Their assault so thinned the British ranks overall that the flank attacks were successful, almost resulting in a narrow German victory. This might have still been the case had not the German forces in B2 made a reckless attack upon the British in A2, giving the British a gift of three easy points. Acknowledgements

The scenario was originally written by Nigel Clarke, and is available (with others) in the files section of the RFCM Yahoo Group (http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-11). The AAR was by Rob Connolly and was posted on the same group. Both kindly gave their permission for their writings to be edited together and reproduced here.

Naval Warfare in the Arctic 1914-1920

Rob Morgan Introduction

The battle of Tsushima in May 1905 saw the end of Tsarist Russia as a first-rank naval power. For the next decade she struggled to provide sufficient ships and resources to protect her Baltic and Black Sea coasts. The Arctic was, it seems, not even considered by the naval planners, because of its remoteness and its lack of communications and infrastructure. Why would anyone attack there? The Campaign

In August 1914, no warships were stationed in either the Barents Sea or the White Sea, apart from a small fishery protection ship Bakanan, and the only significant port, Archangelsk, had absolutely no naval facilities. To make matters worse, only a single light railway linked the port to Vologda and then Moscow. Archangelsk was geared mainly to the export of timber, and also blocked by ice for several months during winter. The speed with which the Baltic narrows and the Bosphorus were both closed to Russia changed everything.

Tsarist military engineers began to extend the facilities at Archangelsk, and to develop the newly established, largely ice-free port at Romanovo (Murmansk) along with railway connections to the south. One desperate need was for icebreakers to operate in the approaches to the White Sea; in early autumn the newly purchased Kanada arrived, but proved not to be strong enough for the Arctic work.

As a result, the first Royal Navy warship to be stationed in a Russian port since 1812 steamed north to assist her. J-IMS Jupiter was an elderly pre-dreadnought, of the 15,000-ton Majestic class, the largest single class of battleships ever built. She was built at Clydebank in 1897; her strong hull and good sea- keeping qualities made her very suitable to serve at Archangelsk. Jupiter carried four 12" guns and could manage 15 knots. Her normal complement of 670 officers and men was reduced somewhat for the expedition.

Unfortunately for I-IMS Jupiter, her intended role was not a success, since the winter of 1914/1915 was mild enough to allow Archangelsk to work up to the middle of February. The port was able to transfer some 500,000 tons of Welsh coal for the Baltic fleet, and to begin the landing of weapons and materials for the army. By this time J-IMS Jupiter had suffered some damage after touching ground beneath her keel in the Gorlo Straits. Since the White Sea had no facilities to dock her, even for inspection, she was forced to sail for Scapa Flow. The Russian Naval Command had asked for Jupiter to remain on station as the guard and base-ship for the White Sea, a role which she could easily have fulfilled, but the Admiralty needed even its oldest ships to combat zeppelin incursions nearer home.

This small contribution was by no means the end of Russo-British co-operation in the Arctic seas. German auxiliary cruisers were becoming active, laying mines and taking coastal vessels, so the Royal Navy sent a reserve flotilla of six minesweeping trawlers and an auxiliary support ship to work the channels. One of them, ELMS Lord Denman, was lost late in l915. The small cruiser HMS Iphigenia, with two 6" guns and a crew of 250 men, also arrived to oppose the German ships. In return the Russian Admiralty ordered a substantial number of trawlers, of 400 tons, each armed with a 3" gun, for use as minesweepers and escorts from British yards. By this time the Russians had recognised the full potential of this area and coastal batteries and defensive minefields were established. A Russian Arctic flotilla was to be based at Archangelsk and in a somewhat odd form it came into existence, though not until 1918 was the White Sea to see the white ensign in great numbers. The Models

There's wargames potential here, and yet again I've turned to the 1:600 scale Triton range for inspiration. The Round Table-class trawler Sir Lancelot - CF32 in Triton's range is the model easily converted for the Russian trawlers. The Round Table class was 126' long overall, 23.5' in the beam, displacing some 450 tons with a complement of 35. The Russians' vessels were known as the T13 class, and indeed there were thirteen of them in total (though some sources say seventeen). These ships were 130' overall, 23.5' beam, displacing 500 tons, ten knots flat out and with a crew of 32. The very similar in outline makes modelling easy with no serious alteration required. The T13s had a single 3" gun with no shield mounted forward in the same position as Sir Lancelot's WWII 12pdr. Her funnel was around the same height, her foremast in the same position; bridge-works virtually the same, though the 20mm AA gun must be deleted and in this position the T13s carried a simple pole mast 25mm in height. Alongside this mast a pair of ship's boats on davits (no Carley rafts in the Arctic in WWI), which come as so often in these articles from the Peter Pig ACW 1:600 range (No. 13-10 for £1.70). Russian ships were dark sea grey overall and bore no pennant numbers during the war period.

I should mention that many of the Russian vessels were "re-acquired" by the Royal Navy in 1918; during the Russian Civil War's early stages, four served exactly as described above with only a 3" gun in WWII. They were the Axe class: HMS Battleaxe (ex-T16); HMS Goldaxe (ex-T13); HMS Iceaxe (ex- T17) and HMS Stoneaxe (ex-T14). By 1940, they were re-named HMS Dee, Garry, Kennet, and Liffey respectively. All survived WWII, and of course I'm mentioning this because building the Russian flotilla also gives you a WWII RN trawler group for no extra cost. Some defected to the Reds; others were in White hands for a season. During the intervention period even the French acquired one of them, T22, naming her Commandant Vergoignan, armament unchanged (I believe this vessel served under French colours until 1940 and may have survived to see service with the Germans as a VP boat).

This also seems an appropriate moment to mention that in May 1941 the Royal Navy came into the possession of the Kriegsmarine's armed escort trawler August Wreidt, a VorpostenBoot built in 1929. This vessel is remarkably similar to CF322 in Triton's list but for obvious reasons she was immediately re-armed with a l2pdr forward and a couple of 20mm A/A guns; she occasionally operated as a "Shetland Bus". Back to the icy waters of the Arctic in the Great War

By 1915 the Russians recognised their problem; German auxiliary minelayers were steaming around constantly (CF905 and CF906 make ideal models for this type of warship, by the way), so the Russians mobilised a large number of auxiliaries of their own. From fishing boats and trawlers to some tugs, these were numbered T1-T42, and were of varying types—several armed only with one 3" gun forward and capable of a sedate 9 knots. These can be modelled from CF310 in Triton's list with only the forward gun mounted and a small 6mm high funnel aft of the wheelhouse. Or take a look at CF911, a 350 ton steam tug that can have a suitable "Russian" armament added to her. The two "lighter" sets, CF912 and CF912A, also provide a useful group of vessels for the Arctic.

Next, the Tamiya 1:700 scale "Tugger Set" provides a couple of suitably small harbour tugs to add to the Russian flotilla, if a single light gun is mounted well forward. The 15m launch in this set will represent a MT 50' motor minesweeper of the Russian navy, armed only with a single .08 MG and slow (another 9-knot boat). Having invested (wisely) in the 1:700 "Tugger Set" you'll notice that it contains an "aircraft freighter" which looks like a big landing craft and that's what it's going to become.

The Russians built fifty Russud class landing craft originally for the Black Sea fleet in 1915. They were numbered 1-50, were 200 tons and were only very slightly longer and wider than the model. When used in 1:600 scale, part 18 in the kit is the hull and part 19 is intended as an upper part of the wheelhouse. Trim off the flange on the hull part and cement part 19 over the round protrusion right aft centrally; this represents a structure on the original Russuds. One bow boom at port is included, as part 20, but you need two, one to starboard.

These were fascinating craft. One or two found their way to the Arctic, but most served in Southern Russia. If you build one purely as a landing craft, then a 4cm by 1cm strip of thin ridged card needs to be cemented forward of the wheelhouse to cover the hold as far as the bow-placed over the three hatches on the hull.

However, as another slight aside, by late 1917 most were fitted with MGs and 3" guns, and several became river gunboats with a 6" gun amidships and a host of lighter weapons. Six served the Tsar on the Danube in this way and another four served with the Red Navy as armed gunboats. These were called 7 Revoutsiya, 25 Oktyabrya, Sverdlov, and Marat and all fought throughout the Civil War armed with a variety of guns, including, from time to time, field guns. The White armies used three or four others in the same way and since, due to war production problems, some twenty of the Russuds were delivered without their 5-knot diesel engines, many of these became floating batteries and guard ships. The Wargame

The early attacks by German auxiliary minelayers, which normally carried a single or pair of 8.8cm guns and some MGs, are easy enough to game as a campaign, but probably better on the map. I use an Admiralty chart, by the way, as the basis for most of my naval games where specific shores are required, and they are still remarkably cheap from yacht chandlers.

The Civil War period is the best to game since it provides the opportunity to mix Red/White and Allied trawlers alongside other smaller auxiliaries and tugs and the landing craft and launches. An attack on a coastal convoy, of say a tug, lighters, and a couple of landing craft escorted by a trawler or two, none of them capable of more than eight or ten knots flat out, gives an interesting alternative to all that dashing around in the English Channel at 30-odd knots. The single 3" carried by most vessels also makes the game suitable for those who are not familiar with the sea and get confused by broadsides, etc.

The weather again is an interesting factor. You can wargame these Civil War actions in high summer, when there's no real nightfall. Or in early winter or spring, when the ships must by and large operate through channels cut by icebreakers with attendant "sweeping" problems, then there's early twilight. Weather is always a major factor in the Arctic, and fog is more common than most people assume.

Operations in and out of the White Sea archipelago with and without ice floes and on the rivers: The Kem, Kola, Onega, and Dvina. All provide "Interventionist" and "Red-White" scenarios afloat and in action against shore forces (take a look at Peter Pig's ACW range for 1:600 - shore batteries and fortifications). I've not tried this but in the Triton range there's CA392A, WWII Swordfish biplane, and this could probably be adapted to make a Russian Civil War aircraft or float-plane.

For slightly larger Royal Navy presence the new paddle warship HMS Aristocrat—CF37 in the list— can be turned into one of the many British WWI paddlers used as minesweepers (there were well over seventy in total) simply by reducing the guns and adding ship's boats. CF31O makes a delightful Admiralty drifter, but I'll be returning to that subject later. If you want a broader Allied presence in the Arctic then use one of the US "four-stackers", either CF640 or the Airfix HMS Campbeltown. From June 1918, USS Conner was based at Brest and could well be "transferred" to northern waters; her pennant number was D72. All simple enough conversions, I think, and a very different 20th century war.

Rob Morgan is the Secretary of the Welsh Maritime Association

Battle of Tanga, 2nd to 5th November 1914

The Battle of the Bees by Bryan Graves

Tanga was an important port and rail terminus. It was made up of 80 large stone buildings and 800 smaller buildings and the town was surrounded by dense brush.

The cruiser HMS Fox arrived off the coast of Tanga on 17 August 1917 and extracted an agreement from the town that the population would not initiate local hostilities and keep the port open via gunboat diplomacy, by bombarding the port's key facilities.

The British started the first big offensive in November 1914 with an amphibious attack on the important port town of Tanga, where the Usambara railway terminated also. The invasion was poorly planned, with 8,000 second-rate untrained Indian troops assigned for the operation against what was thought to be an inferior German force; some of the troops did not know how to use their rifles. This force was the 27th Indian Brigade and the Imperial Service Brigade, with only one British regular battalion, called 2nd Loyal Lancashire Regiment, who were the only regular British unit to serve in the whole campaign. This force was labelled Expeditionary Force B (EF B). Expeditionary Force A was to attack from the north by land, but the two forces were ill co-ordinated.

The Indian force was kept on board their cramped transport ships for two weeks before leaving port, which must have done wonders for morale. Another amazing incident before the battle was the arrival of the cruiser HMS Fox again two days before the landing to announce that the August agreement was terminated and the town was be attacked, giving Lettow-Vorbeck vital time to reinforce the single platoon in Tanga to 1,000 men. A few days later the HMS Fox reappeared and demanded the surrender of the town, which the Germans choose not to surrender, shocking HMS Fox. The actions of HMS Fox destroyed the element of surprise, but the German forces were still out-numbered eight to one.

On the 3rd of November 1914, EF B started to land 3km south of Tanga harbour as the Allied commander Brig General Arthur Aiken assumed the port to be mined, and with no reconnaissance of the area the landing took place on beaches A, B, and C. The landing took place on 2nd & 3rd November with the 61 King George's Own Pioneers and 13th Rajputs landing on muddy beaches protected by coral and mangroves, resulting in a slow build-up of forces. These forces approached Tanga via the plantation area early on the morning of 3rd November with no scouting. The force got as far as the ditch and railway embankment on the outskirts of Tanga before being repulsed by units of the 17 FK. More troops were landed on the 3rd and 4th of November for another attack from the plantation area, supported by the guns of HMS Fox and the Indian mountain battery firing from the transport ship SS Bharata. This fire was uncoordinated, and either did not fire or fired with no FO units. The Germans had brought a large part of a defensive force back from the Mt Kilimanjaro area along the Usambara railway to reinforce Tanga, which was an 18-hour train journey away. This northern force was to defend against EF-A, which was threatening to attack from the British East African border 80 miles away, but the two forces were not fully coordinated and the Germans made use of their lines of communication, the railway. One FK could be transported in one train load without porters, so it's fair to assume machine guns and maybe the small field guns were brought to Tanga. The second attack was not preceded by any reconnaissance, and the ill-formed advancing Indian formations were stopped at the town's outskirts, with the Askaris firing from the houses. The fighting turned into house-to-house combat, but the Allied units suffered losses and with little reinforcement fell back. The German Askaris counter-attacked, and a series of jungle skirmishes resulted; also, the local bee population was angered and stung anybody they could.

The Allies were ambushed by the German forces and the fighting broke down into another round of spread-out jungle skirmishes hampered by the stings of the local angry bees.

The battle gets it's name "Battle of the Bees" from the area being farmed for honey and the wild bees becoming angry during the fighting and stinging anyone in the area, resulting in a less then comfortable combat situation.

The battle ended with Lettow-Vorbeck's forces counter-attacking and overrunning the ill-prepared British defensive positions, making the British forces withdraw to their transports, which took most of the 5th of November.

The rout of the Indian troops was witnessed by a covering force of 25 Fusiliers (Frontiersmen) "We saw some enemy Aksaris (German reconnaissance patrol) approaching the beach and fired on them. The noise of our few rifles put the whole retreating Indian battalion on the beach to flight who threw down their rifles and ran unto their neck into the sea hoping to be picked up, we were glad the enemy did not see this".

After the battle the British, under a white flag, met and discussed the battle with the Germans in a somewhat gentlemanly way helped by a bottle of brandy. Casualties for the British were 350 dead and 500 wounded, and for the Germans 70 dead and 80 wounded. Lettow-Vorbeck's's forces also recovered the British weapons left behind during the rout, comprised of rifles, machine guns, supplies, and 600,000 rounds of ammunition to arm and re-supply the under-supplied force.

Allied force EF B

27th (Bangalore) Infantry Brigade

2nd Loyal Royal Lancashire Regiment landed 3rd November

63rd Palamcottah Light Infantry landed 3rd & 4th November

98th Infantry landed 3rd & 4th November

101st Grenadiers landed 3rd & 4th November

Imperial Service Brigade

13th Rajputs landed 2nd & 3rd November

2nd & 3rd Kashmir Rifles landed 3rd & 4th November

3rd Gwalior Rifles landed 3rd & 4th November

ALSO

61st King George's Own Pioneers landed 2nd & 3rd November

28th Indian Mountain Battery fired from SS Bharata

HMS Fox naval guns 2 x 6" & 8 x 5" German Force in Tanga

17 FK at Tanga 2nd November

16 FK arriving 3rd November

4 Schutztruppe Kompagnien (Sch K4)

6 FK

Sch K7 & 8

Sch K 4 & 13 FK

4 & 13 FK arrived 4th November Main Battle

2 x field gun batteries arrived 5th November

In 1916 a company from the Indian 101st Grenadiers returned to Tanga and captured the almost abandoned town, but came under constant sniper fire from some German units in the area. The Fourth Battle of Jassin

18 / 19 January 1915 by Bryan Graves

Jassin was a small village known to the Germans as Jassini, in German East Africa, 80 miles north of Tanga, close to the coast. It was a centre for the production of palm oil, sugar, and sisal used for making cord or rope; there was a stone-built sisal factory about 1,000 yards north of Jassin village. Jassin was in an unhealthy swamp area when it rained but was linked to the town of Moa by a trolley railway and a road ran through it from Tanga to the settlement of Mwumoni. There was a lot of action and movement by both sides leading up to 18 January, with the village starting in German hands and then, for the fourth battle, in Allied hands. Also it is important to note that the village was in the Umba River area, and troops were posted on the south bank of the Umba River, with the largest concentrations at Jassin, Samanya (Umba Camp), and Bwago Macho with other Allied forces based at the Umba camp as a fire brigade. Samanya had four companies of the 101st Grenadiers, Wavell's Arab Company, and a machine gun section. Bwago Macho had Lieutenant Jones' Scout Company patrolling the upper Mwena. The whole area was overgrown, with bayonet-like bush which slowed the Germans but gave them cover as they approached Jassin.

A quick note about the Jassin area before 18 January; 200 men of the Arab volunteers "Arabische Korps" were stationed around Jassin in October 1914, and around the time of the Battle of Tanga the British moved a small force towards Jassin, who fled back to British East Africa when taken on by the Arabische Korps. Soon after, about 2,000 Allied forces moved on the Jassin area and the Arabische Korps fell back. German forces and plan (Lettow-Vorbeck) - Major Keppler would attack the left flank of Jassin with the 11 and 4 Feldkompagnien. Hauptmann Adler would attack the right flank of Jassin with the 15 and Feldkompagnien. Hauptmann Otto would attack the defended village frontally using the 9 Feldkompagnie and Arabische Korps along the main road and a reserve of command section, 7 Schützenkompanie (102 Europeans under the command of Hauptmann Demuth), the "Battaillon Schultz" of the 1, 6, and 13 Feldkompagnien, two C73 field guns under Hauptmann A.D. Hering, and one 4.7cm rapid-fire gun and one revolver gun under Lieutenant D.L. Fromme, located behind the Abteilung Otto. Giving 244 Europeans, 1,350 Askari, approximately 400 Arab volunteers, 23 machine guns, and four field guns. The Germans' plan was to lure the Allied forces into a trap in and around Jassin.

Allied forces defending Jassin: (Colonel Raghbir Singh of the 2/Jammu & Kashmir Rifles) - One company 101st Grenadiers (137 sepoys), two companies 2/Jammu & Kashmir Rifles with an MG section after its loss at Tanga (150 sepoys), One Kings African Rifles (KAR) Machine Gun (nine Askaris), One signal section (six sepoys) and two British officers of captain rank. There were also 40 sepoys of the 2/Jammu and Kashmir Rifles defending the fortified sisal factory. The whole garrison was well supplied with food and water but demoralized due to the climate (sick). Captain Gifford with B Company 1/KAR had just arrived at Umba Camp were the main force was based.

At the Umba camp - B & D 3/ KAR, A & C/1 KAR, 28th Indian Mountain Battery, a half battalion of the Jind Imperial Service Infantry, and Wavell's scout cavalry.

The Allied plan was to wait for an engagement and send reinforcements to hopefully win the action.

The battle started around dawn with the three German Abteilung moving towards the village, and Major Keppler was surprised that the British outposts were unmanned as they approached the village which they found to be a British bomba (fortified area around the plantation and village consisting of earthworks and trenches). At 05:15 Keppler's right flank force came under heavy fire from the village, and the same goes for the centre and left flank forces. This resulted in four out of five European MG crew being killed, along with Major Keppler. Hauptmann Stemmernann of 11 FK took command of this right flank Abteilung. On the left flank Abteilung, Adler split into two forces, with 17 FK moving to the northwest to intercept any reinforcements from Semanya (Ulma Camp), while 15 FK attacked the village and sisal factory. They occupied the main factory after a hard fight causing the Indian sepoys to retreat to the cover of the building in the village. At 09:00 it could no longer move against the sepoys within the building at the village. In the centre Abteilung, Otto took heavy losses with the Arabische Korps leading the attack who, when fired upon, ran away. Then the 9 FK was reinforced by the elite 13 FK, and during the first 10 minutes of attack the 9 FK lost seven officers and the 13 FK lost three officers. The heavy fire from the Allied positions even wounded the German medical officer and caused losses in the German command section, with a senior staff officer being killed and Lettow-Vorbeck being shot in the arms (and hat). As the Germans started their attack, Colonel Singh ordered an SOS rocket fired to alert the Umba Camp, and luckily the daily detachment of the 101st Grenadiers arrived from Umba camp. Lieutenant Colonel Cunningham, temporarily in command of the Umba Camp, sent three companies of KAR B/1 and 3 and D3 to the Umba river north of Jassin. They were halted by the fire of 17 FK, positioned on a low bush-covered ridge overlooking the river. The 17 FK had been positioned defensively at Tanga and had two Maxims with them on the ridge, firing on the KAR companies. After four hours of heavy fire from the Allies, and with the German officer lost the 11, 4, 6, 13 FKs and the 7 Sch. K. surrounded Jassin, with only 100 yards between the Germans and Allied defences. At 10:00 shots were heard from the observation post of the Arabische Korps northwest of the town, and the 17 FK were sent to block any Allied reinforcements. The two companies of 3/ KAR were order to attack across the river while B/1 KAR was ordered to attack across the river to try and reach the 40 sepoys 2nd Jammu and Kashmir Rifles in the sisal factory.

Adler's Abteilung was reinforced with three MGs from 15 FK, which Adler placed on his right flank and placed his own MG section on his left flank. The three KAR companies' bayonet charged over the river and secured a bridgehead, but after two hours of heavy fighting were forced to retreat. The KAR companies were ordered to retreat, regroup, and wait for reinforcements; little did they know that the Germans were almost out of ammunition. The Germans had poured fire onto the sisal factory and the determined defenders fought back with great morale. After they had fired their last round, the 40 sepoys of 2nd Kashmir Rifles (Gurkhas) were ordered by Subadar Mardan Ali to a bayonet and kukris charge into the German lines, which amazingly worked, with 29 of them reaching Ulma camp by scattering into the bush. When Cunningham received a report and a request for reinforcements, he sent A/1 KAR, C/1 KAR companies, two single companies of Jind infantry, and a section of the 28 Mountain Artillery into the battle.

