The R-Cell Brief History: the R-Cell Is a Radical Left-Wing Splinter Cell of The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The R-Cell Brief History: the R-Cell Is a Radical Left-Wing Splinter Cell of The The R-cell Brief History: The R-cell is a radical left-wing splinter cell of the Occupy Movement, also known as Occupy Wall Street (OWS). R-cell is a small, secret cell that was conceived by its creator, Sophie Ricci, an anarcho- communist who until early 2012 was an avid organizer and promoter in OWS. During the Fall 2011 protests in Zuccotti Park, Ricci was known for her charismatic personality and soaring rhetoric. Many OWS anarchists called her the female Luigi Galleani (after the famous turn of the 20th century Italian anarchist) due to her Italian heritage and captivating speeches against Wall Street tyrants and corporate oppressors. In February 2012, OWS General Assembly (OWS’ decision making body) failed to reach a consensus on the creation of an anarchist caucus, a move that would have given anarchists within OWS a status akin to other disenfranchised groups. Subsequently, many anarchists (including Ricci), who believed they were the driving force behind OWS, quit in disgust leaving the organization without some of its most dedicated members. After OWS’ public rejection of the anarchist caucus, Ricci vowed to spur a revolution where OWS had failed, by utilizing Galleani’s violent tactics known as propaganda of the deed. Ricci immersed herself in Galleani’s writings and speeches and began to quietly recruit like-minded individuals to her cause during the remainder of 2012. By early 2013, five others joined the R-cell, with the belief that they could achieve a greater good for humanity by bringing about a permanent end to American capitalism. Beliefs: OWS claims to be a leaderless resistance movement that believes the 99% have suffered a mass injustice at the hands of a greedy and corrupt 1%. They claim to use non-violent methods of protests, but they respect that other groups may want to employ a “diversity of tactics,” suggesting their willingness to tolerate militancy so as to not kill the movement. A survey conducted in October 2011 revealed that 30% of protestors in Zuccotti Park supported the use of violence to achieve OWS’ mission; 58% of Chicago Occupy protestors felt the same way. However, the R-cell has drifted further left from the OWS mainstream and even beyond those who may support vandalism or fighting back against the police. The R-cell has adopted an ideology of insurrectionary anarchism, which is a radical revolutionary idea that advocates permanent class conflict by using small, informal affinity groups to commit acts of violence. The R-cell views Luigi Galleani as its inspiration. During the Red Scare of 1919-1920 Galleani’s group conducted a series of assassination and bombing attempts, culminating in the September 16, 1920 bombing of Wall Street, which killed 38 people and injured 143 more. The R-cell believes that force is the only means to end capitalism and bring about a more just economic system where collective society owns the means of production. Once overthrown, R-cell members believe that 21st century information technologies such as the Internet and social media will enable direct democracy, reshaping the global political economy to a degree that was inconceivable to previous generations of anarchists. The R-cell believes real freedom can only be attained through the personal autonomy of a participatory economics and social equality. Group Structure: The R-cell adheres to the anti-globalist organizing philosophy of horizontalism. There is no leader but rather a shared distribution of power. Decisions are made by consensus, which can slow the decision- making process, but the end result is a group of individuals who are fully committed to courses of action once they are decided upon. While consensus rules the group, Ricci has emerged as the de facto leader; the members were originally drawn to join due to her charismatic appeal and convincing rhetoric. Ricci has helped them believe that modern communications technologies will help establish a new world order that is more fair and just than the one they are currently living in. While some members were not originally comfortable with violence, Ricci has persuaded them that momentary demonstrations of rage are necessary to undermine the legitimacy of the current corporate slave state, and in the end they will be viewed as revolutionary heroes much like George Washington and the American founding fathers. Leadership and Membership: The R-cell consists of six members: Sophie Ricci (de facto leader); Mark Aiken, a former enlisted Army Explosive Ordinance Disposal (EOD) specialist who is ardently devoted to Ricci; Laurie Martinez, a nurse at Regional Radiology Clinic who joined OWS after her late husband lost his job; Arnie Smith, an undergraduate student studying linguistics at NYU; Paul Ramano, an unemployed former taxi driver; and the most recent recruit whom Martinez convinced to join the R-cell, John Livingston, a Radiation Safety Officer also at Regional Radiology. They have weekly meetings at private residences where they read anarchist literature and discuss the tactics available to them. Ricci usually organizes the sessions by text message, but she recently abandoned that practice for fear of discovery after research into the FBI’s FISA program. Utilizing the knowledge of the ex-military member, the group has employed basic operational security tactics, such as keeping their meetings and research confidential even from other OWS members, and spending less time in predictable locations where they could be recognized together. Resources: The R-cell is rich in dedication, creativity and has several members with post-graduate education, but they are comparatively low on financial resources. However, Martinez and Livingston’s hospital employment provides them cover to purchase medically related equipment that could prove useful in an attack. Additionally, before leaving OWS, Ricci was a member of their finance committee and managed to embezzle $8500 of the group’s funds. .