When the 28th Mountain Battery section entered the battle (probably where the KAR had previously fought) the Germans tried to ambush them with MGs and capture them with a bayonet charge. The guns fired 40 shrapnel rounds in five minutes at 300 yards, knocking out the German MGs and scattering the German infantry. When the Allied reinforcements arrived, Captain Gifford organized the two 1/KAR companies on the right, the Jind Infantry in the centre and the 2 3/KAR on the left. The opposing Germans of 17 FK were reinforced with 6, 9, and 13 FK (7 Sch K were moved into reserve due to losses). The Germans thought they were to be attacked by eight Indian companies, but knew the thick vegetation, smoke, and battle confusion had stopped the Allied artillery. At midday the new Allied commander, Brigadier General Tighe, ordered the Allied attack over the river, with Jind companies firing three volleys, then charged across the river. When the Allied companies reached the far shore the Jind infantry were caught in a crossfire and suffered heavy losses of 56 out of 120 sepoys, resulting in the surviving sepoys fleeing back across the river. The two 1/KAR companies were ordered to stop before reaching the river, and the 3/KAR companies who had managed to cross the river and hold their ground were ordered to retreat back across the river.

Tighe planned to attack the next morning with naval support (Jassin is close to the coast) and two companies 101st Grenadiers as reinforcements from Mombasa, as he thought the Jassin garrison could hold out for seven days with the stockpiled food, water, and ammunition. The garrison in Jassin had 300 rounds per man before that battle; most of that had been used and the only MG had stopped working. Also, Colonel Raghbir Singh had been killed. The Allied defenders did not know that the Germans had also run out of ammunition, except for Hauptmann Frome's 4.7cm and revolver gun which started to bombard the village. Now Captain Hanson, the officer defending Jassin, thought about a break-out, but decided to stay and defend the village.

On the morning of the 19 January, Frome started to bombard the Jassin at 05:00 from the north-east, and the always "plucky" Gurkhas of the 2nd Jammu and Kashmir Rifles gathered their last rounds and at 05:40 tried to break out by attacking the Frome battery. This break-out failed, with 25 casualties, while the 101st Grenadiers who were to follow lost ten men. At 08:00 Captain Hanson saw no sign of help, and to save lives surrendered by sending a message under a white flag. On completion of the surrender terms, British Captains Hanson and Turner meet with Oberstleutnant von Lettow-Vorbeck, who praised them on their defence of the town, returned their swords, and released them on parole never to fight against Germans again during the war. The Germans took 400 prisoners, but their own losses were high.

Losses, British / Allied: Two Indian officers killed, 74 other Indian ranks killed. Three British officers, three Indian officers, and 39 Indian other ranks wounded. KAR 1/Kar: One officer and ten Askaris wounded. 3/KAR: One officer and 15 Askaris wounded. German: Seven European officers, 18 European NCOs and low ranks, 53 Askaris killed. 15 European officers, 23 European NCOs and low ranks, and many Askaris wounded

Even though Oberstleutnant von Lettow-Vorbeck won the battle, he calculated that he could only fight another three of this type of action, which he said was too costly. This crystallized his desire to fight the British / Allies in a guerilla war instead of a pitched battle. This battle is interesting as it has Lettow- Vorbeck commanding on the battlefield; it is a truly colonial battle fought between two colonial powers using colonial troops. Finally Lettow-Vorbeck said, "It showed that such heavy losses as we had suffered could only be borne in exceptional cases. I could at most fight three more actions of this nature. The need to strike great blows only quite exceptionally and to restrict myself principally to guerilla warfare was evidently imperative."

In future battle and skirmishes Lettow-Vorbeck's forces always resist, but fall back in a series of delaying / ambush type actions, then retire to the bush down their lines of communication before the Allied forces can out-flank them and bring the Germans into another attritional battle. These battles are just a few from hundreds with the British, Belgians, Portuguese, and Rhodesia. I used the term Allies to make the point that most combatants on the British side were Indian, African, and South African, or from other parts of the British Empire. In the texts it always states British forces.

Salatia Hill

12 Feb 1915 by Bryan Graves

This hill was also known as Oldorobo Hill by the Germans, and is halfway between Taveta and Makatau Road. It was occupied by the Germans at the early stages of the war, and the Allies wanted it back, as it lies in British East Africa. The hill was approximately 2,000 yards long. A South African soldier's diary states they had a good view of the hill but it was surrounded by dense brush.

German forces under Major Kraut (ironic name): 120 Germans, 1,200 Askaris with 12 MGs and two small guns. Also a separate force of three companies (600 men) camped west of Salatia Hill at Taveta six miles away, commanded by Captain Schulz. This force was to be used as a counter-attack force against the Allies when they attacked Salatia Hill, giving about 2,000 men.

Allied forces under Brig General Mallason: 1st East Africa Brigade (EAB) of 2nd Loyal Lancs, 2nd Rhodesians, and 130th Baluchis. The 2nd South African Infantry Brigade (SAB) of 5th, 6th, and 7th South African Infantry battalions, and the Divisional Troop of the Mounted Infantry Company and Belfields Mounted Scout and the 4th Indian Mountain Artillery Brigade, comprised of 28th Mountain Battery, the No 1 Light Battery, the Calcutta Volunteer Battery, the No 3 and 4 Heavy Batteries, 4 armoured cars, the Volunteer MG Battery and the 61st Pioneer. This force came to about 6,000 men and the Allied plan was to attack from the north and the east at the same time.

The Allies started from Serengeti eight miles from the hill with the SA Brigade to the northwest, the EA Brigade from the west, and the two forces reached Nyoro nallah (dry river bed) at about 07:00. The SA Brigade took positions 1,000 yards from the hill, while EA Brigade, along with the artillery, took up positions within 3,000 yards of the hill less two 4" guns which were left at Nyoro nallah. The SAB advance was supported by the 28th Mountain Battery to within 500 yards of the German trenches on the hill, and were slowed by German fire. At 11:00 the EAB was ordered to attack the eastern side of the hill in support of the SAB. The EAB reached to within 1,000 yards of the German trenches, where they were attacked heavily by the Germans and stopped. Captain Schulz's forces were ordered to counter- attack the right flank of the SAB. This caused the Allied force to withdraw in good order with the support of the 28th Mountain Battery, No1 Light Battery, Volunteer MG Battery and the MGs of the Lancs. A little after the withdrawal started the Germans launched a bayonet charge at the Lancs and 130th Baluchis (probably the Germans were hidden partially by the scrub) but the 130th Baluchis checked this attack, saving lots of Lancs' lives and equipment. So the battle ended with the Germans still on the hill, with losses not recorded, but probably small, while the Allied losses were 138 South Africans and low in the rest of the force. It interesting to note that it seems the Allied cavalry played little or no role in the battle and they could have been used as a reconnaissance force which may have given more intelligence of the German forces. The armoured cars and several of the artillery units do not get mentioned in a after-battle report, so it's assumed they were not at the battle. These extra forces could have led to a much better organised Allied assault, but this is another Allied ill thought-out action.

The scenario here could be the Askari bayonet charge on the Lancs and Baluchis for a smaller wargame or a delayed appearance of Captain Schultz's force as a bigger scenario. No Quiet on the Western Front

Rules for a Great War Mini-Campaign by Dale Irwin

Return to a time when men were real men, most of the map was pink, and God was an Englishman!

You can use any map you like, it really doesn't matter; without trenches, railways, or airfields. (These will be added by the Players later). The area and period is Central France in WWI, this should give you an idea of the sort of road net and population density. As this area has not yet been fought over, the mud of the Western Front will not be an issue—to begin with. You can, if you wish, formulate rules to reflect the effect of the destruction of drainage systems by artillery fire, and fold these into whatever weather rules you use; most tactical rules include these.

The aim of the game is simply to push the other Player off the map, or at least persuade him to surrender. To do this you have 24,000 [twenty-four thousand] points, but these are only usable as follows:

8,000 may be used to buy starting forces [Main Points or MPs]. 8,000 may be used to buy man-made terrain features [Terrain Points or TPs]. Up to 4,000 may be held back to provide for facilities added after the game starts, such as trench tramways. 8,000 are held back and may be used to buy supplies, specialised items such as mine tunnels, and replace losses. [Reserve Points or RPs]

MPs not used are lost. Points are not transferable. If aircraft are bought (using MPs), their airfield is provided free, and can be marked on the Player's map as desired. Bear in mind that if it is too close to the Front it may be overrun in a sudden offensive; on the other hand, if it is too far back aircraft endurance may be adversely affected. Only one airfield is free; extra airfields may be bought, costing 100 TPs each. Each airfield can support up to three squadrons, although two is more common.

Cut the map into six or more wargames tables. Movement on the map is hidden, using an umpire or whatever system you like. Once contact is announced, unless it is by a reconnaissance aircraft, the forces meet on the table and the battle is fought. Map moves should be at least ten times as long as table moves, but once again this depends on your tactical rules. Thus, reinforcements may be able to march to join the battle.

Trenches may be dug at any time; since they are free, this is encouraged. When a length of trench is dug, it is assumed that barbed wire, dugouts, and communication trenches are included. The initial barbed wire is rather crude, a few single strands strung on posts. Coiled entanglements can be added at the same rate as for digging trenches. Once more, this is free. 100 Engineers or 200 infantrymen can dig 100 m of trench per day.

Mining—digging tunnels to lay explosives under the enemy—costs RPs, as do the explosives themselves. Counter-mining is digging tunnels to lay explosives under the enemy mine tunnels. 100 Engineers can dig a mine tunnel at 25 m per day. Infantry cannot dig tunnels. Mines in the more modern sense of buried explosive charges set off by pressure or tripwires are prohibited. (As it takes far too long to lay them, and even longer to clear them, the game would be badly slowed.) Tanks may be available depending on the period.

Each artillery battery automatically gets assigned one two-seater observation aircraft OR one balloon with six "Flaming Onions" anti-aircraft guns to protect it. Fighter aircraft can be bought, to attack balloons, observation aircraft, and ground troops. (Air-to-air combat is beyond the scope of this game.) The types of aircraft available depend on the period. Bombing at this time was a very chancy business with only the very crudest of bomb sights, if any, so it is not allowed in the game.

Reserve Points can also be used to buy poison gas, the weapon first widely used in this conflict. False gas refers to the detonation of smoke shells near enemy troops to try to cause panic. Background

Supreme Command has decided to make a grand outflanking move, to attempt to break the deadlock of the mud, blood, and massacre of trench warfare. You have been placed in command of this "strategic initiative." You select the forces you want, and move to the area chosen for the outflanking manoeuvre —but you discover [to your horror] that the enemy has had exactly the same idea! Points

Main Points (M.P.)

Infantry: 100 per Company

Engineers: 150 per Company

Cavalry: 100 per Company

Tanks: 200 per Section

Other Armoured Vehicles: 200 per Unit

G.S. Vehicles: 100 per Unit

Artillery and Trench Mortars: 200 per Battery plus 10 per 5mm calibre over 75mm

Rail Guns: 200 per Gun plus 10 per 5mm calibre over 75mm

Aircraft: 300 each [of any types]

Terrain Points (T.P.)

Railway Track: 200 per 2 miles (100 per mile)

Narrow Gauge Track: 200 per 3 miles (66 per mile)

Trench Tramway: 200 per 4 miles (50 per mile)

Main Line Engine: 200 each

Main Line Coach: 20 each

Main Line Wagon: 10 each

Narrow Gauge Engine: 100 each

Narrow Gauge Wagon: 5 each

Coaling Stop: 50 plus 20 per ton of coal and 10 per ton of water available. (Note: This water is unfit for drinking by men or animals.)

If an overhead coal hopper is provided, add 20

Trench Tramway: 5 per draught animal (horses, mules, or donkeys) for towing

Trench Tramway Trucks: 2 each Reserve Points (R.P.)

Replacements: As Main Points

Gas Shells: 100 per Salvo per Battery

False Gas Shells :50 per Battery for 1 Salvo only

Gas Generator: 250 plus 50 per move of use

Mustard Gas: 20 plus Artillery or Generator Points

Mine Tunnels: 5 per 25 yards

TNT: 10 per 100 lbs (2,240 lbs = 1 ton)

Repairing Damaged Railway Track: 25% the Cost of Building

1 Day's Supplies for:

1 Infantry Company: 65 pts, 2.5 tons

1 Cavalry Regiment: 220 pts, 6 tons

1 Artillery Battery/Rail Gun: 350 pts, 19 tons

1 G.S. Horse Unit: 155 pts, 11 tons

1 G.S. Motor Unit: 25 pts per 90 miles, 1 ton

1 Armoured Car Company: 100 pts per 100 miles, 1 ton

1 Tank Company: 100 pts per 20 miles, 1 ton

"Supplies" includes everything: food and water, livestock fodder, ammunition, fuel, even mail (to sustain morale). Notes & Rules

Supplies are of no use to you sitting in dumps. To transport supplies you need trains and General Service (G.S.) supply units, either animal-drawn or motorised. Keep this point firmly in mind when buying your forces!

Main-line trains can travel at up to 30 mph. They begin the campaign with full loads of 20 tons of water & 10 tons of coal. This is enough to travel 200 miles.

Narrow gauge trains can travel at up to 20 mph. They begin the campaign with full loads of ten tons of water and five tons of coal. This is enough to travel 200 miles.

All trains use up coal and water at half rate while standing still, because they must keep up steam to be ready to move. If wished the Player can state in writing that they are not doing so. In this case, it takes one hour to raise steam.

Trains take on water and coal as:

5 tons of water in 1/4 hour

5 tons of hopper-fed coal in 1/4 hour

1 ton of hand-shovelled coal in 1/4 hour

Civilians can be used to run the railways, these are assumed to be paid for in the building costs. Water tanks and coaling stops are kept filled by these civilian railway employees. (If Players wish this can be changed, but it is a lot of work to keep track of and slows down the game.)

Main line track usually stopped about three miles behind the front lines. The narrow-gauge trains ran up from there to about 400 yards back, then the trench tramways took over, animal-drawn or man-dragged, and these ran right up into the front line.

One main line goods train can carry up to 600 tons of supplies. One main line coach will carry up to 50 infantrymen or 10 horses and riders. One main line truck can carry 30 infantrymen or five horses and riders. One narrow gauge goods train can carry up to 50 tons of supplies. One narrow gauge truck can carry 20 infantrymen.

One animal-drawn trench tramway train of five trucks can carry up to five tons of supplies. Thus, one single animal-drawn trench tramway truck can carry one ton of supplies. One single man-dragged trench tramway truck can only carry up to 3 cwt (There are 20 cwt in a ton).

One G.S. horse unit can move up to 12 tons of supplies. One G.S. motorised unit can move up to 18 tons of supplies.

One bus can carry up to 40 men. One truck can carry 20 men. One animal drawn cart can carry 10 men.

One day's supply of aviation fuel will allow up to 12 hours of flight, spread over as many aircraft as you like, although no aircraft can fly for more than three hours. It takes one hour to ready & refuel an aircraft. On the Subject of Great War Rules

I use the Skytrex WWI rules, by R.E. Bigg; I cannot find a publication date, but it was sometime in the early 1980s. The above are based largely on the campaign suggestions given in that book. I am unaware of any other sets of tactical/operational-level (i.e. non-skirmish) Great War rules, but I am sure that they exist and you can of course use whichever you prefer.

Battle of Bakoba, 21st/23rd June 1915

Bryan Graves Allied forces

1 section of 2 guns 28th Mountain Battery

2 companies 2nd Loyal North Lancashire Regiment

4 companies 25th Royal Fusiliers (frontiersmen)

1 company (doubled) 29th Punjabis

3 companies Kings African rifles (KAR)

1 MG section East Africa Regiment

About 100 South African engineers

Giving about 2,000 men commanded by General J M Stewart German Forces

2 x 75mm field guns

180 mixed Askari rifles and some Maxims

About 30 armed German settlers

Bakoba was a small port town on the west bank of Lake Victoria which was home to a powerful German wireless station link to Germany. The radio station was housed in small fort and had a 200 foot radio mast. On the 20th the British launched an attack across Lake Victoria from Kisumu to Bakoba, against the German radio station with four old steamers, and the second amphibious action in the East African campaign began. Among the units in this assault were the 25th Frontiersmen which boasted several big game hunters and some circus clowns, who were hopefully out of costume in combat.

The Allied force took measures to keep their raid secret but choose to approach Bakoba at night during a bright moon and to minimize the hazard of ramming the ships were ordered not to black out their lights. It comes as no shock that the German sentries saw the Allied ships approaching from their position on a small island off Bakoba and fired flares to light up the sky, see the threat and alert the town. Stewart decided to delay the attack until morning on the 22nd, and with surprise gone put the Fusiliers and Lancs ashore first, north of Bakoba, below a sheer cliff over 300 feet high.

One armed steamer was sent to Bakoba to threaten and storm the town with the KAR using the landing jetty, but were discouraged by the presence of a German cannon, and so the KAR disembarked close to where the Lancs and Fusiliers had landed. The Germans thought the cliff impossible to climb and so it was not defended. The Allied force, after the hard climb, formed a long skirmish line from the cliff to two miles inland and advanced south toward a gently sloping hill which overlooked Bakoba. The skirmish line was supported by the two crack Indian 28th Mountain Artillery guns and several MGs.

The Germans were outnumbered but had very good defensive positions which exploited gaps between boulders, thorn tree clumps, and banana plantations, which made the Allied skirmish line move around and gave little cover as they approached the hill. The Germans positioned themselves along the ridge of the hill running east-west and were supported by a 75mm gun on the eastern spur. The Indian battery silenced the German 75mm positioned on the hill but not before the 75mm had caused losses and delayed the advance. The advance started at 1pm, but was stopped after taking the hill at 6pm, and Bakoba would be assaulted on the next day.

At about 6am on the 23rd, with support from the Indian battery positioned on the hill taken the day before, the Lancs advanced on Bakoba. The Germans were digging in within the town and had a 75mm cannon, but this was put out of action by the Indian battery and the Germans had to fall back under pressure from the 28th Indian battery and ships' guns on the lake steamers. The Fusiliers entered the town and captured the fort (Bomba), pulling down the German flag from the radio mast, which was then quickly blown up.

The Germans withdrew from Bakoba under pressure from the Indian battery and ships' guns. A dark side to this combat was that Stewart gave permission for the town to be looted, but he ordered no drunkenness or violations. The troops looted, drank the town dry, and violated many women. Also there are accounts of drunk soldiers walking around with German officers' uniforms, porters' clothes and ladies' underwear. This became known as the Sack of Bakoba, and after this there was nothing left to do but re-embark and go back to Kisumu. This looting is the probable reason why the Bakoba battle was not granted as a battle honour. Losses

Germans: 45 killed or wounded, two cannons, the radio station and the town.

Allies: 32 killed or wounded.

The Germans did manage to remove most of their ammunition and other important equipment, which is the probable reason why they did not fortify the town well before the final assault of the 23rd June. The main battle seems to be the assault of the hill on the 22nd June and the Allies were slow at assaulting the town until the morning of the 23rd. The hill assault works well as a scenario, and could be extended with the town as a second objective for a major win. Additional changes could be a quick assault on the hill and town combination to try and stop the Germans removing ammunition and equipment. The Otranto Barrage

Russell Phillips

The Otranto Barrage was a naval blockade of the Otranto Straits between Brindisi and Corfu, intended to prevent the Austro-Hungarian navy gaining access to the Mediterranean Sea. Although it did keep Austro-Hungarian surface ships in the Adriatic, it had little effect on submarines, which routinely passed through the Barrage to conduct anti-shipping operations in the Mediterranean. The idea of the Barrage was first brought up by First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill at the May 1915 conference in Paris, on the eve of Italy's entry into the war. Churchill offered to supply 50 fishing trawlers and fifty miles of submarine indicator nets, in return for the Italians providing crews and armament. The Italians declined, realising that manning and arming the craft would be a significant challenge. During the Dardanelles campaign, British trawlers proved very useful, and as the submarine war in the Mediterranean intensified, the Italians realised that they did not have enough small vessels for anti-submarine duties.

On the 30th of August 1915, the British Admiralty issued orders for 60 drifters to be prepared to leave for the Adriatic as soon as possible. These were crewed primarily by fishermen, with divisional officers from the Royal Naval Reserve. The naval officers initially despaired of their charges, who were not used to military discipline, though they improved rapidly. Lieutenant M.E. Cochrane, the second in command, commented that "the human material was of the best...it needed only a period of polishing before it would shine with exceptional lustre." The first drifters arrived at Taranto on the 22nd of September, evidently without warning. Rear Admiral Cecil Thursby complained, "You can imagine my surprise when suddenly 60 drifters were clumped on me with no organisation, provisions, stores or anything else." The drifters were organised into three divisions of 20. At any one time, two divisions would be deployed with their nets, while the third would be in Brindisi. Two drifters from each division would be at a subsidiary base at Taranto for docking, boiler cleaning, and repairs. The Italians provided a pair of merchant ships (Gallipoli and Adratico) and a small auxiliary steamer (Mazzini), which was armed with three six-pounders and used for inspections, mail delivery, etc. When they arrived, the drifters had no armament, although Thursby worked to acquire some. On the 12th of October, Restore was sunk by the German U39, graphically illustrating the need to provide some form of self-defence. By the 8th of November all the drifters were armed, typically with 47mm or 57mm guns and a few three-pounders. Each trawler carried a series of light steel indicator nets anchored to the sea bed at various depths. These were intended to capture enemy submarines by entanglement, though this rarely worked in practice. Thursby complained that he did not have sufficient drifters, and during winter boats often had to take shelter and nets were lost. On the 15th of November 1915, the Admiralty dispatched a further 40 drifters, which began to arrive on the 7th of December. Warships and aircraft supported the drifters, though at various times during the war other priorities meant that very few warships could be spared for this duty.

After an Italian cruiser and French destroyer were lost in June 1916, the Italians stopped using cruisers during daylight, leaving destroyers to protect the Barrage. In July, the Austro-Hungarians raided the line, sinking two drifters, damaging two more and taking nine prisoners. The next day, 10th of July, the Italian destroyer Impetuoso was sunk and the drifter line was moved south, to a less vulnerable position.

On the 30th of October 1916, a special conference was held regarding the Otranto Barrage. Here it was decided that the drifters would be moved to a line running from Otranto to Asproruga, and that the Italians would lay a minefield ten miles wide, thus reducing the area the drifters had to patrol. Other commitments permitting, the Italians would have two destroyers on patrol. The Italians would also add 22 trawlers and 18 coastal torpedo boats to the Barrage, as well as stationing more aircraft at Brindisi and Valona. The Italians did provide 20 additional drifters, as did the British, but promises of extra gunboats were not kept, leaving the drifters vulnerable.