Recommended publications
  • CHAPTER VI Individualism and Futurism: Compagni in Milan
    I Belong Only to Myself: The Life and Writings of Leda Rafanelli Excerpt from: CHAPTER VI Individualism and Futurism: Compagni in Milan ...Tracking back a few years, Leda and her beau Giuseppe Monanni had been invited to Milan in 1908 in order to take over the editorship of the newspaper The Human Protest (La Protesta Umana) by its directors, Ettore Molinari and Nella Giacomelli. The anarchist newspaper with the largest circulation at that time, The Human Protest was published from 1906–1909 and emphasized individual action and rebellion against institutions, going so far as to print articles encouraging readers to occupy the Duomo, Milan’s central cathedral.3 Hence it was no surprise that The Human Protest was subject to repeated seizures and the condemnations of its editorial managers, the latest of whom—Massimo Rocca (aka Libero Tancredi), Giovanni Gavilli, and Paolo Schicchi—were having a hard time getting along. Due to a lack of funding, editorial activity for The Human Protest was indefinitely suspended almost as soon as Leda arrived in Milan. She nevertheless became close friends with Nella Giacomelli (1873– 1949). Giacomelli had started out as a socialist activist while working as a teacher in the 1890s, but stepped back from political involvement after a failed suicide attempt in 1898, presumably over an unhappy love affair.4 She then moved to Milan where she met her partner, Ettore Molinari, and turned towards the anarchist movement. Her skepticism, or perhaps burnout, over the ability of humans to foster social change was extended to the anarchist movement, which she later claimed “creates rebels but doesn’t make anarchists.”5 Yet she continued on with her literary initiatives and support of libertarian causes all the same.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining a Post-Leftist Anarchist Critique of Violence
    Ashen Ruins Against the Corpse Machine: Defining A Post-Leftist Anarchist Critique of Violence 2002 The Anarchist Library Contents What’s the Problem? ........................ 3 Our Violent Anarchist History................... 9 “The People” are Alienated by Violence and Other Myths . 11 The Case of Mumia ......................... 23 Mean Ends............................... 27 2 What’s the Problem? Sometimes anarchists are slow learners. Disregarding the famous, definitive and prognostic Marx-Bakunin split in the First International near the end of the 19th century, anarchists overall have continued to cling to the obsolete notion that anarchy is best situated within the otherwise statist Leftist milieu, despite the bourgeois democratic origins of the Left-Right spectrum. Since then communists and Marxists, liberals and conservatives alike have had us right where they want us — and it’s shown in our history. In continuing to view ourselves as Leftists, despite the glaring contradictions in such a stance, we have naturally relegated ourselves to the role of critic within larger movements, and often found ourselves either marching towards goals which stand in direct opposition to our own interests or suckered by counter-revolutionary appeals to anti-fascist or anti-capitalist unity. The anarchist, as Leftist, swims in a sea of contradictions, much of which derives from our passive acceptance of the grip that Leftists have over the po- litical dialogue, both in terminology and in the framing of issues. In conceding to them the underlying territory of debate, North American anarchists have historically been forced into reactionary roles, arguing for nonsensical nuanced points or for means over outcomes. Until we are able to break this cycle and forge an independent critique that reflects our own ends, we are doomed to re- play the past.