On the night of 22nd December, four Austro-Hungarian Huszár-class destroyers raided the line. Six French destroyers in the vicinity sailed to the sounds of gunfire, but there was much confusion in the darkness. Four of the French destroyers lost contact with their leader, and the two destroyers still under command took hits which put one temporarily out of action and reduced the speed of the second. Italian destroyers and the British light cruiser Gloucester had been dispatched to catch the raiding force, but only caused more difficulties when French and Italian destroyers rammed each other in the darkness.

At an Allied naval conference in London in January 1917, it was agreed that the drifters were insufficiently protected. In order to improve organisation, the barrage system was to be placed under the command of a single British officer, Commodore Algernon Heneage. He was to be directly under the Italian Commander in Chief and able to call upon the services of all Allied ships not in use elsewhere. If required, he could also ask for assistance from other Allied ships in the vicinity.

The Italians and French started to argue for a fixed net of around 40 miles in length instead of nets towed from trawlers. The British thought that this was impractical, but agreed to the construction of a one-mile-long trial net. At a conference in April, it was agreed that the Barrage did not have sufficient drifters (124 were available in total. 70 were out at any one time). To counter this, the conference recommended hastening construction of the fixed-net barrage. The Battle of the Otranto Straits

On the night of 14th of May 1917, the Austro-Hungarian navy launched their largest raid on the Barrage. The raid was carried out by the cruisers Novara, Helgoland, and Saida, supported by the destroyers Csepel, Balaton, and U-boats U4 and U27, along with German U-boat UC-25, under the command of Admiral Miklós Horthy. A supporting force composed of the armoured cruiser Sankt Georg, two destroyers, and several torpedo boats was on standby. The old pre-dreadnought battleship Budapest and a screen of torpedo boats were also available.

As the force sailed south, they encountered and attacked a small Italian convoy, sinking a destroyer and a munitions ship and setting another ship on fire, causing it to be abandoned. The Austro-Hungarian force began the attack on the Barrage at 03:30, usually warning the drifter crews to abandon ship before opening fire. 47 drifters were on the Barrage when the force attacked, of which 14 were sunk and four were damaged. The remaining drifters withdrew until the Austro-Hungarians returned to port.

Some drifters chose to fight, most notably the Gowan Lea. When ordered by Helgoland to surrender and abandon ship, the captain, Joseph Watt, ordered full speed ahead and called on the crew to give three cheers and fight to the finish. The crew managed to get a single shot off before their six-pounder was disabled, but they kept working to get the gun firing again, despite being under heavy fire. The Gowan Lea was heavily damaged but remained afloat. She picked up survivors from other drifters that had been sunk and came alongside alongside Floandi to remove her dead and wounded. Joseph Watt was awarded the Victoria Cross for his "most conspicuous gallantry". One of the crew received the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal and two received the Distinguished Service Medal for their parts in the action.

The Allied forces moved to block the Austro-Hungarian retreat. At 07:00 the Italian flotilla leader Mirabello, with the French destroyers Commandant Rivière, Bisson, and Cimeterre, intercepted the main Austro-Hungarian force, but being out-gunned, chose to shadow rather than engage. At 07:45, two British cruisers (Dartmouth and Bristol) and five Italian destroyers engaged the destroyers Csepel and Balaton, which had been conducting a diversionary attack off the Albanian coast. After a short fight, in which one Italian destroyer's boilers were disabled, the Allies retreated as they came into range of the coastal batteries at Durazzo.

At 09:00 Bristol sighted the Austrian cruisers, and the Allied force turned to engage. Some of the Allied destroyers started to suffer from mechanical problems; those that did not were tasked with protecting those that did, so that the two cruisers continued the battle without the destroyers. Meanwhile, reinforcements from both sides were dispatched. By 11:00, the Austro-Hungarian cruiser Novara had been crippled, but Sankt Georg was approaching with a force of destroyers and torpedo boats. Acton, the Allied commander, temporarily withdrew to consolidate his forces, allowing the Austro-Hungarians to take Novara under tow.

Acton broke off the pursuit, though an Italian destroyer misread the signal and attempted to launch a torpedo attack. It was driven off by heavy gunfire. Csepel and Balaton rejoined the others, and the Austro-Hungarian surface force returned to Cattaro. The German U-boat UC25 later caused serious damage to Dartmouth with a torpedo attack, and the French destroyer Boutefeu was sunk by a mine whilst pursuing UC25. The Austro-Hungarians planned another, larger attack in June 1918. This was to include all four Tegetthoff-class dreadnought battleships, but the attack was called off when the Szent István was spotted and sunk by an Italian MAS boat while sailing south.

At the time, most observers considered the Barrage to be a useful and necessary anti-submarine measure. Unexplained losses were generally ascribed to the Barrage by the Allies, helping its reputation, though only a single U-boat loss (the U6) has been confirmed as being a result of the Barrage. The effort expended by the Austro-Hungarian navy in raiding the line suggests that they also considered it to be of some significant impact. However, it is now known that Austro-Hungarian and German U-boats routinely transited the drifter line with little difficulty, so it must now be seen as a failure. Not only did it do little to impact the U-boat threat, it took up significant resources which could almost certainly have been put to better use elsewhere. Zeppelins and Airships at War

Rob Morgan

A chance conversation with Mick Yarrow of MY Miniatures led me to a couple of models with immense potential and took me into the air, a place where, as a wargamer, to be perfectly honest I've never been at home. Having built almost all the Airfix 1:72 kits back in the 1960s, I could never work out what to do with them. All those years ago, I acquired Don Featherstone's book on the subject, but of all of his volumes on my shelves, it's probably the least read or consulted.

Perhaps I've been missing out on something? The Coastal Class Airship

Navwar's 1:3000 range contains two model airships intended to complement their WWI naval ranges. One of these, NG507, is a pack of two British "Coastal" Class airships (priced 80p) which are small (only 20mm long, fins and tail-plane included), and remind me of a 1:72 scale Airfix "bomb"!

Not to dismiss the value of the "C" type, as it was known: some 25 or so of them were built and saw service from June 1916. The first flew patrols from Pembroke Dock over the western approaches and they were used well beyond the end of the war. The non-rigid type had very long endurance, which is incredible given the fact that the gondola in which four of the five-man crew flew was made from a pair of Avro 510 fuselages, stitched back to back! One standard reference suggests "....the work of these vessels was largely unspectacular" which is probably true enough, though as an air element for the Grand Fleet or operating with a scouting cruiser force, or on convoy escort duties, very useful indeed. Their armament was simply two Lewis guns, one situated right on top of the air bag, and a selection of light bombs and depth charges. The "C" was 60 metres (196') long and could manage about 50 mph with the wind behind her.

In British service, they were very light grey overall, with a red nose ring and roundels on the tail in red, white, and blue. One "Coastal" airship found its way into French hands and four were intended for service with the Imperial Russian Fleet, but what service they actually saw, if any, is a matter of debate. The Russians knew them as "Chaika's" (or seagulls).

Incidentally, should you be wargaming in the larger 1:2400 scale, this delightful little airship will easily represent the 100' long "Parseval" type, an airship which was designed by a German Officer August von Parseval, in 1906. These were a little more round than the "C" types, but since they were also non-rigid this doesn't particularly matter; you will need to trim the three tins aft by 2mm from the rear and add a 2mm thin sliver of plasticard to represent an upper fin; easy enough.

Parseval saw action with both the Royal Navy and the German Fleet during the opening months of the First World War. NA4, the only one in British service, was used by the RNAS to patrol the Thames Estuary from 5th August 1914 on. At first unarmed, she later acquired a single MG.

The Germans requisitioned two of these airships at the start of the war, PL6 and PL19. They accompanied North Sea patrols from Kiel and also worked in the Baltic into 1915. Thereafter for both belligerents this became a training airship. The Germans liked them since they could carry 500kg of bombs and had a lengthy endurance, about 10 or 11 hours.

The Germans painted their two a deep yellow-buff with grey gondola and fins, while the British NA4 was overall light grey. No national markings were carried at the outset, but may have been later.

As a "what if?" scenario for slightly earlier fleets, consider this—Several of the European navies over the twenty or so years leading up to 1914 experimented with the use of airships of odd types during their fleet manoeuvres and exercises. France had "La France" and "Lebaudy", the Germans had the "Schwarz" and Britain the "Willows I" so, it is possible to add a "C" to a pre-WWI fleet action; she'll represent a generic non-rigid in 1:1200 or 1:2400 scale. They were usually covered in varnished silk by the way, so yellowy brown might the best colour! The presence of an airship might be disconcerting rather than decisive in action. The Base Line

One point which I'll make now rather than later is that neither of the two models mentioned here has a base in the pack. The second model, however, is provided with a separate pack of two bases NG506, described as two Zeppelin stands, at £0.80.

Take my advice – don't bother!

These are appalling chunks of metal, which do nothing for the models at all; my only use for them was to make two hexagonal semi-dug-in pillboxes—a waste of 80p which you could better spend on another airship or two. For bases, wander into Games Workshop, tactfully ignoring the proffered Orcs and Goblins, and buy a pack of their circular Perspex two-piece stands, at about a pound for ten. Much more attractive, and all that you'll need to do is drill the base of the airships a little more to take the stand support. The Zeppelins

When placed alongside the second airship in Navwar's list, the little "C" type pales into insignificance! The second model is NG505, also at 80p for one in the case. It's a very big Zeppelin, based on the L57- L59 class of only two lengthened machines, intended for special duties, and it looks fearsome; a superb model aircraft in every sense of the word.

The model is a delightful 70mm long overall, since fortunately Navwar chose to produce the biggest of all the Zeppelin types made, and is about 8 or 9mm in diameter. There are two gondolas and two engine nacelles slung below, but these can be easily moved or added to.

In conversion terms, since all of the Zeppelins were of similar diameter, between 60' -78', by carefully cutting and rounding the nose of the model with a file, the shorter Zeppelin types can be made.

For L70, L71, and L72 remove 3mm of the nose and file the ailerons at the tail so that they have a slightly flatter edge to them. That's it, unless you wish to add a second pair of engine nacelles l5mm aft of the forward pair, mounted in the same way. Mine were from tiny 2mm pieces of sprue, but are not essential.

To represent the L53 class of ten Zeppelins, the others being L55, L56, L58, L60, L61, L62, L63, L64, and L65 then remove 8mm from the nose and round it again. No other alteration is needed, since the L57 was identical apart from length, and indeed there was an intention to lengthen others of the L53 type at the war's end.

Paint the standard model in the pack buff-yellow with light grey fins and nacelles and gondolas, with a Balkenkreuze low on the hull amidships. L59 carried her number at the bow down each side, in black.

The L70s, primarily intended for strategic bombing, were painted a very attractive camouflage scheme of dark sea grey over matt black undersides with a rough, wavy demarcation between the colours, the simple late-war black and white crosses low amidships on each side.

The L53 type carried either of these two schemes depending upon the role she was carrying out, either strategic bombing work or fleet patrols. Several, including L63, carried their numbers either side of the bow in white.

The Zeppelins carried up to eight, even ten MGs, a heavy defensive armament indeed, while bomb load could vary according to task, between two and five tons. In 1:2400?

Yes, it's possible to use the standard model in this larger scale too. The Zeppelin is just less than 545' long in l:2400 and the Type "P" or L10 class of Zeppelins, of which ten were built, numbered L10 to L19, were 537' long with a diameter of 61'. It will serve nicely with your 1:2400 Imperial High Seas Fleet against Lowestoft or at Jutland.

The only modelling alteration is to remove the outboard engine nacelles; the engines on these ships were at the rear end of each of the two gondolas. You can add them to your 1:3000 L70. Again, the colour scheme is a matter of choice and role, but all of this class carried their numbers at the bow in black if buff-yellow, or white if black/grey. Again the Balkenkreuze, or later the simplified cross, are low down each side of the hull amidships.

Since in mid-l918 there was every reason for the Admiralty and the Wilhelmstrasse to suspect that a North Sea battle between airships was likely, even inevitable, there were experiments on the British side with a pair of Sopwith Camels slung below the hulls of some of the RNAS "23" class of six airships: HMA 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, and 29.

The two British airships of this 1916-17 class which can be made in 1:2400 from the Zeppelin model with little effort may prove useful. This class was, incidentally, 535' long and had a diameter of about 55' and also carried several MGs and a bomb or depth charge load.

To make HMA 27 or 29, take the following steps - remove the engine nacelles and replace only one amidships over the tiny locating hole for the base; don't worry about losing sight of this, you'll be drilling another anyway for the Perspex stand.

Next, add a 1mm scrap of circular sprue at the top of the hull, 5mm from the bow; this represents the upper Lewis gun position.

The tail fins need some attention, as does the long pointed tail. Snip off the rear 3mm of the tail and file it round. Then file away the forward 5mm of each of the fins, to make a more angular and shorter shape (each will then look like the side fins of the little "C" craft), no more to do.

The first four of the class, as it happens, had an under-hull "keel" and are more difficult to make, since the gondolas must be removed and a 1mm thin strip of 2mm deep plasticard 55mm long has to be slung from the tail forwards almost to the bow, with the gondolas repositioned at the same places and two Camels added from the Navwar list, positioned between the gondolas, one forward, one aft.

The whole class was painted Medium Sea Grey overall, with an RAF roundel over the nose tip and amidships low down alongside the middle gondola. The four fins bore the national colour stripes aft, and each of the class bore its plain number (i.e., 29) on each side forward of the tail, in black.

That gives, if my estimate is correct, a possible seventy models in both scales from just two packs of airships, which isn't bad for a simple conversion or two.

I should say that given the sheer size of the Zeppelin model in particular, it is much easier to come to terms with on the wargames table in 1:2400 than in 1:300 scale! Some years ago, speaking of model options, the Conflict Miniatures firm ventured to make a Zeppelin in a very small scale. I didn't acquire it but would be interested to know if the model (and the company) is still around? Airships at War

To say the least, the military airship is the most underestimated weapon of the First World War. Remarkably few existed in 1914, about seven in the hands of the British Admiralty, ten or so in the German list; the French had 16, but then they led the air race pre-war, and there were a smaller number in Italian hands. There were numerous commercial and privately owned examples around, most of which were rapidly taken up by their respective governments for military purposes.

As the war progressed and the air fleets increased, the raiding option as well as the anti-submarine and patrol work increased for all the belligerents. Early on the French led theirs for bombarding German bases behind the Western Front, but losses were high and the ships then transferred to the Navy, which teed them against submarines, as escorts, and occasionally for raids against German-held ports. The Italians raided the Adriatic Bases of the Austrians and crossed over the Alps to raid into Austria itself. For the British, until the air-to-air combat threats of mid-1918, the watchword was patrol and convoy escort. The first knowledge of a raid by Zeppelins slipping around Scotland and attacking from the west en route for home bases at Wilhelmshaven and Nordholz often came from British "C" class airships on patrol.

It was if anything the Zeppelin which created the mythology of the WWI airship, using them with skill in raids along the Western and Russian Fronts and from January l915, when the earliest raid against Yarmouth took place, attacking the enemy at home. They were by no means indestructible, of course, and the first of the Zeppelins destroyed was burned at Düsseldorf in October 1914, by an RFC raid.

The first destruction of a Zeppelin by air-to-air combat was in June of that year, when Sub. Lt Warneford, RN, in a Morane monoplane (with no MG!) bombed L37 from above with six small bombs. The Zeppelin was heading back to Ghent, her base, from a raid on Calais. Warneford found himself a VC, as did Lt. William Robinson the following year. He shot down the SL11, a wooden-hulled airship, not a true Zeppelin, over London—the first ever enemy aircraft brought down over British soil.

Two Zeppelins, Z11 and Z24, accompanied the High Seas Fleet at Jutland and helped Scheer to escape. At a time of few high-angle light guns, the prospect of Zeppelin bombs doing damage, or at least breaking up the formation of a neat RN Battle Squadron, must have been extant. What, I wonder, would a couple of tons of bombs delivered from on high against Beattie's Battlecruisers have done, undertaken at the same time as they were engaged with the enemy? German airships were involved in the loss of HMS Nottingham and HMS Falmouth, and some sources state they saved the attacking cruiser force at the bombardment of Yarmouth. .

In an incredible scenario, outlined in my now fairly ancient article in Miniature Wargames No. 122 in June 1993, the L59—the model in the pack—was intended to take supplies and arms, and add her crew, to the forces of von Lettow-Vorbeck fighting in East Africa. She was turned back in late 1917, not by action in the air, but by subterfuge on the part of Admiralty Intelligence at Room 40.

The same airship later operated against British and Allied targets in the Mediterranean and was lost off Crete in 1918.

Almost 100 Zeppelins were built and almost half were lost, while about 20% of the others were lost through accidents. Only some 30 or 32 were operational at the war's end, but the British in particular had come to recognize the efficiency of the weapon and knew of Germany's consistent ability to improve a very sound design. So, with the London Protocol, the Zeppelin was banished from the German arsenal, though the fixed-wing aircraft was not. Wargaming with Zeppelins

Plenty of solo wargaming potential here.

The trip to East Africa is a good game, with a further option, if the L59 reached von Lettow-Vorbeck, of adding a substantial amount of firepower and 21 new, trained Germans to the small force he led. The Zeppelin had, it seems, around 30 heavy MGs including her own defensive armament (she carried no bombs), spare gun barrels, light mountain guns, and a small mobile armaments factory. Back in 1993, I suggested that there were options even if L59 turned back from East Africa; Room 40 had persuaded her captain that the German forces had surrendered. Adding her firepower to an Ottoman garrison in Arabia, or providing arms for Yemeni or Senussi rebels, instead of drifting back to Bulgaria, for instance.

The strategic bombing wargame is also of interest. A typical raid was that of August 5th 1918, when L70, under the command of the leader of Airships FregattenKapitan Peter Strasser, in company with L53, L56, L63, and L65, raided Southern England. L70 and her 20-man crew was lost to a skilful and very lucky attack by a DH4 using new Pomeroy explosive ammunition in her Lewis guns.

The following day, L10, L11, L12, and L13 were back and bombed Sheppey, for the loss of L12 hit A/A fire from Dover. A raid on London from Cuxhaven could take as much as twelve hours' flying time, with plenty of opportunity for interception and encounters with warships and aircraft.

Far more scouting patrols were carried out than bombing missions as the war dragged on, and for L53 out of 23 missions in 1917-18 only four were raids on UK land targets. The rest were operations over the North Sea, where the airship remained superior in endurance to any fixed-wing aircraft.

By 1917, the Royal Navy was using RNAS Sopwith Camels aboard converted lighters towed by destroyers, to launch the fighters against Zeppelins, with some limited success. L53 herself was shot down at almost 18,000' by a Camel, off the coast of Norfolk in August 1918, the last Zeppelin loss of WWI. This Sopwith, incidentally, is still in the Imperial War Museum.

The Zeppelins' best defence was night, height, and weather. On many occasions airship attacks over areas such as Dogger Bank caught units of the British fleet and bombed them through cloud. This is, as I mentioned earlier, a very much underestimated and neglected weapon of the Great War and one which, with substantial potential for use on the wargames table, is long overdue for reconsideration as the powerful diabolical, elusive instrument of long-range war which it was regarded as being back in 1916. War on Wheels - Rolling through Romania!

An Airfix-inspired WWI campaign by John Crawford A Rambling Introduction

Now, it's one of those things that you always mean to get around to, but never do. You know the sort of thing: wash the car, shampoo the cat, and ask "Buffy the Vampire Slayer" out on a date, (hands off - she's mine I tell you… mine! - Ed.) or write an article for The Journal. Reading the piece about Airfix figures in Journal 46 has tweaked my nostalgia bone. In addition to our editor's comments about wanting to feature less well-known conflicts of the 20th Century, I present the following erudition for your deliberation and delectation. The Book

Some years ago in a dim bookshop in Penzance, I acquired an old book entitled "War on Wheels" published in 1942. Indeed, my copy has been stamped "War Economy Production Standard". The book sets out to describe various mechanised mobile campaigns from 1910 to 1940 and draw the relevant lessons from them, for budding armchair generals and junior officers everywhere. The last chapter even has a dip into the future, by assessing the relevance of the Fall of France on future mobile campaigns on mainland Europe. Most of the campaigns described were of the "sideshow” nature, by small forces, making them ideal for table top reproduction. The campaign set out below appealed to me from the very start, and there matters lay for many years, until finally I galvanised myself into doing something about it. The Campaign

This is intended to be a "whistle-stop tour" only. In search of vital strategic war supplies, Germany invaded Romania in November 1916. They succeeded in forcing the Vulcan Pass across the Transylvanian Alps. However, their supply lines were over-extended. Some 60 miles away lay the Iron Gate pass with its road and railway intact, but guarded by a Rumanian division. Due to their supply difficulties, the Germans were unable to mount an offensive against the Romanians' rear. They hatched a daring plan to capture the Iron Gate and dramatically shorten their supply lines, to support future operations in the Balkans. The Man and "The Plan!"

An infantry battalion under Captain Picht of 1 Battalion 148 Infantry Regiment would be sent to capture the town of Turnu Severin. This small but vital town sat across the road and rail links supplying the Rumanian division. If Picht's force could hold the town for three or four days, the Austrians would attack through the Iron Pass and the Romanians would be forced to retire. Picht had a total of about 500 men under his command from the 1/148 Infantry Battalion and a mounted detachment of 10th Dragoons. In addition, he had a heavy machine gun company and two 7.5cm SP AA guns mounted on partially armoured lorries. Sufficient lorries were provided to motorise the whole force, apart from the cavalry, who had horses. In the event, the cavalry were unable to keep up with the motor force, let alone provide reconnaissance or screening duties.

My wargame force amounted to:

1/148 Infantry Battalion (Elite, or at the very worst, veteran)

CO, 3x riflemen, 1x lorry

4x Infantry Coys each, 12x Rifles & 2x lorries

HMG Coy - 3 x HMG & 6 crew, 2 lorries

1x 7.5cm SP AA gun mounted on a lorry & 3x crew

1x 6 man detachment of 10th Dragoons on horses The Game

Now pages, articles, indeed whole books and manuals have been written on the benefits of wargame campaigns. Usually, said material is full of enthusiastic writings on how to run the campaign, its maps and logistics and whatnot. I have to say, they may have brought great pleasure to the players and creators, but I have found them as dull as ditch water. Accounting for two lorry loads of paper clips might be an exciting evening for the "Captain Darlings" amongst us, but it leaves me cold. It might just be me, of course. I work in military logistics as a day job, so doing it as a hobby is no fun at all. Therefore, this campaign is designed as a set of linked games with casualties carried forward to the next. Each game has a "ticking clock". This means that each game can materially affect the next or have wider repercussions on the outcome of the campaign. The turns to achieve victory or defeat can be varied to suit local taste, experience, or the rule set you are using. The point is that they should be a challenge for both players. Picht's supply problems only seem to have revolved around ammunition supply (see the scenario "The Town - The Sequel" below). Food and petrol are not mentioned; either he had enough or used supplies captured along the way. The Fort

Picht motored down to Iron Gate Pass, stopping at Balota to tap the telephones and gain vital intelligence. He learned that his force had been detected. However, the Romanians believed it to be of brigade-group strength. They were sending two infantry battalions and two guns to reinforce the fort, at a defile in the hills called Simianu. Using his superior mobility, Picht reached Fort Simianu first and stormed it from the rear, overwhelming the 130-strong garrison

See Map 1 for the game layout. The fort was placed in the middle of the table covered in rocky scrub, providing no cover. I decided that the walls should be climbable without aids and imagined it to be a ramshackle affair, in need of a lot of maintenance. The garrison consists of 16x figures, including a CO and an LMG, who should be poor or regular in quality. The fort itself counts as hard cover. The German motor vehicles may only approach down the road. The AA guns were used in the ground support role during the whole campaign. The rest of the force may approach on foot from the north, south, or east side of the board. To the west lies the defile and the next game. This is a simple game which the Germans will win. To capture the fort, the garrison must be forced to cease all firing. However, the "clock" in this game is that they must win in six turns. If the garrison still holds out in the fort, they win the game "on points" (as it were) on turn seven. The effect on the next game is explained below. The Defile

After surprising and capturing the fort, Picht proceeded immediately to defend the defile from the Rumanian force advancing towards the fort. This force consisted of two infantry battalions and two guns. Again Picht won the race and was able to deploy in the low hills, preparing some field defences. Imagine shallow rifle pits, not Western Front-style trenches. The Germans were under great pressure and a desperate fight ensued. This ended at nightfall, when the Germans counter-attacked the Romanians with fixed bayonets, driving them from the field. There is no indication of the size of the Rumanian force, so I settled for the following:

The Germans (are of course the survivors of the fort game)

Two Romanian Infantry Battalions, each with:

HQ: CO & 3 rifles

3x Infantry Coy each with 12x riflemen

One Battalion is classed as regular and the other as poor

1x 7.5cm field gun drawn by a horse limber (regular)

Now, how well did you do at the fort? If the Germans captured the fort in six turns or less, they will be on both the hills at either side of the defile (see map 2). They will have completed their foxholes and are prepared to open fire from hard cover positions.

The Romanians will have one battalion in column of march on the road, with the 7.5cm field gun limbered and following. The second battalion is off the table. The Rumanian player must roll one die each turn. If they roll a six, the second battalion marches on, deployed as Rumanian player wishes, from the west end of the board. Otherwise, the battalion enters the board via the road in column of march on turn four.

If the fort did not fall before turn 6, the Germans arrive on the hills late. Their defences are not complete. Only half of the infantry may be in cover, which is classed as soft only. The Romanians are deployed for battle at the western edge of the board, ready to advance and open fire.

Picht must defeat the Romanians before turn 12 (nightfall). If he does not achieve this, the campaign is over. Turnu Severin is reinforced, the element of surprise is lost, and Picht must withdraw. History is changed, Romania is saved, the Germans don't get the vital war supplies and the war ends on 11 November 1917! The Town – The First Goal

After the battle at Simianu defile, Picht and his survivors dashed to the town of Turnu Severin. With advantage of speed, mobility, and surprise, they arrived at the town and found it unguarded. Considering it was an important supply point, this was clearly an oversight by the Romanians. However the garrison may well have been the two battalions attacking at the defile.

The town was well suited for defence, surrounded by a wall on three sides and the mile-wide Danube River on the fourth. The opposite side of the river was held by friendly Bulgar forces, without a means of making a significant crossing. Picht posted one infantry company and MG platoon to guard each wall. The AA guns were sited for direct fire and one infantry company was held in reserve in the lorries. A small number of POWs were liberated and added to Picht's force. The Romanians were at first completely caught off-guard. Additionally, the Austrians had restarted their attack through the Iron Gate, in order to reach Picht's beleaguered force.

The first attack fell on the west side of town. Gradually, fighting spread to all three sides of town during the day. Picht was attacked by about 4,000 infantry: the attacks occurred piecemeal and were uncoordinated. This probably explains how the small German force was able to hold on.

Our third game is set in and around the town (map 3.) Picht has the remains of his force from the previous games and may add a further 4x rifleman to his force (the liberated POWs). One company and HMG is allocated to each wall, the SP gun placed as desired and the remaining infantry held in reserve to suit Picht. The Romanians will need about 400 figures. Do not despair! In this game you can recycle the casualties or use substitutes, if you prefer. In my game, my WWII German "Ost-Truppen" filled in nicely.

The board must not be a size greater than rifle range for the Germans. This is so they have a chance to inflict casualties on enemy forces, as they try and sort themselves out. Otherwise this game is a walk-over for the Romanians. Now I know this looks formidable, but most of the troops are of poor quality. Also, don't waste the Germans' mobility. The mechanised company can sortie forth to disrupt attacks, delay advances and knock out the field guns, before they are brought into action.

The Romanians will have no cover at all and seemed to have dithered a good deal, so throw one die per company. 1 – 3 does not move this turn, 4 – 5 advances at half pace, 6 advances at normal pace. On turn one, two companies of regular infantry start from the west side of the board and must attack the west gate. The rest of the Rumanian arrival is dealt with on the following table.

Turn of arrival Force size Troop Quality Direction

1 2 companies (24 rifles) Regular West

2 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Poor North

3 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Regular West

4 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Poor East

5 7.5cm field gun & infantry company (12 rifles) Poor North

6 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Regular West

7 2 companies (24 rifles) Poor North

8 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Poor East

9 7.5cm field gun & infantry company (12 rifles) Regular West

10 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Poor East

11 Infantry Battalion (40 rifles) Poor North

12 2 companies (24 rifles) Regular West 13 2 companies (24 rifles) Poor East

14 2 companies (24 rifles) Poor North

15 2 companies (24 rifles) Poor East

After 15 turns, the Germans must hold the town walls and no more than one company (12 figures) of enemy infantry must be within the town walls. If the Romanians occupy the town, they win and the campaign ends (see The Defile above). If at turn 15 they do not occupy the town, they retreat for the night, no matter how well they are doing at storming the walls.

If the Romanians fail to take the town by move 15, the pass is forced by the Austrians. This is a major defeat for them. The Town – The Sequel

For Picht this was his most desperate day. His force had seen the loss of one of the SP guns. He had held onto the town, but suffered heavy casualties. He was now short of ammunition, and repeated calls were made for relief on the radio. German and Austrian forces were too far away to help. During the night, the Bulgars had ferried over a heavy machine gun platoon and the Romanians had made no further effort against the town. At daybreak, a concerted effort began against the town from the west and north. It is difficult to say, but this would seem to have been from the surviving elements from the previous day. (Either screening the withdrawing Rumanian division or trying to escape the advancing Austrians themselves). Whatever was happening, it proved to be another hard fight. The Romanians managed to get right up to the town itself, before relief arrived. In the afternoon, at the height of the attack, a Bavarian cyclist brigade, with two lorries full of ammunition, broke through to the town in the nick of time. The Romanians melted away. The pass, its lines of communication, and the town were firmly in German hands.

Use map 3 again. Picht's forces are the survivors of the previous game. Add one further heavy machine gun as reinforcement. The Romanians have one regular and three poor infantry battalions of 40 figures each. Two battalions attack from the West and two from the North. They do not suffer from the movement restrictions set out above. The game lasts for 10 turns. On turn 11 relief arrives for the Germans from the west and the game is over. However, for each infantry company and each heavy machine gun there are only 8x turns of ammunition, so the German player must plan accordingly. Ammunition can be passed from company to company or gun to gun, not gun to company. Such a transfer takes one turn.

To win, the Germans must “hold until relieved". The Retreat

The book has no details, other than saying it was a rout. It does note that Commander Locker- Lampson's armoured car squadron (of Russian fame) assisted with the rear guard. So here is our last game (map 4). The Rumanian division is in full flight. On the main road is an infantry column, in line of march with no ammunition. Its sole purpose is to escape from the east side of the board. At the tail of the column are two field guns, each with 2x turns of ammunition, but they are limbered. All these forces are of poor quality. The tail of the column is at point X and it is laid out along the road in an easterly direction. The guns and column will only fight if attacked directly and will do nothing to assist Locker- Lampson.

Guarding the rear are Locker-Lampson's armoured cars and two infantry companies, deployed along or behind line A – B on the map. They must delay the Germans, until the Rumanian column has cleared the table and three further turns have elapsed. If they can achieve this, the Germans have lost contact with the fleeing enemy and the Romanians remain to fight another day. If they fail to do this, the Germans will knock Romania out of the war and turn the Russian flank on the eastern front.

Locker-Lampson's force consists of:

1 x un-armoured reconnaissance car with 1 x LMG & 3 crew

2 x Rolls Royce armoured cars with 1 x HMG each

1 x 3pdr naval gun mounted on a lightly armoured lorry & 3 crew

2 regular companies of Rumanian infantry (24 rifles)

Remember the object is to delay, not destroy the Germans, and there is a large board to do this on. Harass him at every opportunity. Capt Picht's force consists of:

CO, 3 x rifleman, 1 lorry

1 x infantry company with 12 infantry

1 HMG with 2 crew, 2 lorries

1 x 7.5cm SP AA gun on a lorry

2 companies of Bavarian cyclists each 12 rifleman

Just remain in contact with the Rumanian's main force. Don't get involved clearing the whole board. Remember the idea is to get a patrol off the east edge of the board within three turns of the main column leaving. The Fun Bit - Modelling!

I have to say that apart from being a wargame generator, the above campaign was intended to be at the "toy soldier" end of the wargames scene. Indeed the rules were from Don Featherstone's book "Wargames" published in 1960. With that in mind, the next thing was "keep it cheap". Now, I could have improvised all the forces from my existing wargames collection. However, that seemed to defeat the object of both the original article and what I wanted to do. So Airfix and "make do" were foremost in my mind.

The figures used were Airfix WWI for the German and Bavarian infantry. These were re-released by HaT some time ago, but still turn up on shelves in model shops and at shows. The Austrians are also available from HaT in their WWI range. However, I made do with some Esci and Atlantic Italian mountain troops, who appeared to have a passing resemblance to Austrians. At a pinch you could use WWI French or WWII Russian figures. Revell and Emhar produce suitable late WWI German figures, including machine guns. You can buy heavy weapons and improvise crew. I choose to make mine from pen refills, card, and plastic rod, as it was in keeping with the "make do" feel of the game I was aiming for.

The lorries...well one lorry looks like another, doesn't it? I at least wanted them to look like the sort of thing you see in photos of the Great War, rather than use my Opel Blitz lorries. So I rallied round to the local antiques fair and spent an afternoon going through boxes of old Matchbox cars. In amongst the detritus were those vintage vehicles, which were all the rage some years ago, with company logos on the sides. For a small outlay I was the proud owner of a fleet of vehicles, including a staff car, and a flat- bed suitable for conversion to the 7.5cm SP AA gun. The AA gun itself was scratch-built from parts in my spares box, based loosely on an illustration in the Blandford book listed in sources below. Many period vehicles are available from model railway shops and websites, but they are frighteningly expensive. The armoured cars….well, if you're lucky a few old toys may turn up when you're searching for the lorries. I wasn't lucky. I settled for raiding my RAF Regiment for a couple of Rolls Royce Armoured Cars. However, there are models available—try Tommy Atkins or Raventhorpe Miniatures. Some WWII Japanese machines have a distinctly WWI feel about them.

Cavalry left me in a quandary. I settled on a few WWII German Cavalry I had to hand. However, Tumbling Dice Miniatures and Raventhorpe Miniatures produce cavalry figures for the early 20th century.

The artillery also came from my spares box, as did the limbers. I used Airfix American Civil War (ACW) guns and limbers. The limbers are left "as is". The guns had a "Terry Wise" conversion adding a cardboard gun shield; this gave the old 12pdr Napoleons a new lease of life. I used the crew unmodified, in kepis, as I could not bring myself to cut off their heads. Airfix ACW artillery has long since disappeared. However, Esci and IMEX both produce packs of ACW guns and limbers. Emhar produce a set of two WWI German 77mm field guns and crews. The guns are nice, but murder to assemble and will stand no handling at all. ACW gun crew would need head swaps for helmets and the gunners uniforms, pared down with a craft knife. The good news is that as the gunners are in action you will not need to build up packs, straps, etc. Jacket/shirt/trousers will be enough. You can also do the same for heavy weapon crews. Donald Featherstone wrote once that if you change the hat a figure is wearing, the whole appearance changes. This is sound advice and has stood me in good stead for many 20mm figure conversions over the years. All vehicles and guns were sprayed car primer grey and dry-brushed heavily with Humbrol gloss brown, then dry-brushed lightly with Humbrol sand, and very lightly with Citadel bleached bone. This gave a hard-used, well-travelled look to everything.

Air power... I did not use any. Don't get carried away, but if you fancy a couple of aircraft, feel free to add them to the game. Airfix are re-releasing their WWI machines and there are some super models in the Revell range, as well. You might use them as unarmed reconnaissance planes, doing ground attack with hand grenades and pistols. I was always fond of the German Roland fighter... Bombers and the more effective machines from the Western Front will severely affect the flavour of the campaign. I had thought of a raid on an airfield, which could be added in the retreat phase of the above campaign— shades of the Desert SAS "Picht's Private Army" perhaps?

Buildings, well, I didn't put myself out too much over them. I have no idea what Balkan buildings looked like at the turn of the century. Fort Simianu was an old Airfix French Foreign Legion desert fort. It is no longer available, but Sentry Models produce a resin affair not too dissimilar. The town walls were a conversion I did many years ago from an Airfix Caesar's Gate model, based on articles by Terry Wise in Airfix Magazine. Houses and farms were just various models from my collection. In keeping with the 1960s/1970s theme, you can buy the old Airfix range of railway buildings from Dapol (available from railway shops). The English Thatched Cottage featured in many of my early games, ranging from the Roman Civil War in Numidia to Rorke's Drift to Normandy 1944. "Oh happy days". Alternatively, see Major-General Tremorden-Rederring's website below for how to build cheap forts and buildings and an effective way of representing mountainous terrain. The Sources

"War On Wheels" by C.R. Kutz was my sole source for the campaign. Do not pick holes in my history, if you are expert in this area. I am not. This was just for fun, not a serious area of research for me. Cheap and cheerful, the ever-ready Osprey Men At Arms series have books on the WWI belligerents. I can offer no comment on their veracity, simply that they exist.

"Military Transport of WWI" by C Ellis & D Bishop. Published in Blandford's Mechanised Warfare in Colour Series. Lots of colour drawings of WWI transport, lots of ideas for vehicle conversions. More than one Airfix Magazine article started from a Blandford series book painting. Mentioned in this magazine before is Major-General Tremorden-Rederring's website http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-12 (an excellent site for almost anything—ever! –Ed.) I cannot recommend this enough. Even if you have no interest in Victorian colonial wargames, it is a wealth of ideas for conversions and modelling. Its designers are just plain enthusiastic about their period, and this comes across as you tour their site. You will find ideas for early vehicles, ships, aeroplanes, forts, and buildings.

Finally there are various issues of Airfix Magazine from my own collection dated from 1967 to 1983, which gave conversion and scratch building hints and tips. Especially useful and inspirational are the articles by John Saunders.

John Saunders was a particular hero of mine and you could do worse than to get hold of some of his work. His wonderfully simple 1:72 wargames models and 1:32 scale dioramas made of card, balsa, plastic rod, sellotape, etc. are on display at the National Army Museum and Hatfield House. Go on, have a trip down Memory Lane!

All this is very well, but I can hear you, Gentle Reader, saying "John, this is all very well, but what are we going to do with all this stuff that we've bought? It's good for one campaign only". If, like me, you have a lifetime of bric-a-brac lying around the house in boxes, a lot of the figures and models may well be to hand. If you need to buy or build them specially, it's a bit of an outlay. Next time I will present another idea where we can re-use some of the models in similar "toy soldier" games inspired by past wargame and modelling heroes.

Skofalot's Challenge

A WWI Scenario on the Eastern Front by Greg Potter

I am fortunate in having a week off work most Christmases and I like to have a seasonal project to work towards. In 2011 I settled on a WWI scenario using the Strelets Russians I already had and the Strelets Austrians I had bought myself as a present from the goldfish, just in case I got nothing more interesting from the nearest and dearest!

I like these figures (some do not, sorry Mark!); they have lots of character and after a little conversion work I had several sections of infantry, a scratch-built Austrian HMG and Russian HMG, a couple of converted gun crews for the artillery, and a very fine officer and standard command group for each side. The Austrian flag was from the Napoleonic period and the Russian was a medieval religious standard, but they looked the part!

I solo wargame, and one of the attractions of the WWI Russian Army is they were not noted for their tactical subtleties, which makes them ideal as a solo enemy in both attack and defence. I also have a Russian commander who features in most of my games, so I kind of have a sense of what he would do: General Skofalot, which might give you a clue to his usual attitude.

On this occasion he has been set the following challenge. The retreating Imperial Austrian Army has thrown several hasty defence lines across the line of advance. One of them is based around a village railway station, which is on a line the Russians want to use for re-supply, so Skofalot must attack the position and drive off the Austrians.

The Austrians simply have to hold on to the station. (See map)

Skofalot has five sections of infantry, two Lewis LMG, and one Maxim HMG, with a field gun in support.

The Austrians have three sections of infantry, one LMG, one HMG, and one field gun in support.

I always feel these scenario articles work best if you can apply them to your own rule set, scale of figures, etc. So although in this game each section of infantry was six figures, I am sure the scenario would work just as well with each section being six bases or 12 figures or whatever you prefer. The key thing is the Russians MUST outnumber the Austrians by nearly double, and will need those extra machine guns.

Rules are also very personal but good ones can usually be adapted to fit various scenarios, so for example I used Andy Callan's "One Brain Cell" Russian Civil War rules published years ago in Wargames Illustrated, and they were written for 6mm, not the 20mm I use them for. What I like is the "order" system. Basically you can issue six types of order, each having a value from 1 to 6, so move is "1", rally is "4", and attack is "5". The score on a D6 has to be equal or greater than the value for the order to be carried out, so moving is likely, getting your men out of cover to attack is bloody difficult!

Another twist is you can only issue less orders than units on the table, and I vary this depending on how good the commander is. So the Austrians have seven units but can only be issued five orders per turn, and the Russians have nine units but only seven orders. (After all messengers get shot, orders misunderstood, radios break down, etc.). Just to clarify, a unit can only be issued one order per turn. The fire and movement rules are pretty standard and are not too "bloody".

So on with the game.

True to form, Skofalot issued his favourite order to the two units behind the cornfields:"Charge". In fairness this is to try and pin the Austrians behind the small hill while unit 3 tries to outflank. It does not work—the two units get pinned by Austrian rifle, MG, and artillery fire, and take casualties . The outflanking unit cuts across their own HMG's line of fire and the Russian artillery has too many targets to engage instead of concentrating on the hill. The 3rd unit does manage to get a bit further forward and starts a fire against the hill that manages to cause a few casualties before they are forced back to the comparative cover of the cornfield.

Skofalot rants at his subordinates and tells the arty commander to make his mind up and engage just one potential target—preferably the railway station as it is a big enough target to hit and the Austrian HMG is in there somewhere. He then orders the HMG to bring its fire to bear on the hill, all good stuff, but Skofalot only has one order for infantry, so albeit with more covering fire this time, he orders the remaining infantry sections 4 and 5 to advance down the road.

Ironically what helps him now is that with three units pinned he only has four "active" units to give orders to, so now has more orders than active units. So the arty and HMG get fire orders, needing just 2 on a D6, and the advancing infantry just move orders that only need 1. Once they get to short range they will need the attack order, but one step at a time.

The basic plan works well, the Austrians get pinned, and the Russian arty finally takes out the HMG, so the Russians storm down the road, pass (eventually) the attack order and sweep towards the level crossing. The few remaining Austrian infantry on the hill, their job done, are now outflanked and retreat to the orchard. At this point I take a leaf out of the Skofalot book of advanced infantry tactics and order my un-committed and un-harmed Austrian reserve infantry behind the railway station to charge the assaulting Russians! This proves to be an exciting couple of turns, with both sides shaken by the shock of the hand-to-hand fighting, but despite a gallant defence the greater Russian numbers tell and the Austrian infantry withdraw. However the Russians fail a morale check, preventing a pursuit, and start scraping holes into the railway embankment and digging in.

So did Skofalot pass his challenge? Well of course, the railway station is clear of the enemy, and tomorrow the remaining pocket will be swept from the orchard with no difficulty. The Austrian commander, more humbly, simply reports that the railway station is still under the fire of his artillery and infantry, and therefore under his control, and tomorrow you will attack the Russian remnants and clear them from the embankment. Tomorrow is going to be a long day! A Captured Gun from Gallipoli 1916

Rob Morgan

Every so often the Ordnance Society Newsletter publishes articles which would be of great interest to members of the SOTCW. Way back in issue No. 67 (July 2004), Peter Fuller published photographs taken on a trip to the Tower of London, of an unusual 4-barrelled weapon which stands outside the Tower Museum – a Nordenfeldt machine gun! The gun carries the label "captured from the Turks at Gallipoli in 1916"! A late 19th century, four-barrelled .5" machine gun in action in 1916?

It just goes to show that in war, any weapon is better than none, and the Turks were indeed short of heavy weapons throughout WWI, so an effective gun of this type available and, from the cone mounting shown, emplaced for coast defence, would be at a premium over the beaches of Gallipoli. The Turks had bought a number of .5" and 1" Nordenfeldts in the 1880s as did many European countries. Britain used the .45" version, adopted as far back as 1878! When Britain went on to adopt the Maxim in 1891, the Nordenfeldt became obsolete (but obviously no-one told Turkey!) and went out of service with British troops in 1894, a mere twenty-one years before they faced it on the beaches at Gallipoli.

The line drawings, incidentally, are of the heavier version 1" calibre 4-barrel Nordenfeldt, but it's identical in every other respect, bar weight of the round and range. This gives the essential features of this elderly but sound weapon, which could have anywhere from 1-12 barrels, and the operating technique was identical. Those of you with a Turkish WWI army, listen carefully. The gun operated by means of the handle which protrudes from the right hand side, like an old fruit machine, by a backwards and forwards movement; forward to load and fire, back to eject. The cartridges dropped into the breech from the 100- round hopper above and the gun was capable of around 400 rounds a minute. Though it has to be said that the trials of different armies and fleets gave substantially different results and of course were all conducted in the previous century!

The gun's range was up to 2,000 yards and the crew was eight or nine men on shore, probably fewer if emplaced; it could have an armoured shield.

Some of you may remember that Military Modelling magazine carried a substantial article on the Nordenfeldt gun and its several variants back in the February 1994 issue. This was an excellent article and worth hunting down if you are at all interested in this unusual and interesting weapon.

Since first reading this article from Rob, HaT Industries have released a new set: Colonial Wars Gardner Gun (HAT-8180) in 1:72 scale. Visually the Gardner and Nordenfeldt look very similar, this might make a good starting point for a conversion in this scale. Richard B.

Italian Floating Batteries of WWI

Rob Morgan

Well, those who read my contributions to The Journal will know that I set great store by the Peter Pig ranges. Indeed I do! So it came as a bit of a disappointment to me when I ordered No.60 in the 1:600 scale American Civil War ships range, a "Balloon Barge" priced at £2.50. I realize I said ACW, but please bear with me.

The barge is one-piece resin, oval, 6cm long and 3cm wide, about 6mm deep. An etched planked surface littered with a few stores, etc., and a deflated balloon with basket. Not quite what I expected at all. So turning to my 30 year-old copy of Aido Fraccaroli's "Italian Warships of WWI" I found a very suitable use for the barge. So here it is for you all to share!

During WWI, along the Isonzo River and the lagoons and islands north-east of Venice, the Italians fought Austria-Hungary in a very bitter war; the new (at least when I'm writing this!) Osprey volumes on the Italian and Austrian armies in WWI will give you plenty of background. Both sides employed armed barges, rafts, lighters, and various vessels known as "betas", "peatas", "burchios" and a host of other names for small wooden or iron craft used to transport coal and heavy materials. The Italian vessels came in all sorts of sizes and shapes. There were in total slightly over 100 of them.

I turned my ACW barge into a 15mm Italian gun platform by filing away the balloon, which looks rather pathetic anyway, and the basket, and scoring the deck to match the etched planking—this took me about 15 minutes work. I left the debris of stores and boxes untouched, since they make the raft (or barge or lighter) look authentic. Over the centre of the gun platform I placed a single plastic game counter, for the gun's base. I could have left the spot alone, or cemented a square or oval piece of thin plasticard there as an alternative.

Arming the barge gives plenty of scope. Some carried trench mortars, others light AA guns, and yet others field guns roped to turntables for high-angle fire. Most seem to have had an MG somewhere about the deck. I chose the Irregular Miniatures Gun Type 3D, described as a WWI German LuftKannone, and cemented the gun and pillar in place on the base. Gun crew: four figures from Peter Pig's WWI range. I used two from pack 56, naval gun crew, and two gunners with French helmets. Painting details are as in the Osprey books, but the barge should be dark grey-green, and mine carried the white number 2 each side bow and stern, as most were numbered or named. My model represented a captured weapon, but with very little alteration the model can be made into an Italian 3" AA gun with or without a simple splinter shield. If you decide to make an Austrian weapon, then the "LuftKannone" and WWI Austrian gun crew from Irregular Miniatures are perfect. Options include a searchlight, a trench mortar, and a field gun (in which case use a wider circle of card for the turntable).

While many of these little vessels were armed with AA guns, they were used frequently to engage ground targets. Other types encountered had a tall observation ladder leaning on a mast for spotting, while most carried an awning of some kind at one end, or even over the gun, to keep out the cold and rain. The barge, you will agree, looks pretty cramped, as they were in the war.

I've given a full-size template for the biggest group of Italian rafts used in the lagoons; there were 28 of these, called "Raganella" (tree frogs). They all carried their numbers in white, and were frequently coupled together to provide a battery with a gangplank to the shore. Options for the "Raganella" are a 32/40 AA or a couple of heavy MGs. Or you could add loop-holed steel walls 18mm high (with a single door) to represent a floating guard post for a bridge or lock, and armed with infantry and an LMG. These rafts really were cramped and two, or at most three, crewmen are enough to fill them.

If you want to expand and create a small lagoon force, then add a Peter Pig Picket Boat (No.128), swapping the bow gun for a heavy MG (a Hotchkiss would be accurate), and transferring the quick-firer to a barge. You can also make a "peata"-type wooden barge by simply placing a plasticard deck overall in the 15mm "large ship's boat" from Peter Pig's range 10 (No.9) and adding a larger gun such as a 4.7" from one of the naval accessory series around. There is a single manufactured model of a larger lighter available, which is in Village Green's range, and although it is intended for 25mm, it can be used easily.

Use these models in straightforward raid games, defending canal banks against storm troopers or arditi. They were rarely if ever anchored in open water, always beached or linked to shore and each other. A small attacking force intended to destroy guns and craft carried in by launch and supported by a few cavalry (horses can swim) makes a good and different game. Or perhaps with the barges and rafts in tow, and unstable as gun platforms. Or use them in a winter game when the canal surface is covered with ice, thus avoiding any unpleasantness with water. Both sides used barges and rafts, so there's plenty of scope. Avanti! as they say.

Rob Morgan is the Secretary of the Welsh Maritime Association

The Death of Werner Voss

WWI aerial combat by Neil McDougall

Werner Voss was a contemporary of Richthofen and Udet and was considered by many to be a better pilot than both. He started military life, as did so many WWI aces, in a cavalry regiment, transferring to the air services in 1915. After flying two-seaters for a short period he joined Boelkes Jasta 2 in late 1916. He was a popular member of the squadron, even managing to become friends with the stand- offish Richthofen. His flying was soon found to be excellent, and he was considered an extremely skilled aerobatic pilot; despite this, it wasn't until 17th March 1917 that he was able to score a confirmed victory. This first kill marked a change for the amiable young pilot, and by the end of April his score had risen to nearly thirty, and he had been awarded the coveted Poure le Merite, the "Blue Max". Introduction of the Triplane

In May 1917 Voss was promoted to command Jasta 5 before being posted (at Richthofen's request), to the command of Jasta 10, one of the squadrons making up the legendary "Flying Circus". Voss did not find the burden of command easy to handle. The responsibility and attendant administrative duties worried him and his rate of scoring showed a significant decline. All this changed when, in August 1917, Anthony Fokker presented him with a gift. The little Dutch designer had fallen from official favour with the German high command as German designed aircraft had begun to outclass the early Fokker fighters which had allowed the German Air Service to cut such a swathe through the skies in 1916. A shrewd and cunning businessman, Fokker knew that the young "Experten" had influence beyond their junior rank and years and did everything he could to ensure that he remained friends with as many of them as possible. To this end, when the pre-production models of the triplane became available, he presented them to Richthofen and Voss.

Richthofen was less than impressed at first, giving the fighter to another pilot and staying with his faithful Albatross. Voss, on the other hand, was ecstatic. The little plane fitted him like a glove as its light handling and outstanding aerobatic qualities made it perfect for his style of fighting. At once his score began to rise again, and by September it had risen to 48, only 13 behind the Red Baron at that time. On 22nd September Voss took twenty-four hours leave, returning to Berlin to attend the celebrations of another ace, Bruno Loerzer, who had just been awarded the "Blue Max". All the aces who could get away from the front attended the reception, hosted as usual by Fokker. In a specially decorated suite of the Bristol hotel on Unter Der Linden were collected some of the most successful fighter pilots of the war. Richthofen, sitting quietly alone as usual, Udet, Voss, Goring, and Lothar Von Richthofen, joking and drinking with a gaggle of other, marginally less talented, pilots. Richthofen left first and with his departure the young men began to get even more raucous. The Red Baron was greatly respected but his stiff formal attitude did little to help a party go with a swing. Voss was, as always, in the thick of things, for despite his promotion and fame, he had remained cheerful, friendly, and popular. But he also had to leave early. Unlike Richthofen, who had said a formal goodbye to Fokker and slipped out of a side door to avoid a crowd of sightseers outside, Voss announced that his leave was up and then led a loud toast to their host. To the salutations and farewells of his friends he left through the front entrance, much to the delight of the gathered civilians. 23rd September 1917

Next day Voss was back at the controls of his triplane on a solo patrol. He spotted what he thought was a lone SE 5 and latched onto its tail; however, it wasn't alone. It was in fact one of a flight of seven aircraft from 56 Sqdn RFC. In this flight were some of the best RFC pilots flying at that time. They were led by James McCudden, a skilled pilot whose score would rise to 57, and included Lieutenants Rhys-Davis, Lewis, and Bowman, all veterans and aces.

McCudden had just reformed the rest of the flight, having shot down a two-seater as Voss had latched onto the straggler. McCudden had spotted a group of several Albatross fighters and was intending to attack them, however, seeing the triplane on the tail of his pilot, he led his flight to the rescue.

Voss now found himself in the centre of a maelstrom, SEs closing in from all sides. He knew he could not outrun the faster British planes and the triplane's favoured escape of climbing away was blocked by a formation of Spads which had appeared and were now engaging the Albatross flight seen earlier. His only option was to use the Fokker's marked advantage in manoeuvrability and attempt to evade the British until the fight attracted further German planes. At first it seemed as though the tactic might work —Voss flew the triplane like a man possessed, constantly evading the British attacks. It is doubtful if a less skilled group of pilots would have been able to keep him at bay. Finally salvation seemed on hand when a further group of Albatross scouts arrived; these hopes were dashed when the reinforcements were engaged by the timely arrival of a flight of Camels. Despite this, one Albatross pilot (his name unfortunately lost to posterity) did break through and joined the hard-pushed Voss. With his anonymous helper covering his tail Voss even felt confident enough to go on the offensive and several of the 56 Sqdn pilots were forced to break off attacks after receiving well-aimed bursts from the Fokker's twin Spandaus.

However, the Albatross pilot while undoubtedly brave, was just not up to the standards of this fight. He was soon shot down and all seven SEs again concentrated on Voss. McCudden, who had drawn off to one side of the action to check on the situation around the fight, saw no less than five of his men firing at Voss simultaneously. In a move McCudden described as masterly the German pilot "simply waltzed" the little Fokker fighter out of the way. By now, however, the fight had gone on for a long time and the aircraft had lost height. Voss was tiring and McCudden noted a slightly hesitant and erratic aspect to some of his movements. Finally Arthur Rhys-Jones got onto the triplane's tail and with one long burst sent it diving into the ground, where it exploded on impact. It was Rhys-Jones' eighteenth victory. Aftermath

It was a subdued group who landed back at 56 Squadron's base. None of them had any doubt that if they had met the German pilot in anything less than overwhelming numbers they would have been in serious trouble. When told of his victim's identity, Rhys-Davids was showered with congratulations. He brushed them all aside, saying, "I wish I could have brought him down alive." That night in the mess they all agreed that no other pilot alive, not even Richthofen or Guynemer, could have flown better.

The loss of the smiling, happy-go-lucky young ace was sorely felt among the German Jastas. Unlike Richthofen, who was respected, Voss was genuinely liked. In addition many pilots knew deep in their hearts that if a flyer like Voss could be killed, their own delusions of invulnerability were just that, delusions… Wargaming the Action

To recreate this epic battle I would suggest placing the single triplane in the centre of the board at around 15 thousand feet. Three hundred feet below and just out of firing range, place a single SE-5A. This plane is cruising straight and level and is flown by an experienced pilot. Seven hundred feet above Voss approximately two moves away and at his 10 o'clock place McCudden and the other SEs. These planes are at top speed and have three aces and three veterans at the controls. The only other plane you need is the anonymous Albatross; this should arrive on the board at around turn seven, flying at top speed three moves away from the dogfight at the same height as Voss, and should be placed by the German player. I would suggest that it has a veteran or experienced pilot. This brings us to the vexed problem of how to represent Voss and his amazing performance. I would have him played by the best player available and give him any and all advantages included in your rules. Even then the German player wins if he either survives or shoots down one of the enemy aces. Finally...

One final thought—Werner Voss was a Jew. It is unlikely that his distinguished war record would have protected him in the hate-filled future that was to be Germany's fate. Perhaps Rhys-David would have done him no favour if he'd brought him down alive.

The Sinking of the Wien

A WWI naval action by Russell Phillips Introduction

On the 10th of December 1917, the Austro-Hungarian Monarch-class battleship Wien (Vienna) was attacked in port at Trieste. All three ships of the Monarch class had been relegated to harbour duties in 1914, since they were obsolete and due to be replaced by the new dreadnought battleships of the Improved Tegetthoff class. Although the first Improved Tegetthoff was scheduled to be laid down in 1914, the outbreak of war meant that no work was done on their construction, and so the operational life of the Monarch class was extended.

In November and December of 1917 the Wien, along with the Budapest (another Monarch-class battleship) was involved in shore bombardment operations in the Gulf of Trieste in support of the left flank of the Austro-Hungarian army. In the early morning of 16th November the two battleships, escorted by nine torpedo boats, five minesweepers, and three seaplanes, left Trieste and opened fire at 10:35am from a range of 10,000 yards. The range was later reduced to 6,500 yards to allow the 15cm secondary guns to join the bombardment. Italian naval units were sent from Venice to attack the Austro- Hungarian force, but they made no serious attempt to interfere with the bombardment, which continued until 2:30pm, when the force retired to Trieste. During the bombardment, Wien was hit seven times on her superstructure, but did not suffer serious damage, while the Budapest was hit by a single shell below the waterline which failed to penetrate her armour.

All the Austro-Hungarian ports were well defended, but Lieutenant Luigi Rizzo, an ex-Merchant Service captain commanding the small motor torpedo boat MAS.9, had made many reconnaissances of the harbour. These had led him to believe that access could be gained through the moles, as long as a way could be found to break through the steel hawsers stretched across them. Powerful cutters, designed to cut through a 4" hawser, were therefore fitted to the bows of MAS.9. The Attack

On the 9th December 1917, the Italian torpedo boats 9.PN and 11.PN left Venice, towing MAS.9 and MAS.13, commanded by Chief Quartermaster Ferrarini. At 10:45pm, 10 miles from Trieste, the MAS boats were dropped off and quietly made their own way to the harbour. Having reached the harbour, Rizzo climbed one of the moles and listened to the lookouts talking, before returning to his craft to deal with the hawsers. The main 4" hawser presented little problem, but the six 3" cables took two hours to cut, as the cutters were not designed to deal with these thinner cables.

As the two boats entered the harbour, they had to take shelter from a searchlight in the shadow of the mole. After the searchlight was switched off, the MAS boats headed towards the Wien and Budapest. After locating the targets and inspecting them to make sure there were no anti-torpedo nets, Rizzo ordered MAS.13 to attack the farther ship, while he attacked the nearer one.

At about 2:30am, Rizzo fired his two torpedoes, and almost immediately was illuminated by a searchlight from the Austrian ship. He was not illuminated for long, though, as his torpedoes found their target and the searchlight went out. Not long after, there were two more explosions, leading the Italians to hope that Ferrarini's torpedoes had also hit, although in fact they had missed their target and exploded harmlessly. The two MAS boats left the harbour at full throttle, to meet their torpedo boats, and were back in Venice later that morning.

The Wien was hit on the starboard side, and assumed a severe list, which counter-flooding failed to rectify. Within five minutes, she had rolled over and sunk. The sinking of the Wien to torpedo attack dramatically illustrated a design weakness in the Monarch class: an armoured longitudinal bulkhead on the centre line. Ironically, this design flaw had been intended to protect the ships from torpedo attack. However, the bulkhead actually led to instability when the starboard half of it was flooded. Had the bulkhead not been fitted, the flooding would have been more generally distributed across the hull, leading only to a loss of buoyancy. Wargaming the Attack

Although this attack would not suit a conventional wargame, it could be run as a solo or umpired game, with the player taking the role of the Italian attackers. If desired, extra encounters could be added during the approach, while the MAS boats are being towed by the torpedo boats. Both Navwar and Davco do WWI Austro-Hungarian and Italian ships in 1:3000, including torpedo boats and MAS boats. The Ships

Wien & Budapest

Displacement: 5,547 tons load, 5,786 tons deep load

Dimensions: 99.22m x 17m x 6.4m

Maximum speed: 17.5 knots

Armament: 4x 24cm guns in two twin turrets

6x 15cm guns in single casemate mountings

1x 66mm AA gun

12x 47mm Hotchkiss guns

2x 45cm torpedo tubes, beam mounted

Armour Belt 220-270mm

Conning tower 220mm

Turrets 250mm

Casemates 80mm

Deck 40-60mm

Torpedo Boats 9.PN & 11.PN

Displacement: 125 tons

Dimensions: 139' x 15' x 5'

Maximum speed: 30 knots

Armament 1x 6 pounder

2x 18" torpedo tubes

Motor Torpedo Boats MAS.9 & MAS.13

Displacement: 18 tons Length: 59'

Maximum speed: 35 knots

Armament 3x MG

2x 18" torpedo tubes References

"Jane's Fighting Ships of World War I" ISBN 1-85170-378-0

"Austro-Hungarian Battleships" by Paul Kemp ISBN 0-946784-27-2

John Beech's Austro-Hungarian Navy Homepage ://tinyurl.com/sotcw-13 Biggles in the Trenches

Alan Hamilton

I was introduced to Biggles, by Captain W.E. Johns, by my father many years ago. And having read "Biggles, Pioneer Air Fighter", I was hooked for life. Over the years I've read the few that I have again. These are mainly the ones set during the Great War. Recently I saw the novels and short stories had reappeared in "Red Fox" editions in the bookshops, each with some very nice artwork on the cover. In addition to the books there is the film "Biggles – Adventures in Time" as well as the Monty Python sketch, several BBC radio broadcasts, and a few talking books.

Many years ago I started a pseudo-history of Biggles and 266 Squadron RFC (later RAF) for my children and then more recently I rewrote it for some friends and, in doing so, realised there are all sorts of ground and air combat scenarios within the books. Firstly I'm going to look at 266 Squadron. Then I'll go on to two scenarios and finally some ideas on models. The 266 Squadron that we are looking at here is the fictitious one that W.E. Johns used and not the real 266 that flew flying boats. 266 Squadron RFC

Captain W.E. Johns is quite mysterious about the origins of 266 Squadron RFC. We first hear of the squadron when a fledgling pilot, James Bigglesworth meets a fellow officer, Mahoney, on Newhaven Quay on his way to the front. Biggles has been posted to 169 Squadron equipped with the F.E.2 pusher, though later they fly the Bristol F2B. The two young officers immediately strike up a friendship which lasted the whole war and saw Biggles himself transferred to 266, where Mahoney was a pilot, within eight months. This was around the beginning of October 1916, and Mahoney seems to have already completed a six-month stint at the front, making 266 one of the earliest squadrons to be entirely equipped with scouts. It had been common practice to mix light bombers or reconnaissance aircraft with scouts to escort them in the same squadron.

At this time 266 were flying Sopwith Pups and so must have been among the first squadrons to receive the plane, then the absolute height of aviation technology. The personnel serving in 266 Squadron at that time, with the exception of Mahoney, is unknown, as is their operational history.

The squadron moved to its base at Maranique at the front. The exact location of the aerodrome near the village of Maranique that became the squadron's home is a bit of a mystery, except that it was probably about 25 miles behind the Front Line in the area that was overrun for a short while in the Kaiserschlacht of 1918. The aerodrome was bombed by the counter-attacking British and suffered some damage, including the destruction of two hangars and the squadron office. The ammunition shed was blown up by Captain Bigglesworth who had been a temporary prisoner of war and who captured an enemy Maxim gun sited in the attic of the mess. What is known is that it was near the town of Clarmes.

What can be said about the squadron's home is that it comprised a few offices, an officers' mess, and some other accommodation, possibly in a farm or other buildings. In addition there were at least three jazz-pattern camouflaged canvas flight "sheds", as the hangars were known. C Flight's hangar was the province of the redoubtable Flight Sergeant Smythe. In front of the sheds was the "tarmac", an area of hard standing where routine maintenance and servicing was carried out. Pilots' Uniforms

The Royal Flying Corps pilots on the ground wore either standard British Army service dress of their original regiments with RFC insignia or the 1903-pattern uniform with a lancer-type tunic which was commonly known as the "maternity jacket". However, flying duties needed protective clothing that would combat the biting winds of the open cockpits at high altitudes. A long leather coat with a silk scarf to protect his neck from chafing made up the main items, topped off with the standard flying helmet and goggles, while fur-lined leather gauntlets and boots completed the outfit. These boots which, when issued, reached the thighs, were often cut down to the knees for comfort.

Other forms of dress included the Sidcot Suit, named after its inventor, Sidney Cotton. This all-in-one flying suit was introduced into RFC and RAF service towards the end of WWI. The quilted fireproof fabric was an improvement over the leather coat. The whole suit was fur-lined. The Webley Mark IV revolver was the standard personal weapon of the British aircrew throughout the war. Captain Bigglesworth

According to the accounts, James Bigglesworth was born in India in August 1899, where he spent much of his early years. In 1913 he moved to England to live with his uncle, and in February 1914 he went to Malton Hall School. It was here that he inherited the nickname "Biggles" that had originally been given to his elder brother, Charles. Like his brother, he joined the army as a subaltern in the Rifle Brigade and soon transferred to the RFC. Here he learned to fly in the summer of 1916, at No. 17 Flying Training School, at Settling in Norfolk. After just 15 hours solo he was posted to France and went into action in September 1916 with 169 Squadron, RFC, (commanded by Major Paynter). His observer was another youth named Mark Way, a New Zealander. Biggles began flying the FE2 "pusher" and then the Bristol F2B Fighter. In the late summer of 1917, he was transferred to 266 Squadron RFC, commanded by a Dubliner, Major Mullen. With 266 Squadron, Biggles flew the Sopwith Pup and then the famed Sopwith Camel. A study of the short stories featuring his World War I exploits suggests that he finished the war with 35 confirmed victories and many others unclaimed, and was shot down or crash-landed eight times. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Order, and the Military Cross and bar. As well as his regular duties, Biggles was often called on to perform special missions for Major Raymond of the Special Service. On the final day of World War I, Biggles was promoted to Major, finally attaining the same rank as his elder brother, Major Charles Bigglesworth D.S.O. M.C., who served in the Rifle Brigade and been killed in action earlier that year. The Scenarios

In the Biggles books our hero is equally effective on ground and in the air. My particular interest is in land wargaming and I make no apology for concentrating on the ground actions described in some of the stories. Generally these are small actions involving a handful of playing pieces. Our games are played under our own club adventure skirmish (Pulp) type rules and Astounding Tales or Rugged adventures would work just as well. And I'm sure they can be played out with any skirmish set. We used a lot of flexibility to encourage the flow of the game.

But first a word on playing Biggles. Biggles is able to fly any aircraft, is extremely lucky, very clever, a hard fighter, very fit and almost indestructible, and this is why we often use Pulp-type rules rather than normal skirmish ones. Whatever rules that you choose will need to reflect the characteristics that are emphasised in the scenarios.

"The Carrier"

Background

Biggles was on a routine patrol when he flew into something and thought that he was wounded. He landed behind the British lines and found that he was not wounded and the blood had come from a carrier pigeon. Biggles phoned Division HQ with the coded message and was told that the agent who sent it was "done for" as the Germans were closing in on his position. Biggles decided to attempt a rescue on his own. He flies in, bombs the dogs, lands, picks up the Agent and flies out, mowing down a troop of Uhlans who try to charge him. Ground

Lagnicourt Wood lies seven or eight miles over the line. The main part of the table is made up of a few fields surrounded by high hedgerows with ditches and at least one lane. One field is larger than the others at 28-30" square, the others are less than 18" and run along the whole edge of the wood. At least one third to one half of the table is Lagnicourt Wood. The hedges and woods should provide some good cover for the spy.

Biggles

Mission – Escape with the Agent.

Biggles with 1 x Sopwith Camel with a full load of Vickers ammunition and 2 x 25 lb Cooper Bombs.

The Agent is hiding on the edge of the wood.

Germans

Mission: Capture the Agent.

One party of 8 infantry with 2 dogs and handlers searching the ditch leading into the western corner.

Several single sentries placed at intervals on the northern and southern sides.

One troop of Uhlans off table but approaching.

Special Rules a. Bombing: In the story Biggles bombs the Germans from only 50 feet and so he should be given a fairly high chance of scoring an effective hit. This means that the burst pattern of at least one bomb should cover the target group. b. Landing: The Camel needs 12" to land safely. Roll a d10 each turn the Camel moves more than 8" on the ground – a roll of 0 means that the Camel has suffered damage. If the damage is suffered roll a d6:

1. Catastrophe – undercarriage collapses and Camel stop

2. Damaged – no take off this turn 2 turns to repair

3. Damaged – no take off this turn 1 turn to repair

4. Light damage – Camel pulls to left 4"

5. Light damage – Camel pulls to right 4"

6. Minor damage – Camel loses 4" this turn c. Take off: The camel needs 18" clear run to take off with the Agent on board, 14" without. The high hedges mean that the Camel must finish its run 4" before reaching them. If the Camel is within 4" then roll a d6:

1. Catastrophe – undercarriage hits hedge, Camel crash-lands d10" into next field

2. Agent dislodged, drops d6" into next field

3. Agent dislodged, drops d10" into next field

4. Bounces d10" into field roll on table above at -1 on d6

5. Bounces d6" into field roll on table above

6. Minor damage lands rolls d10" and takes off (if there is space) d. Shooting: the Camel has 2 x Vickers MG, and these can be fired in a dive at a plus modifier and also when the Camel is "tail up" (moving 8" or more) on the ground. e. Taxiing: The Camel may taxi with its tail skid down (less than 8") without penalty. It may not shoot its MG but the pilot may use his revolver. f. Dogs: work in pairs and follow the scent down the ditch at d6" per turn. A roll of 1 means they lose the scent and need to roll 4+ to pick it up again. g. Agent: May double move/run for three turns to reach the Camel. He must reach the left wing of the Camel. h. Wind direction: The Camel must take off as close into the wind as it can or in the lea of the woods (8"). The prevailing wind is from the west.

Uhlans – The Uhlans arrive at the table edge along which the Camel will exit.

The Sentries will only leave their posts if ordered by an officer. They may shoot at the Camel or Agent.

Victory conditions

British Victory: Biggles gets the Agent out

British Minor Victory: Biggles and Agent exit table even if pursued

German Victory: Agent captured

German Minor Victory: Agent killed

"Biggles Finds His Feet"

Background: Biggles suffers an engine failure and crash lands between the trench lines. He ends up in a shell hole with Bert Smart, A Company, 23rd London Regiment, who is crippled with a smashed kneecap. Biggles promises to come back for him. He joins the Londons just as a German attack begins and takes over a crew-less Vickers. He helps slow the attack by shooting down a German plane and pinning the leading units. Soon the Germans send in more troops and the Londons are about to withdraw when Biggles sends a runner down a communications trench to phone his squadron. Both Biggles' 266 Squadron and the S.E.5a fighters from his friend Wilks' squadron arrive to demolish the attack.

In this story I've given a few extra troops to each side to make it a more playable game.

Ground

The British line with supports forms one table edge. The rest of the table is shell holes and, at the opposite edge, is the German front line. About 25 yards in front of the British line is a large shell hole containing Bert. It may well have been a listening post, and in front of this hole is Biggles' wrecked Camel. There are a few gaps in the wire made by artillery but these are covered by the machine gun posts. The ground is muddy and covered in the detritus of war – helmets, ammo boxes, bodies, shattered equipment, wire, and so on.

Note on strengths – we use single figures to represent characters, so Biggles, Bert, and the four figures of each HQ are represented.

The Londons (all strongly emplaced)

Battalion HQ: CO, Adjutant, Batman, Runner

4 x Companies: Officer, Sergeant, 2 x Cpls, 2 x Lewis, 12 – 16 rifles

MG detachment: NCO and 4 x Vickers MG (one with dead crew) Support

Mortar detachment: 2 x NCO observers, 2 x 3" mortars (off table)

Artillery: 2 x Observation teams, 3 x 18pdr batteries on call (off table)

The two German Battalions

Battalion HQ: CO, Adjutant, Batman, Runner

MG Coy: 2 x Maxim guns on sleds

Mortar Coy: 2 x 7.6cm mortars with observers

3 or 4 x Companies: Officer, Sergeant, 2 x Cpls, 1 x LMG, 15 – 18 rifles

Support

1 x Storm Trooper platoon has about 8-10 men with 1 x LMG commanded by an NCO.

1 x observer in trench line with 2 batteries of 7.7cm guns on call.

Remainder of artillery firing on depth targets

1 x aircraft - targets indicated by flares fired by officer.

However, feel free to vary this to suit what you have. Since these are front line units, none of them should be at full strength.

British

Bert: is in his shell hole, partly protected and concealed by the wrecked Camel, and is not placed on table until discovered.

Biggles: In behind the crew-less Vickers gun in the British trench beside the CO, his adjutant, runner, and batman of the Londons. He may send the runner for air support.

British infantry: two depleted companies with rifles and Lewis guns plus Battalion HQ in the first trench. A Vickers MG position with a dead crew is beside Biggles; there are other Vickers MG positions off to each flank with interlocking fire plan spoiled by the loss of this one. Two more depleted companies in the reserve line just behind. Three artillery batteries are in support, as are the mortars.

Germans

First wave: Advancing in line to the attack. Three slightly depleted companies of infantry with battalion HQ, appropriate supporting machine guns and maybe a mortar and one storm trooper platoon. In support and not too far behind is a complete reserve battalion at nearly full strength (four companies) occupying the front line trench ready to attack.

In support are two batteries of artillery with a static observer in the German line.

Air support 1 x aircraft with 2 x MG

Neither side has a sniper.

Biggles' mission – to rescue Bert

British mission – to hold the line

German mission – to breach the line

Special rules

1. Biggles may operate the Vickers gun with a bonus in accuracy and effect.

2. Biggles has bonuses that will let him shoot down any German aircraft that crosses his field of fire and is in range without too much trouble.

3. Biggles may send the runner to call air support – this takes d6 turns after the runner exits the table. The air support is 3 x Sopwith Camels each with 2 x Vickers and 8 x 25 lb Cooper bombs and 3 x S.E.5a with 2 x MG.

4. Bert can only be spotted by a German within 3" who rolls 8 or 9 on a d10.

5. Bert may not shoot, except in self-defence once spotted.

6. The British may have one Final Protective Fire task per battery on the line of their wire.

7. German officers have flare pistols to indicate targets for artillery, mortars, and aircraft.

8. The umpire may need to send in the Camels and S.E.5a's or remind the "Biggles" player. Models

In my collection I have the 28mm model of Biggles that was supplied by WI some time ago to subscribers. The others in the cast of this adventure can come from Artizan's "Thrilling Tales", Pulp Figures, Copplestone, Perry Twins, Redoubt, and so on. The most suitable Camel I've found is the "Del Prado" die-cast model picked up on eBay for a couple of quid some time ago; it is about 1:60, though a 1:48 kit would do just as well.

On the other hand the game could easily be played with any of the plastic figures that are on the market. Biggles would probably have to be a conversion. The German Infantry might come from Emhar, HaT, and Revell and the Uhlans from Strelets, with the British from Emhar and HaT. Sopwith Camels can be found in the lists of several manufacturers including Revell, Academy, and Roden. I've found S.E.5a kits from Revell and Roden. You could use an old Camel as the wreck and an Airfix Hanover or Roland C III as the German support aircraft. The Airfix Camel 2F1 is really the wrong model for these scenarios.

The Plastic Soldier Review website (http://tinyurl.com/sotcw-14) has details. The Sopwith Camel in this case can be almost any 1:72 kit, so use whichever kit you like. Great War Spearhead

Rob Connolly

Please note that italicised forces, though included in the real-life OB, do not feature in the GWSH OB. German Forces

6th Bavarian Division

Divisional HQ

Staff car & staff (1 base)

Divisional troops

Divisional MG Company (1 x MG base) 1 Battalion Stosstruppen (4 x bases: veteran morale) 3rd squadron, 2nd Bavarian Light Cavalry Regiment (2 x cavalry bases: veteran morale)

11th Bavarian Infantry Brigade

10th Bavarian Infantry Regiment (12 x Infantry bases: Regular Morale) 6th Bavarian Infantry Regiment (12 x Infantry bases: Regular Morale) 13th Bavarian Infantry Regiment (12 x Infantry bases: Regular Morale)

Artillery

6th Bavarian Artillery Command

3rd Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment (3 x bases 7.7cm guns: Regular Morale): Supporting

10th Bavarian Regt.

1 Brigade off board: HE: 8 Gas: 2

8th Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment (3 x bases 10.5 howitzers:

Regular Morale): Off board: General Support

Engineers

Bavarian Pioneer Battalion

11th & 12th Bavarian Pioneer Company

6th Bavarian Trench Mortar Company (2 x bases Medium Minenwerfer: Regular Morale), (1 x Base Heavy Minenwerfer: Veteran Morale)

42nd Searchlight Section

6th Bavarian Telephone Detachment

Divisional Motor Transport Column German Orders

6th Bavarian Division will defend Hill 55, Der Zweiten (aka "The Twins") and Der Matterhorn (aka "Snaefell").

10th Bavarian Regt will defend Der Zweiten.

6th Bavarian Regt will defend the ravine between Der Zweiten and Hill 55.

13th Bavarian Regt will defend Hill 55. British Forces

IX CORPS: 19th & 37th Divisions

Corps Units:

1 x 18 Pdr Regiment (3 x bases: Regular Morale): Off board: Supporting 19th Division HE: 6 Gas: 2 Smoke: 2

1 x 4.5" Howitzer Regiment (3 x bases: Regular Morale): Off board: Supporting 37th Div HE: 6 Gas: 2 Smoke: 2

1 x 60 Pdr Regiment (2 x bases: Regular Morale): Off board: General Support HE: 10

1 x 8" Howitzer Regiment : (2 x bases: Veteran Morale): Off board: General Support HE: 10

1 Armoured-Car Reconnaissance Company (1 x base: Regular Morale)

1 Armoured Battalion (3 x bases Mark IV: Veteran Morale)

19th (Western) (Shute/Bridges/Monkhouse/Jeffreys)

246th Machine Gun Company (4 x MG bases: Regular Morale)

LXXVI Brigade RFA (6 x bases 18 pdr: Regular Morale)

LXXXVIII Brigade RFA (3 x bases 4.5" how: Regular Morale): Off board: Supporting 56th Brigade: HE: 6 5 Gas: 2 Smoke: 2

W.19 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery RFA (1 x base 9.45 Flying Pig Mortar: Regular Morale)

X.19, Y.19 and Z.19 Medium Mortar Batteries RFA (3 x bases 6" Newton Mortars: Green Morale)

81, 82 & 94 Field Engineer Company (3 x bases Engineers: Regular Morale)

56th Brigade

7th Kings Own

7th East Lancashire

7th South Lancashire

7th Loyal North Lancashire

(16 x bases Infantry: Regular Morale)

56th Brigade Machine Gun Company (1 x MG base: Veteran Morale)

56th Brigade Trench Mortar Company (1 x Stokes Mortar base: Regular Morale)

57th Brigade

10th Royal Warwicks

8th Gloster

10th Worcester

8th North Staffordshire

(16 x bases Infantry: Regular Morale)

57th Brigade Machine Gun Company (1 x MG base: Regular Morale)

57th Brigade Trench Mortar Company (1 x Stokes Mortar base: Regular Morale)

58th Brigade

9th Cheshire

9th Royal Welsh Fusiliers

6th Wiltshire (16 x bases Infantry: Veteran Morale)

58th Brigade Machine Gun Company (1 x MG base: Regular Morale)

58th Brigade Trench Mortar Company

Pioneers: 5th South Wales Borderers

37th Division (Williams)

247th Machine Gun Company (4 x MG bases: Regular Morale)

CXXIII Brigade RFA (6 x bases 18 pdr: Regular Morale)

CXXIV Brigade RFA (3 x bases 4.5" how: Regular Morale): Off board: Supporting 63rd Brigade: HE: 6 Gas: 2 Smoke: 2

W.37 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery RFA (1 x base 9.45 Flying Pig Mortar: Regular Morale) X.37, Y.37 and Z.37 Medium Mortar Batteries RFA (3 x bases 6" Newton Mortars: Green Morale)

152, 152 &154 Field Engineer Company (3 x bases Engineers: Regular Morale)

48, 49 & 50 Field Ambulance

63rd Brigade

8th Lincoln

8th Somerset Light Infantry

4th Middlesex

10th York & Lancaster

(4 x bases Infantry: Regular Morale)

63rd Brigade Machine Gun Company (4 x MG bases: Regular Morale)

63rd Brigade Trench Mortar Company (1 x Stokes Mortar base: Regular Morale)

111th Brigade

10th Royal Fusiliers

13th Royal Fusiliers

18th KRRC

13th Rifle

(4 x bases Infantry: Regular Morale)

111th Brigade Machine Gun Company (4 x MG bases: Regular Morale)

111th Brigade Trench Mortar Company (1 x Stokes Mortar base: Regular Morale)

112th Brigade

11 Royal Warwicks

6th Bedford

8th East Lancashire 10th Loyal North Lancashire

(4 x bases Infantry: Veteran Morale)

112th Brigade Machine Gun Company (4 x MG bases: Regular Morale) 112th Brigade Trench Mortar Company

Pioneers: 9th North Stafford British Orders

19th Division will attack and break through the German lines, capturing "The Twins" and seeking to exploit beyond, to the German gun line and their third line trenches.

56th Brigade will attack to the west of the brigade boundary line, breaking through both German lines, capturing The Twins and consolidating there.

57th Brigade will attack to the east of the Brigade boundary line, breaking through both German lines and stopping once level with The Twins

58th Brigade will be in reserve, and will advance along the brigade boundary line, through the German lines, once The Twins have been captured. It will pass through the other two brigades and move onto the third German line.

37th Division will attack and break through the German lines, capturing Hill 55 and seeking to exploit beyond, to the German gun line and their third line trenches

63rd Brigade will attack west of the Brigade Boundary line, seeking to capture Hill 55.

111th Brigade will attack east of the Brigade Boundary line, consolidating once level with Hill 55.

112th Brigade will be in reserve, and will advance to the east of the Brigade Boundary line once Hill 55 has been captured. It will pass to the east of Hill 55 and move onto the third German line. Designer's Notes

This is the bit I always skipped to when reading up games in SPI or the like!

The scenario above is a late 1917 game, where the British are attempting to break through the German defence lines. The Germans have almost no reserves and will have to judge when or if to cut losses and retreat; for the British, the trick is to break into the German lines without suffering such heavy casualties that the pursuit cannot continue. The trench lines at this scale do not display zigzags, hence their deceptive straightness—each single trench line on the map is actually several close together. The German forward line should be relatively thinly-held—as you can see from the map, it has only one bunker—with the main forces in the second line, behind the more extensive barbed wire.

The forces described are historically correct, or as correct as I can get, and you can imagine this scenario as one of the seven different phases of the Passchendaele campaign.

Great War Spearhead is a development of the original Spearhead rules. For those not familiar, it formalises the chain of command and orders given to units, with the company being the basic unit. GWSH is quite planning-intensive, and you need to keep track of which unit has suffered which casualties.

Passchendaele

Square Bashing + Storm Of Steel scenario by Rob Connolly British XVIII Corps

Guards & 38th Divisions

Each of:

4 x HQ Stands (4 Bases): 90 points

3 x Pro Battns (12 Bases): 156 points

6 x Regular Battns (24 Bases): 240 points

3 x Reservist Battns (12 Bases): 84 points

6 x Regular MG Cos (6 Bases): 120 points

3 x Regular Mortar Cos (6 Bases): 36 points

6 x Pro Art Batts (6 Bases): 138 points

6 x Regular Art Batts (6 Bases): 120 points

1 x Pro How Batt (1 Base): 26 points

1 x Regular How Batt (1 Base): 23 points

1 x Tank Det (1 Base): 25 points

1 x Truck Det (1 Base): 16 points

(+ 2 Per Inf Base Lewis Bonus): 192 points

Total of 8 HQ Bases, 96 Infantry Bases, 12 MG Bases, 6 Mortar Bases, 24 Artillery Bases, 4 Howitzer Bases, 2 Tank Bases, 2 Truck Bases

Corps Assets

3 x Pro Heavy Art Batts (3 Bases): 69 points

1 x Reg Heavy Mortar Co (1 Bases): 15 points

1 x Engineers Co (1 Base): 26 points

1 x Gas Brigade Co (1 Base): 26 points

1 x Barrage Attack: 50 points

6 x Gas Attack: 90 points 3rd Guard Infantry Division:

4 x HQ Stands: 90 points

8 x Regular Battns: 320 points

8 x MG Cos: 160 points

8 x Mortar Cos: 96 points

9 x Professional Art Batt: 207 points

6 x Professional How Batt: 156 points

1 x Truck Det: 16 points

3 x Fortified Trench: 120 points

6 x Other Trench Line: 150 points

3 x Gas Attack: 45 points

Orders: German – The Solid Defence: British – The Steady Advance

Terrain: 6 across (A – F) x 7 deep (1-7) Squares of which 18 squares in mid-table are Closed Terrain. A road ran from A1 toG1 and from A7 to G7.

Additional House Rules: If an Engineer/Sapper Base is present in a square for two full turns, any Persistent Gas is removed from that square permanently.

Units below in BOLD are those represented in the Square Bashing scenario, the rest are there for completists, and because it's taken me ages to work out a complete OOB for the campaign:

Guards Division (Fielding)

Guards Machine Gun Company (16 x Vickers guns)

LXXIV (74) Brigade, RFA (18 x 18 pdrs, 6 x 4.5" Howitzers)

LXXV (75) Brigade, RFA (18 x 18 pdrs, 6 x 4.5" Howitzers)

V Guards Heavy Trench Mortar Battery RFA (4 x 9.45" Flying Pigs")

X Guards, Y Guards and Z Guards Medium Mortar Batteries RFA (12 x Newton 6" Mortar

55, 75 & 76th Field Engineering Company (162 Wagons, 3 Pontoon Trains)

3, 4 & 9th Field Ambulance Guards Divisional Signals Company (9 Motorcycles)

4th Divisional Train ASC; 11, 124, 168, 463 Company

1st Guards Brigade: 2nd Grenadier Guards Battalion**

2nd Coldstream Guards Battalion; 3rd Coldstream Guards; 1st Irish Guards Battalion

1st Guards Brigade Machine Gun Company (16 x Vickers MMG)

1st Guards Mortar Battery (8 x 3" Stokes)

2nd Guards Brigade: 3rd Grenadier Guards

1st Coldstream Guards; 1st Scots Guards

2nd Irish Guards

2nd Guards Brigade Machine Gun Company (16 x Vickers MMG)

2nd Guards Mortar Battery (8 x 3" Stokes)

3rd Guards Brigade: 1st Grenadier Guards

4th Grenadier Guards; 2nd Scots Guards

Welsh Guards

3rd Guards Brigade Machine Gun Company (16 x Vickers MMG) 3rd Guards Mortar Battery (8 x 3" Stokes)

Pioneers: 4th Coldstream Guards

38th (Welsh) Division (Blackadder – Yes, really!)

176th Machine Gun Company

CXXI Brigade RFA

CXXII Brigade RFA

V.38 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery RFA

X.38, Y.38 and Z.38 Medium Mortar Batteries RFA

123, 124 151 Field Engineering Companies

38th Divisional Train

113th Brigade: 13th, 14th, 15th & 16th * *Royal Welsh Fusiliers

113th Machine Gun Company

113th Trench Mortar Battery

114th Brigade: 10th, 13th, 14th & 15th Welsh

114th Machine Gun Company

114th Trench Mortar Battery

115th Brigade: 10th South Wales Borderers; 11th South Wales Borderers; 17th Royal Welsh Fusiliers; 16th Welsh

115th Machine Gun Company

115th Trench Mortar Battery

Pioneers: 19th Welsh

3rd Guards Division

Guard Fusilier, Lehr & 9th Grenadier Regiments

Guard Artillery Brigade: 5th Guard Artillery Regiment; 1 Battalion of 2nd Guard Foot Artillery Regiment

936, 1347 Light Ammunition Columns

104th Pioneer Battalion: 1 Company of Pioneer Battalion 28; 274th Pioneer Company; 198 Searchlight Section

3rd Guards Signal Command: 3rd Guards Telephone Detachment; 90th Wireless Detachment

265 Ambulance Company

393 Field Hospital

35 Field Hospital

3rd Guards Veterinary Hospital

532 Motor Transport Column The Battle of Pilckem Ridge - Historically

A three-day battle that began the Third Ypres campaign; the British aim was to capture the Pilckem Ridge, in an advance to three different coloured lines. The German defences were arranged in depth, an adaptation to the fearful artillery battering they had endured on the Somme. Their Forward Zone was heavily wired with comparatively few infantry—snipers, machine gun nests, and artillery observers were present, to slow down and canalise the British advance, inflicting casualties but being too thinly spread to suffer heavily from the pre-battle bombardment. The Battle Zone was the main line of resistance, with heavy use of concrete shelters and bunkers for infantry and artillery to take cover in – the main bulk of the field artillery was in this Zone. Behind this was the Rear Zone, where reinforcements waited, beyond reach of the British field artillery. Still further back, several miles away, were dedicated "Eingreif" divisions; these were intended to mount a counter-attack on a large scale if the British penetrated beyond the Forward Zone in strength, and were out of range of most British artillery. A certain proportion of each Eingreif division was pre-positioned in the Rear Zone for rapid deployment.

Historically the British penetrated well into the German lines, but were thrown back by the arrival of the Eingreif divisions, failing to capture their objectives. The weather broke on the second day, and the battlefield rapidly became a morass that significantly affected the ability of both sides to manoeuvre. Losses on both sides were about 30,000; the Germans had prevented a British breakthrough, albeit at a significant cost.

As part of the broader picture, Pilckem Ridge is an illustration of how not to wage war on the Western Front in late 1917—over-ambitious objectives, insufficient planning, and faulty strategy, compounded by bad weather. The Battle of Pilckem Ridge – SOTCW-style

In our Northern Gathering playing of the above scenario, with Phil Gray acting as the British Commander, and Carl and Richard acting for the Germans, our play was handicapped—until about two- thirds of the way through—by the feckless umpire (me!) forgetting to use the Morale rule and test for tank breakdowns. This meant a breakthrough for the British, at the cost of an enormous dead pile, and a German defence broken in two. I strongly suspect that the British advance would have been slower, even costlier and less effective if we'd played the rules properly, but it was a very entertaining game nonetheless—players were having to make operational-level decisions about where to send replacements, where to keep reserves, where the enemy's main point of attack was, whether counter- attacking was worthwhile or not—all very similar to the real thing.

(I have played this game several times solo, and the end results were similar to the historical—an attritional slogging-match where artillery is the big killer, casualties on both sides are heavy regardless of who wins, and where tanks are a one-punch weapon. In these earlier games I neglected to have a reserve for the British, and regretted it when the German lines started to sag—everything had been put in the shop window with nothing left for surprises.) Further Reading

"In the Cannon's Mouth" by P. J. Campbell is an autobiography by a gunner officer whose first action was at Third Ypres.

"Military Operations France and Belgium 1917 Volume 2" – the British Official History. A good place to start, but insufficient on its own.

"Passchendaele in Perspective" – edited by Peter Liddle. A series of scholarly articles on the campaign, several of which tackle and refute some of the pernicious legends about Passchendaele.

"The Road to Passchendaele" – John Terraine. A strangely-structured book that details the campaign and events leading to it.

"Passchendaele" – Peter Barton. A lavishly illustrated volume with extensive panoramas of the battlefields.

"Passchendaele – the Day-by-Day Account" – Chris McCarthy. Hard to get at a reasonable price, this is a very detailed account down to battalion level of the British operations during Third Ypres, with reproductions of the official maps.

Flag 5! ... Enemy in Sight!

Basic rules for WWI gun boats by Rob Morgan and Brian Richards

The original rules, intended for 1:1200 scale, were written by myself and Brian Richards back in the mid-1980s. Originally, they were intended for a small-scale naval wargame based around an East African lake with some German, British, and Belgian converted barges, tugs, etc., all attempting to retain control of the towns around the lake. It made an interesting game and proved to be one that could be wargamed with as many or as few participants as were available. A good show game, but also one which could be gamed solo if needs be.

By the late 1990s the scale used in early 20th century naval wargames seemed to have drifted into 1:2400 and 1:3000 which still seem ridiculously small and are rarely used by me at least, except for the odd (only three or four in history!) big fleet actions. We have adapted the rules to suit 1:600 scale simply by altering speed and ranges, making the speed per knot 2cm and increasing the range of the guns. Speaking of which, if you do decide to increase ranges, remember how wide your waterways are and also remember the effects of visibility, not just rain and mist but heat haze, etc.

The rules don't include details of sailing boats, but generally speaking about 3 knots laden is a good speed for say a dhow or junk, and if you do venture the sailing craft, then wind direction and the problem of tacking—dhows sail best on long reaches, tacking is difficult, while junks seemed to be able to go just about anywhere with their odd sail suite—comes into play. I recognise these days that some will say, well what about the CMBs and other fast torpedo craft? Well, the rules allow for gunboat actions and it's really seemed to us then, as it still does, that any self-respecting CMB Sub-Lt is, to say the least, unlikely to launch his beloved torpedoes at another light craft!

We originally intended these to be simple and fast, making for a game which could last an hour or so. They are freely copy-able and have been distributed regularly all over Wales and beyond in the past two decades, so some members reading this may have already encountered them. I should say that both Brian and I recognised an immense debt to Don Featherstone when we wrote them, since we took the "style" if not the content from his excellent book "Naval Wargames", which every single SOTCW member will surely have on the bookshelf. The Rules

Speed

1cm per knot. Turning as per circle (use 10 degrees on a 360 degree school protractor for each knot)

Points Value

Roughly 5 per ton

Guns

Whatever the specific or odd characteristics of individual Krupp, Vickers or whatever weapons, the guns on WMA steamers always come in three sizes: heavy, medium or light (nothing too heavy naturally).

Heavy guns (4.7's, 120mm, etc.)

Range: 50cm, 50pts of damage per hit

Medium guns (75's, 6pdrs, 3", etc.)

Range: 30cm, 25pts of damage per hit

Light guns (47mm, 3pdrs, etc.)

Range: 20cm, 20pts of damage per hit

Machine gun (8mm Maxim, 6.5 Colt, etc., literally any heavy MG)

Range: 10cm, 2 bursts per move per gun.

Throw 1D6 for each burst for number of enemy hit – 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 = same number of hits, 6 + a miss

NB. Any motorised vessel requires 3 crew to steam and steer; with less than 3 crew aboard the vessel remains on the same course at half speed.

Hits Long range, over 30cm: throw 1D6 – 4, 5, 6 to hit

Medium range, 10-30cm: throw 1D6 – 3, 4, 5, 6 to hit

Close range, up to 10cm: throw 1D6 – hit on anything except 1

Damage

Add damage points scored progressively. Ships below 50% points value = ½ speed. Below 25% points value = ¼ speed. Nil points value = dead in the water.

Special Damage Hits

1. No effect

2. Engine stops for 1 move

3. Maxim gun lost

4. Rudder hit, ship circles for 2 moves

5. Boiler damaged, withdraw from action

6. Captain and helmsman hit, same course for 3 moves

7. Forward gun jams, 1 move to clear

8. Forward gun lost

9. Boiler damaged – stop dead

10. Magazine hit, ship on fire, sinks in 3 moves unless a 1D6 saving throw of 5 or 6 is made in one of those 3 moves.

Ramming and boarding

Any ship may ram and board, throw 1D6 – 3, 4, 5, 6, to "grapple". Throw 1D10 x number of crew: highest score captures.

Grounding

Each vessel within 5cm of the shore throws 1D6 per move: 1 or 2 grounds the vessel. Throw 4, 5, or 6 next or subsequent moves to re-float.

Mines

Where laid are 2cm apart. Any ship crossing a line of mines throws 1D6 1 or 2 – No damage

3 or 4 – Ship damaged, withdraws from action next move

5 – Ship sinks

6 – Whole line of mines explodes, ship sinks

You can add rules almost at will, for minesweeping, for heavier or lighter guns, searchlights, night actions, etc. We wanted a simple and fast game suitable for competent naval wargamers and for those who don't normally want to get their feet wet.

Back then we tended to use modified versions of Bill Gilpin's "Clydeside" 1:1200 range, now sadly defunct, but these days, especially in 1:600 and in 1:300 scale, the model options are enormous.

The Kaiser's Offensive

The Manchester Hill Redoubt, 21 March 1918 by Lt Col. AAD Hamilton

The 16th Battalion, The Manchester Regiment then part of the 30th Division, took over the position known as Manchester Hill Redoubt overnight on 18 March 1918. The position was named in honour of another battalion of Manchester men who had been captured in April 1917 by the 2nd Battalion. The redoubt was built it in the winter of 1917-18. It was one of the Redoubts on the Blue Line and afforded excellent views over the German positions around St Quentin. These fortifications demonstrated what the British had learned in the years of trench warfare. One of the main principles was defence in depth. Defence in Depth

The British doctrine of defence in depth was based on the German doctrine that had frustrated the Allied breakthrough attempts of the earlier years. In fact, captured German manuals had been influential in designing the basis of the British training. The doctrine called for an Infantry Division with its nine infantry battalions (reduced from the earlier 12) and one pioneer (infantry) battalion to be deployed in three lines. The first and nearest the enemy was the Forward Zone or Blue Line held by three reinforced battalions in line.

In addition to his own four rifle companies, the commanding officer of each battalion had at least two trench mortars and sufficient Vickers machine guns to average one per six yards of his frontage. This zone was divided into:

The Outpost Line or Line of Observation was close up to the Germans, with orders to observe report and retire before any major attack.

The Line of Resistance lay a few hundred yards to the rear and comprised dug-in strong points with Vickers and Lewis machine guns and artillery. Here we would find, perhaps, three 18-pounder guns dug in as antitank defences supplemented by 60 lb "toffee apple" trench mortar bombs buried as makeshift anti-tank mines. Some trenches were widened to make anti-tank obstacles and help to bring the enemy tanks into a killing zone. These wide trenches were unpopular with their defenders because they gave little protection from artillery fire. The troops here were expected to hold for about two hours. Incidentally, the tanks most likely to be used by the Germans were, in fact, captured British tanks.

The main defences centred on the redoubts. These were to be formidably entrenched, and protected and defended by a reinforced infantry company protected by barbed wire and machine guns. The redoubts were expected to blunt the enemy and hold for one or two days.

Between the Forward Zone and the Red Line were placed divisional artillery batteries to give close fire support.

These were expected to withdraw in the face of an enemy breakthrough.

About 2,000 yards behind the Forward Zone lay the Battle Zone or Red Line. An equivalent strength of three infantry battalions was deeply dug in and extensive belts of wire and strong points set up. More field artillery was dug in here. In the (incomplete) third, or Brown Line, came the remaining three infantry battalions and the pioneer battalion as divisional reserve. Heavy artillery regiments and field artillery brigades made up the fire support. Further behind lay the strategic Green Line. Manchester Hill Redoubt

Manchester Hill Redoubt was in the Forward Zone. It was an old German reverse slope position that had been occupied and transformed into a formidable defended location dominating the approach from St Quentin.

Although difficult to see its significance from the St Quentin Road today, its true significance can be appreciated when standing on the top of the hill (marked, conveniently, by a post in the field). Manchester Hill Redoubt commands a view of several kilometres into German-held territory beyond the ruins of St Quentin. A concrete and steel observation post (OP) lay within the perimeter on the forward slope. This position was equipped with a radio; however, I can find no reference to a Royal Artillery observation team being there on the day of the battle. The Battalion Main Command Post was sited to the rear of the position on the reverse slope near the Brown Quarry, into the walls of which living accommodation had been excavated. The Forward or Tactical Command Post that was to be used on the day of the battle was sited further forward and can sometimes be seen today, depending upon the state of the crops.

This was only one was one of a series of redoubts covering the front of the British 5th Army. Standing on Manchester Hill looking left and right you can see where the other redoubts lie less than a mile apart so one could be forgiven for thinking that the line was very nearly impregnable. The very terrain has a defensive quality and it can be seen why the British were very confident of holding their ground. In good visibility the redoubts could support each other with interlocking fields of fire for their Vickers machine guns and trench mortars. The Defenders

16th Battalion, The Manchester Regiment

The commanding officer was Temporary Lieutenant Colonel Wilfrith Elstob DSO MC. Born on 18 September 1888, in Chichester, Sussex, he was the son of a clergyman. Before the War he had been a teacher and enlisted into the Manchester Regiment, being commissioned from the ranks in 1914, and fought on the Somme and at Arras. On 21 March 1918 he commanded a battalion of 21 officers and 620 men. The battalion was deployed in depth on a frontage of about 850 yards, with A and B companies holding the forward positions and D Company and Battalion HQ in the redoubt. C Company was deployed as counter-attack reserve with two platoons to the north in Francilly/Selency and two platoons south of the redoubt just beyond the railway. The two companies nearest the Germans were dispersed in the Line of Observation, nearest the German Front Line and a few hundred yards further back in the Line of Resistance. (Some sources imply that only one company was in the Observation Line; maybe this is true, or each company may have had only one or two platoons forward in the Lines of Observation and Resistance.)

The Line of Observation was made up of small security groups in defended locations with orders to observe, report, and withdraw in front of an enemy attack. They were to fire and manoeuvre in order to slow the enemy without becoming seriously involved in the fire fight. Behind this were the strong points of the Line of Resistance. These positions were placed chequer-board fashion to give overlapping fields of fire and mutual support. Each of the fortified strong points contained a Lewis or a Vickers Machine gun with attendant infantry riflemen and bombers.

The battalion main position, the redoubt, was established for all-round defence with deep dugouts, and was roughly oval in shape, centred on the hilltop. About a third of the battalion, some 200 officers and men, were dug in here with detachments of the 30th Battalion Machine Gun Corps with four Vickers machine guns and two heavy 6" trench mortars served by the Brigade Trench Mortar Battery, Royal Artillery. The whole position was surrounded by thick belts of French (Dannert) wire with thinner belts along inner lines of defence. It was a formidable defensive position. A rear link telephone line was buried at least six feet below the surface to allow communication with Brigade HQ, and was in operation almost to the end of resistance. Food and ammunition were plentiful for at least two days of fighting, with the exception of the trench mortars, each having only 180 rounds.

Lt Col Elstob's orders for the defence of the position included the phrase, "The Manchester Regiment will defend Manchester Hill to the last". He was to hold as long as possible, to delay and to disorganise the attackers. He was not to think of retreating. The battalion as very much a "Forlorn Hope" and he knew that little support if any could be expected from the battalions in the Battle Zone.

Before the battle, Lt Col Wilfrith Elstob gathered his men around him and told them how desperate the situation was. That after four years of fighting we could lose the war.

"Look lads," he said. "I've had enough of retreating," and dug his swagger stick into the built-up ground of the redoubt saying, "This is Manchester Hill." Then, squaring up to stand full to attention, he told them "The Manchester Regiment will defend Manchester Hill to the last."

He then looked each one in the eye and softly gave the order: "Manchesters: Here we fight and here we die." The Attackers

45th Reserve Infantry Division

The five German infantry divisions of IX Corps were ordered to break through to the Crozat Canal. The 45th Reserve Infantry Division was the left front division of the Corps assault and faced the 16/Manchesters on a 1,000-yard frontage. To its right as it advanced was the 50th Infantry Division; behind, in the second wave, were the 5th Guards and 231st Infantry Divisions, and further behind them came the 1st Guards Division. Each of the German divisions had three infantry regiments, each in turn with three battalions.

For this attack they were to be preceded by Stosstruppen, the storm troopers. These were the specially trained, highly motivated, aggressive young men who wore steel body armour and were armed with grenades, pistols, clubs, and light machine guns as well as rifles. A number of them also carried special weapons, the new Bergmann sub-machine gun for close support. To break through the British wire they carried Bangalore torpedoes (pipes filled with explosives), demolition charges, and flamethrowers to take out strong points, and a variety of short-range and vicious hand-to-hand weapons. Their crucial role was to infiltrate immediately behind the artillery barrage and destroy the British positions at close quarters. They were expected to lose casualties to their own artillery, so close would they be following it up. To do this they were trained to fight in small units and take the initiative to keep the momentum of the advance going. They were the fittest men that the German army had, and had been fed on double rations to increase their strength and stamina. They were led by the best officers that the battalions had.

Following closely behind the storm troopers came the three infantry regiments, each with two battalions forward and one in reserve, the classic "two up" formation for the advance to contact. They had been trained in a new way of fighting: "infiltration". The companies were divided into small groups led by NCOs who, with skill and courage, took advantage of any gaps in the British lines. The fog, smoke, and gas helped them. British forward troops found themselves blinded and isolated. For many, the first time that they realised their danger was when the Germans were past and surrounding them, firing from all sides. Many of the outposts were cut off like this and fought to the last.

Each battalion was deployed in three waves:

1st Wave – two companies each with six light machine guns

2nd Wave – two companies each with their six light machine guns and two heavy machine guns

3rd Wave – Battalion staff and the battalion trench mortars.

Following close behind was a battery of six guns. These were either 77mm or 150mm calibre and were tasked with the suppression or reduction of the British positions with close range direct fire over open sights. Although horse-drawn, these guns would have to be manhandled for most of their tactical engagements.

The concept of the operation was for the main assault to be initiated by small groups of infantrymen to gain ground. They were to use fire and manoeuvre tactics with their movement supported, initially, by light machine guns, whose fire would be thickened by heavy machine guns and mortars as required. The close support artillery would tackle any stubborn defences. However, once the breakthrough had been achieved, any defended pockets were to be masked and left for the following regiments to destroy. The overall principle was to maintain forward momentum. The first assault wave divisions were to advance until exhausted, and only then would fresh regiments take their places by carrying out a passage of lines.

Thus to the Manchesters' immediate front were six enemy battalions, with another three following closely behind and six batteries of close support artillery. Both sides were well aware that they were considered expendable and that the battle depended upon gaining as much ground as rapidly as possible. The Battle

18th March

As the 16/Manchesters took position, the front that had been reported as quiet until then began to change. Reports began to reach the British of German activity directly to their front, indicating that an attack was imminent.

19th March

The British divisional commander held a conference of his brigadiers to ensure that they were all ready to meet the expected attack. He ordered strong patrols to be sent out to stop the Germans from crossing No Man's Land before the preparatory barrage. They were also to close all gaps in the wire except those actually in use by the patrols, and even these were to be held by special sections that were to close the gaps when the attack developed. Orders were issued to ensure that special attention was paid to anti-gas measures, particularly in the redoubts, villages, and strong points.

22:00, 19th March

In addition to the normal nightly harassing fire, the British fired 3,000 gas drums into German-held St Quentin. This was intended to disrupt movement and logistic preparations. Although casualties were caused, the Germans were not drawn, and as part of their deception plan, they made a negligible artillery response.

20th March

A two-company raid by the 2nd Battalion, 6th Warwickshire Regiment, was launched on the German lines and was a success. In it they took 15 prisoners and three machine guns. In addition a new German division was identified, lending further evidence that a build-up was taking place.

02:00, 21st March

By now it was becoming very clear that the Germans were up to something. British artillery fired counter-preparation barrages on known and suspected German positions. Still the Germans refused to be drawn, despite suffering casualties. This strict obedience to the timing of the plan and the quality of the German deception plan kept their actual intentions secret until the attack broke a few hours later.

04:40, 21st March

The German artillery opened fire with an intense barrage into the already misty morning. The gunners were firing onto targets that had been identified beforehand but not all had been registered. Although this preserved operational security, it meant that they were, to a large extent, firing blind. The mist and the smoke from the explosions obscured targets, making observed fire difficult or impossible.

For the next five hours the Germans poured onto the 50 miles of the front the same tonnage of shells that the British had fired in the first seven days of the Somme barrage in 1916. To ensure that shell craters did not break the ground and so prevent or delay the movement of the supporting waves, the majority (over 80%) of the shells were chemical. The more usual war gasses, phosgene, chlorine, and mustard gas were supplemented with a new tear/vomit gas that was intended to make it difficult for the defenders to wear their respirators. Gas was also chosen because it allowed a wide area anti-personnel effect without relying on accurate observed fire.

The heaviest concentrations of fire fell between the Line of Observation and the Line of Resistance at first. The fire plan was not the usual linear pattern, but a depth pattern. These lanes of fire were intended to make gaps in the wire, to separate, to demoralise, and to kill the defenders. As the fire plan progressed, the barrages extended to a depth of 8,000 yards to dislocate and disrupt the British artillery, support troops, and the command and control systems. In this they were entirely successful. The weather that morning was misty, with visibility reduced to 50 yards in places. As the sun rose, the German artillery increased the quantity of smoke shells fired to thicken the mist.

04:53, 21st March

Without receiving any requests from the Front, the British artillery fired the SOS fire plan. The first shells fell on the British-held Line of Observation and three minutes later switched back to the front of the Line of Resistance. It says much for the quality of the British dugouts that only a very few defenders became casualties from this "friendly fire".

06:30, 21st March

The gas shelling was still very heavy on Manchester Hill Redoubt. However, Lt Col Elstob was able to give the "All Correct" report indicating that his battalion was in its battle positions. The combination of smoke, gas, and fog kept visibility down to 50 yards even though the sun was rising. The proportion of high explosives in the barrage increased on the Manchester Hill Redoubt. The defenders were still virtually blind. These were the ideal conditions for the chosen German storm trooper tactics. The defenders held on through the barrage, straining to see the first attackers.

09:00, 21st March

The gas shelling stopped and the non-persistent gasses began to clear away. The persistent gasses pooled in trenches and shell holes. However, the amount of high explosive shells was increased again on both the redoubt and on the two counter-attack platoons in the twin villages of Francilly/Selency.

09:40, 21st March

At exactly 09:40 the German storm troopers led the infantry assault. The leading storm troopers were picking their way through a roaring, battered, and unfamiliar landscape devoid of landmarks. Many of the combatants on both sides were suffering deafness.

The poor visibility prevented the well-sited British machine guns from cutting down the German attackers. Their carefully planned interlocking fields of fire were obscured by mist and smoke. The gunners were deafened, confused, and dazed by over five hours of intense bombardment. The infantry were suffering fatigue from wearing their respirators for hours on end. The very air was poisonous to breathe. The artillery observers, likewise, could not see to bring down the shattering shrapnel barrages that had destroyed other attackers. Thus the storm troopers were able to destroy or capture the entire strength of the two forward companies, their machine guns and artillery pieces, before many could fire a shot.

The redoubt was rapidly surrounded. The first sign of how close the German infantry had reached was the scream of a Manchester sentry as he was bayoneted. The poor visibility now hampered both sides. The Germans were unable to locate British posts and the British unable to see how desperate their position had become. All morning, local attacks were launched and driven off. Lt Col Elstob made frequent tours around his positions, lending support where it was most needed with revolver, rifle, and grenade. His example kept the defenders inspired under the most trying conditions.

As the barrage moved deeper into the British lines, the visibility increased and the positions came under increasing pressure. The defenders were gradually driven back to the inner lines. The defending trench mortars soon ran out of ammunition, and the German close support batteries closed in. One was virtually annihilated by rifle and machine gun fire and all its horses killed as it tried to deploy 400 yards from the redoubt. The other batteries and storming parties silenced the defending machine guns one by one. Still, each attack that broke in was thrown back in savage hand-to-hand fighting.

By the early afternoon the mist had cleared and it was becoming obvious to Lt Col Elstob that his position was untenable. Strong forces of Germans could be seen advancing on both sides, bypassing the redoubt. The defenders, with only one machine gun and no trench mortars, could do little to interfere with their forward movement. Lt Col Elstob had been wounded twice but still went round his positions to encourage his men. He even led counter-attacks and brought much-needed ammunition supplies.

15:00, 21st March

Lt Col Elstob reported to Brigade HQ that most of his men were "done in" and he feared that he could not resist much longer. The corps and division commanders sent him congratulations for holding out so long. About this time the Germans called upon him to surrender. He refused.

The Germans regrouped after the confused fighting of the morning and now launched a deliberate attack in good visibility. The attackers came on supported by observed and direct fire artillery, machine guns and mortars. The defenders lacked any fire support other than their one remaining machine gun. The fighting raged around the redoubt as attackers forced their way in, only to be ejected by counter-attacks. But this could not last much longer.

16:30, 21st March

The Manchesters were hard-pressed and were being pushed back everywhere when Lt Col Elstob sent his last message to Brigade HQ "I'll never surrender". Shortly afterwards the signaller sent "Goodbye", smashed the instrument and destroyed the battalion paperwork. Lt Col Elstob set off on his rounds from his command post and was shot and killed. His adjutant leant forward to pull him back and he, too, was shot. With the CO dead, soon afterwards resistance ceased and the survivors on the main position surrendered. Despite a search for his body after the battle, it was never found—he is commemorated on the Pozières Memorial.

The prisoners were herded into a holding area at the foot of the hill. While they were standing there a German officer came up to them and asked if they had been on the hill. When they answered that they had been there the German looked down the road and pointed to where the remains of the gun battery that they virtually wiped out lay. He told them to get moving back quickly because the artillery colonel was very angry and was looking to punish those who had destroyed his battery.

17:30, 21st March

But that was not the end of the fighting for the Manchesters. In the quarry a small force had managed to get back and held out with a Lewis gun in one of the dugouts. Although they were asked to surrender by the Germans more than once, they continually refused to give in. The Germans eventually silenced them by rolling in grenades until all firing ceased and all the defenders were dead.

The 16th Manchesters had lost 73 killed, and 549 wounded, missing, and captured. Only one officer and 19 other ranks managed to escape from the Forward Zone back to the Battle Zone. For his example and bravery Lt Col Elstob was awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross.

Two Senior NCOs of the Manchesters were out of the line when the action began. One, who had been selected as a potential officer, returned to the redoubt, fought all day and was captured. The other stayed at Brigade HQ and was blown up and killed by a shell as he went for lunch.

The Batman's Story

A few years after the action on Manchester Hill Redoubt the ex-batman visited the site with a friend, Charlie Heaton, to find Lt Col Elstob's body if he could. He had seen the Germans remove the Colonel's tunic after they had killed him. Although he could not find the body, he did, amazingly, find Lt Col Elstob's engraved watch. Effect on the Battle

From the German records it is clear that the heroism of both the defenders and attackers of the Manchester Hill and other redoubts had little effect on the course of their first day's fighting of the Offensive. The weather conspired against the defenders and attackers alike. Poor visibility allowed the attacking Germans to overrun the front line British positions in the Line of Observation and the Line of Resistance, and that same weather nullified the Germans' artillery superiority. The combined effect was to frustrate their attempts to reduce the garrisons of the redoubts and it made the co-ordination of the attacks impossible. Later in the day a co-ordinated attack was organised and it took only 90 minutes to capture the strongest of the redoubts. Admittedly, others held out longer, but not one stopped or significantly held up the German advance. They were like a row of sandcastles on a beach trying to hold up the tide.

Behind the redoubts, the artillery and infantry in the Battle Zone lines fought at close range. Many batteries were overrun as the Germans flowed past the redoubts in the fog, smoke, and gas clouds.

So why did defence in depth not work here? The answer lies mainly with the weather and the German use of chemical weapons. This combination reduced the visibility, denying the defenders the opportunity to use their carefully sited machine guns and artillery to decimate the attackers. The threat of gas and the use of mixtures of non-persistent and persistent agents forced the defenders to mask up and stay masked up for hours with the consequent degradation in fighting power and increased fatigue. The German attackers on the other hand had to don their respirators only in the battle zone. That said, the ability of the Allies to respond and realign far exceeded the German ability to exploit their initial success.

The storm troops opened the way for the German advance in a most effective manner, but at a horrific cost in casualties. Because they had been drawn from the cream of the German army in terms of fitness, ability, and leadership, their losses were irreplaceable and so seriously weakened their parent regiments for the remainder of the war.

As the Germans broke through, the very speed of their advance allowed the troops to capture supply depots nearly intact. When they did so the almost starving and poorly equipped troops stopped to loot clothing, food, medical supplies and so on from the depots and French towns and villages. The advance slowed, allowing the Allies time to reform.

Lt Col Elstob's VC citation reads:

For most conspicuous bravery, devotion to duty and self-sacrifice during operations at Manchester Redoubt, near St. Quentin, on the 21st March, 1918. During the preliminary bombardment he encouraged his men in the posts in the redoubt by frequent visits, and when repeated attacks developed controlled the defence at the points threatened, giving personal support with revolver, rifle, and bombs. Single-handed he repulsed one bombing assault, driving back the enemy and inflicting severe casualties. Later, when ammunition was required, he made several journeys under severe fire in order to replenish the supply. Throughout the day Lieutenant-Colonel Elstob, although twice wounded, showed the most fearless disregard of his own safety, and by his encouragement and noble example inspired his command to the fullest degree. The Manchester Redoubt was surrounded in the first wave of the enemy attack, but by means of the buried cable Lieutenant-Colonel Elstob was able to assure his Brigade Commander that "The Manchester Regiment will defend Manchester Hill to the last." Sometime after this post was overcome by vastly superior forces, and this very gallant officer was killed in the final assault, having maintained to the end the duty which he had impressed on his men—namely, "Here we fight, and here we die." He set throughout the highest example of valour, determination, endurance, and fine soldierly bearing.

09:40, 21 March 1998

A party of officers from the Territorial Army is sitting on the Battalion CP site near the lip of the quarry that formed part of the Manchester Redoubt. It is larger now than it was in 1918. Behind them is a ditch, overgrown with brambles. It is in the position that is marked on the plan and might be a trench. I am telling the story of the battle with my back to St Quentin, and as I finish we hear the skirl of the pipes. From the D.68 marched a piper clad in the full dress uniform of the Sutherland Highlanders. He came towards us playing "Hieland Laddie" and "Scotland the Brave".

Just short of us he halted. He stood for an instant and then, before we could say anything, he played a piobaireachd (or pibroch), the traditional Highland salute to the fallen. As the only Scotsman in the party I stood and took off my cap. Then without a word the others stood. When the piper finished I approached him, offered a dram from my hip flask with the toast "A Mhàidseir na pìoba, òlamaid deoch-slàinte! (Pipe Major, let us drink a toast)" that was graciously accepted with the response in a French accent, "Slàinte don Bhànrigh! Slàinte Mhòr! Slàinte! (Health to the Queen! Great good health! Health!)" The piper was André MacPherson, a self-taught piper. His great-grandfather had been in the Royal Scots Fusiliers in 1918, and had married a French girl and settled there. He comes to the redoubt every 21st March to play for the fallen. A most poignant end to a battlefield study.

What can be seen now?

The hill position is rough grass and the site is still intact. When I was last there a motorway was being developed, but the field seemed far enough away to be safe. We parked on the D.68 near the entrance to the modern quarry. This is private ground and there is no public access. From here you can walk along the edge of the field that borders the scrub along the rim of the quarry this will lead you to the crest of Manchester Hill. The crest, in February 2001, was covered with a rough grass field. In one corner of this was the artillery observation post in the middle of the redoubt. I have never seen the concrete bunker that Martin Middlebrook saw in 1976. It may be buried or have been removed. You can still pick up shrapnel in the field. Occasionally a belt buckle or similar trophy can be found. Remember that old shells can explode even now so be very careful what you touch or pick up. The whole site is private property and you must respect the crops and farming activities. The White Fokker

An Air War: 1918 Biggles scenario by Steve Blease Introduction

The tales of Captain W.E. Johns' legendary air fighter Biggles are ones that many wargamers with a passion for air wargaming were brought up on (and some will still confess to enjoying today!). Biggles first made his appearance in a short story called The White Fokker, printed in the April 1932 edition of Popular Flying Magazine, and later that year in a collection of seventeen Biggles stories under the title The Camels Are Coming.

The story concerns a dastardly Boche in a white painted Fokker D.VIII who picks off RFC planes returning from sorties as they come in to land. After shooting down three planes from 197 Squadron he turns his attention to 266, picking off a Camel returning from a sortie. Angered by this unsporting behaviour, the squadron devises a plan to turn the tables on the White Fokker over Mossyface Wood.

If you intend to play this scenario, read no further. This scenario is best played with an umpire who briefs the players as to the specifics of the scenario. British Briefing

You command two flights of four Camels. The first is Mahoney's flight returning from a sortie over the lines. For the purposes of this scenario these aircraft are on final decent at low speed and can make no manoeuvres (but can speed up and turn left or right). These aircraft enter the board from the east and are proceeding west to 266's aerodrome. The second flight (Bigglesworth's) is held in reserve waiting for the White Fokker to appear and try and claim another kill. The British player can deploy these four aircraft from any side of the table following the appearance of the White Fokker on the table. German Briefing

You are the commander of a Jagdstaffeln whose planes have been highly successful pouncing on British and French aircraft returning from sorties. Gliding over the lines with their engines out, your pilots swoop down behind returning enemy aircraft, shooting them down before they are able to react. No fool, you realise that the enemy will wise up to your tactics and consequently you have a little surprise in store for them. Your force comprises of two sections; first is the infamous White Fokker D.VIII. This plane can enter the board from any direction (other than the west). The second section is cover for the White Fokker and comprises of five additional Fokker DV.III's and will enter the board together from the north, east, or south as the German player sees fit if any additional enemy aircraft appear other than those targeted by the White Fokker. Scenario Variation

In the story 266 get caught out again by the Germans, suffering two more losses to none. If you wish to play this scenario again, allow the rear Camel to make manoeuvres (the Camel now has Biggles at the controls who has spotted the White Fokker approaching his rear) and the umpire should force the German player to deploy before the second flight of Camels, over-ruling their briefing (the confusion should simulate the surprise evident in the story!). The Great War Orders of Battle

For Rapid Fire! rules by Alan Owen

These Orbats have been culled from various sources, including various books and the Micromark army lists. If anybody has any further information or comments, please contact me through the editor. The French Army

Infantry Regiment 1914 - April 1916

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 14 figures

1 MG Company: 1 Hotchkiss MMG with 3 figures

Colonial Infantry Regiment 1914 (Zouaves, Tirailleurs, Senegalese, Moroccan)

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

1 MG Company: 1 Hotchkiss MMG with 3 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 16 figures

Foreign Legion Battalion 1914

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 13 figures

Infantry Regiment April 1916 - October 1917

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures, 1 37mm Gun with 3 crew figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

3 Rifle Companies: 18 figures (Chauchat LMG and VB Rifle Grenades)

1 MG Company: 1-2 Hotchkiss MMG with 3-6 figures

Infantry Regiment October 1917 - October 1918

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures, 1 37mm Gun or 3" Stokes mortar with 3 figures 3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

3 Rifle Companies: 15 figures (Chauchat LMG and VB Rifle Grenades)

1 MG Company: 2 Hotchkiss MMG with 6 figures

Infantry Regiment October 1918

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures, 3" Stokes mortar with 3 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

3 Rifle Companies: 10 figures (Chauchat LMG and VB Rifle Grenades)

1 MG Company: 2 Hotchkiss MMG with 6 figures

Cavalry Regiment

RHQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Sabre Squadrons - 10 figures

A 1914 Cavalry Brigade was made up of 2 Regiments and an MG Section

Artillery Regiment

RHQ - CO + 3 figures

3 Groups each:

3 Batteries @ - 1 75mm M1897 field gun, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

Heavy Artillery Group

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

3 Batteries @ - 1 105mm Gun or 155mm Howitzer, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

Tank Regiment 1918

RHQ - 1 Wireless FT-17

3 Companies @- 2 gun armed FT-17, 1 MG armed FT-17 Up to April 1918 use a Group of 4 St. Chamond or Schneider CA1 tanks instead of FT-17s The German Army

Infantry Regiment 1914 - late 1915

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

1 MG Company: 1 '08 MMG with 3 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 15 figures

For a Jäger Battalion, just use the Battalion organisation, and add the MG Company.

A 1914 German Infantry Brigade was made up of 2 Regiments and in Brigades with the addition of a Jäger Battalion.

Infantry Regiment late 1915 - 1917

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

1 Minenwerfer Company: 2 7.6cm mortars,4 Granatenwerfers (Grenade-throwers) with 12 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 12 figures (possibly MG 08/16 or captured Lewis LMG)

1 MG Company: 1 '08 MMG with 3 figures

Infantry Regiment late 1917 (May attach some of the Assault Battalion)

R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

1 Minenwerfer Company: 2 7.6cm mortars, 4 Granatenwerfers (Grenade-throwers) with 12 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 9 figures (with 1 MG 08/16 LMG)

1 MG Company: 1 '08 MMG with 3 figures

Infantry Regiment 1918 (May attach some of the Assault Battalion) R.H.Q.: CO + 5 figures

1 Minenwerfer Company: 2 7.6cm mortars,4 Granatenwerfers (Grenade-throwers) with 12 figures

3 Battalions

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies: 11 figures(with 1 or 2 MG 08/16 LMG)

1 MG Company: 2 '08 MMG with 6 figures

Assault Battalion (one per division) may be attached:

B.H.Q.: CO + 3 figures

4 Assault Companies: 12 figures(with 2 MG 08/16 LMG)

1-2 MG Companies @: 1-2 '08 MMG with 3-6 figures

1 Flamethrower platoon: 2 figures with 1 Flamethrower

1 Gun Battery: 1 7.62cm gun with 4 figures

1 Mortar Company: 1 7.6cm mortar with 4 figures

Cavalry Regiment

RHQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Sabre Squadrons - 11 figures

MG Squadron - 1 08 MMG with 3 figures

Artillery

Field and Horse Artillery Battalions

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

3 Batteries @ - 1 77mm Field Gun, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, 2 man OP

A horse artillery battalion was attached to each cavalry division; an infantry division had a brigade of 2 regiments each of 2 battalions.

In 1914 only one battalion per corps was equipped with 105mm light field howitzers; by 1918 this had been changed to one battery per battalion being so equipped. Foot Artillery

RHQ - CO + 2 figures

2 Battalions

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

4 Batteries @ - 1 gun/howitzer, horse or traction engine tow, 5 figures, 2 man OP

Guns could be: 15cm Howitzers, 10cm Guns, 17cm Mortars, 22.5cm Mortars or 21cm Mörser German Asien-Korps in Palestine 1918

From information provided by Helen Bacchus on The Lead Adventure Forum

Asien-Korps Infanterie Battalion Numbers 701, 702, 703

3 x Rifle Coys - each 6 figures (Bergman LMG)

MG Coy - 3 German figures,1 Turkish figure, 1 x MG08

Cavalry Platoon - 5 figures(LMG)

Infantry Gun Section - 1 x 77mm IG L/27, 3 crew

Mine-Thrower Section - 3 figures, 1 x 76mm Mine-thrower

Engineer Detachment - 8 figures, Flamethrower

Number 701 Artillery Detachment

2 x Batteries each 1 x 77mm Field Gun with 4 crew

1 x Battery with 1 x 105mm Howitzer and 4 crew British Expeditionary Force

Infantry Battalion

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

MG Section - 1 MMG with 3 crew

4 Rifle Companies - 14 figures

A infantry brigade was made up of 4 infantry battalions, until early 1918 when, due to manpower shortages, the 4th battalion was deleted, except in "Dominion" divisions who retained the 4 battalion structure. From late 1915 add a MG Company of 3 MMGs with 9 figures to each brigade. In 1916 add a trench mortar battery with 2 3" Stokes mortars and 6 figures to each brigade.

From late 1915 delete the MG Section and replace with 2 Lewis LMGs per battalion; in late 1917 replace with 1 Lewis LMG per company.

Cavalry Regiment

RHQ - CO + 3 figures

MG Section - 1 MMG with 3 crew

3 Sabre Squadrons - 10 figures

Imperial Camel Corps 1917-18

HQ - CO + 2 figures

4 Camel Companies - 12 figures,1 x Lewis LMG

From 1915 to early 1917 each company would have 9 figures and no Lewis

A cavalry brigade consisted of 3 cavalry regiments, and from 1916 a MMG company

This organisation can also be used for mounted infantry, i.e. Australian Light Horse, but with only 9 figures per squadron

As with the infantry delete MG Section, but replace with Hotchkiss LMG instead.

Royal Horse Artillery Brigade

HQ - CO + 3 figures 2 Batteries @ - 1 13 pdr Gun, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

Royal Field Artillery Brigade HQ - CO + 2 figures

3 Batteries @ - 1 18 pdr Gun, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

Royal Field Artillery(Howitzer) Brigade

HQ - CO + 2 figures

3 Batteries @ - 1 x 4.5" Howitzer, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

Royal Garrison Artillery Battery

1 60 pdr gun, horse drawn limber, 5 figures,2 man OP

Tank Corps Battalion

BHQ - 1 Mark IV or from early 1918 1 Mark V

3 Companies @- 2 Mark IV or Mark V Tanks

Mark IV or V tanks can be replaced by Mark A "Whippets" in early 1918 or from late July 1918 by Mark V* American Expeditionary Force

Infantry Regiment

RHQ - CO + 6 figures, 3" Stokes Mortar with 3 figures, 37mm Trench Gun with 3 figures

MG Company - 3 Hotchkiss MMG with 9 figures

3 Battalions

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Rifle Companies - 17 figures, from September 1918, 12 figures(Chauchat LMG, Rifle grenade)

An American infantry brigade was made up of 2 regiments and 3 company MG Battalion. A division consisted of 2 infantry brigades, another MG battalion, and a Field Artillery Brigade. In October 1918 some units replaced the Hotchkiss MMG with Browning M1917 MMGs and Chauchat with the BAR.

Field Artillery Brigade

HQ - CO + 3 figures

2 Regiments @-

RHQ - CO + 2 figures

3 Battalions @-

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

2 Batteries @- 1 75mm M1897 field gun, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

1 Regiment

RHQ - CO + 2 figures

3 Battalions @-

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

2 Batteries @ - 1 155mm M1917 Howitzer, horse drawn limber, 4 figures, OP

US Tank Corps

326th and 327th Tank Battalions @

BHQ - 1 x TSS Radio tank 4 Companies @ 2 gun armed FT-17 and 2 MG armed FT-17 The Portuguese Expeditionary Force in France 1917-18

Infantry Battalion

BHQ - CO + 4 figures

4 Rifle Companies @ - 14 figures, Lewis LMG

Infantry Brigade

HQ - CO + 6 figures

1 Light Mortar Battery - 2 x 3" Stokes Mortars with 6 figures

1 Medium Mortar Battery - 2 x 6" Newton mortars with 8 figures

4 x Infantry Battalions as above Serbian Army

1st Line Infantry Regiment 1914

RHQ - CO+ 6 figures

4 Infantry Battalions @

HQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Companies @ - 16 figures

MG Company - 1 x Maxim MMG + 3 figures

Cavalry Regiment

HQ - CO + 2 figures

4 Sabre Squadrons @ - 8 or 14 figures

MG Squadron - 1 x Maxim MMG + 3 figures

The 8 figure squadron regiment is for an infantry divisional cavalry regiment and does not have the MG squadron. The 14 figure squadron is in a cavalry brigade, which consists of 2 such regiments Italian Army

Infantry Regiment 1915 - early 1916

RHQ - CO + 5 figures

3 Battalions @ -

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Companies - 16 figures

Infantry Regiment mid 1916-1918

RHQ - CO + 4 figures

3 Battalions @ -

BHQ - CO + 7 figures, 1 LMG

Mortar Platoon - 1 x Dùmezil 58 mortar and 3 figures

MG Company - 2 x Fiat-Revelli M1914 MMG with 6 figures

3 Companies - 12 figures

Ariditti Battalion

HQ - CO + 2 figures

3 x Assault Companies @ - 11 figures (2 x Rifle Grenadier, 1 x Villar-Perosa LMG)

MG Company - 2 x Fiat-Revelli M1914 MMG with 6 figures

Mortar Section - 1 x Stokes 3" Mortar and 2 figures

Sapper Platoon - 6 figures, Flamethrower, Demolition Charges Russian Army

Infantry Regiment

RHQ - CO + 4 figures, 1 horse drawn wagon, 1 Flag

MG Company - 2 x Maxim or Colt MMG with 6 figures

Scout Kommando Detachment - 4 figures

Signals Detachment - 2 signallers, 1 telephone, 1 mounted messenger

Trench Mortar Group(1917+) 1x Likhonin spigot mortar with 3 figures

4 Battalions @ -

BHQ - CO + 3 figures

4 Companies @ - 16 figures Austro-Hungarian Army

Infantry Regiment mid 1915-early 1917

RHQ - CO + 5 figures

4 Battalions @ -

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

4 Companies @- 16 figures

MG Company - 1 x MMG with 3 figures

Technical Company -

Searchlight Section - 1 x Searchlight, 2 figures

Trench mortar Section - 1 x 9cm trench mortar with 3 figures

Pioneer Platoon - 4 figures

Infantry Regiment late 1917- 1918

RHQ - CO + 5 figures

MG Company - 2 x MMG with 6 figures

Gun Section . 1x 3,7cm L12 Skoda M1915 with 3 figures

3 Battalions @ -

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

4 Companies @ - 11 figures, 1 x M07/12 LMG

MG Company - 2 x MMG with 6 crew

Divisional Sturm Battalion

BHQ - CO + 2 figures

3 Companies @ - 11 figures, 2 LMGs About Shilka Publishing

Shilka publishes books about military technology and history. Our books are available from various online stores. Shilka Publishing is named after the highly effective Soviet ZSU-23-4 Shilka self- propelled anti-aircraft gun, one of the vehicles described in Red Steel: Soviet Tanks and Combat Vehicles of the Cold War.

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