    [Show full text]
  • The Direction of Ecological Insurrections: Political Ecology Comes to Daggers with Fukuoka
    The direction of ecological insurrections: political ecology comes to daggers with Fukuoka Alexander Dunlap1 University of Oslo, Norway Abstract This article proposes a political ecology of resistance. This is done by putting forward insurrectionary political ecology as a lens of research and struggle, through the confluence of the complementary "political" practice of insurrectionary anarchism and the "ecological" method of "no-till natural farming." While seemingly different, the article argues that these practices are compatible, animating a political ecology of resistance around anti- authoritarian political and ecological lifeways. This direction, or compass, of insurrectionary political ecology is discussed in relation to other autonomous tendencies, as it complements and strengthens existing critical schools of thought heavily influenced by political ecology, such as (decolonial) degrowth, environmental justice and post-development. Insurrectionary political ecology deepens connections with scholarly rebels in political and ecological struggles outside—and rejecting—the university system. The article includes discussions of research ethics, various conceptions of "activism", autonomous tendencies and existing differences between the concepts of "revolution" and "insurrection", in order to debate notions of "counter-hegemony" and "duel- power." The overall purpose here is to offer a theoretical ethos for a political ecology of resistance that invigorates political praxis to subvert the ongoing socio-ecological catastrophes. Keywords: Resistance; insurrectionary political ecology; post-development; decolonization; degrowth; insurrectionary ecology; environmental justice Résumé Cet article propose une écologie politique de la résistance. Cela se fait en proposant «l'écologie politique insurrectionnelle» comme un prisme de recherche et de lutte, à travers la confluence de la pratique politique de l'anarchisme insurrectionnel et de la méthode «écologique» de «l'agriculture naturelle sans labour».
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: Subaltern Geopolitics and Spaces of Exile in Camillo Berneri’S Work Federico Ferretti
    Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work Federico Ferretti To cite this version: Federico Ferretti. Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work. eds. D. Featherstone, N. Copsey and K. Brasken. Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective, Routledge, pp.176-196, 2020, 10.4324/9780429058356-9. hal-03030097 HAL Id: hal-03030097 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03030097 Submitted on 29 Nov 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Transnational anarchism against fascisms: Subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work Federico Ferretti UCD School of Geography [email protected] This paper addresses the life and works of transnational anarchist and antifascist Camillo Berneri (1897–1937) drawing upon Berneri’s writings, never translated into English with few exceptions, and on the abundant documentation available in his archives, especially the Archivio Berneri-Chessa in Reggio Emilia (mostly published in Italy now). Berneri is an author relatively well-known in Italian scholarship, and these archives were explored by many Italian historians: in this paper, I extend this literature by discussing for the first time Berneri’s works and trajectories through spatial lenses, together with their possible contributions to international scholarship in the fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics.
    [Show full text]
  • “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer
    “For a World Without Oppressors:” U.S. Anarchism from the Palmer Raids to the Sixties by Andrew Cornell A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social and Cultural Analysis Program in American Studies New York University January, 2011 _______________________ Andrew Ross © Andrew Cornell All Rights Reserved, 2011 “I am undertaking something which may turn out to be a resume of the English speaking anarchist movement in America and I am appalled at the little I know about it after my twenty years of association with anarchists both here and abroad.” -W.S. Van Valkenburgh, Letter to Agnes Inglis, 1932 “The difficulty in finding perspective is related to the general American lack of a historical consciousness…Many young white activists still act as though they have nothing to learn from their sisters and brothers who struggled before them.” -George Lakey, Strategy for a Living Revolution, 1971 “From the start, anarchism was an open political philosophy, always transforming itself in theory and practice…Yet when people are introduced to anarchism today, that openness, combined with a cultural propensity to forget the past, can make it seem a recent invention—without an elastic tradition, filled with debates, lessons, and experiments to build on.” -Cindy Milstein, Anarchism and Its Aspirations, 2010 “Librarians have an ‘academic’ sense, and can’t bare to throw anything away! Even things they don’t approve of. They acquire a historic sense. At the time a hand-bill may be very ‘bad’! But the following day it becomes ‘historic.’” -Agnes Inglis, Letter to Highlander Folk School, 1944 “To keep on repeating the same attempts without an intelligent appraisal of all the numerous failures in the past is not to uphold the right to experiment, but to insist upon one’s right to escape the hard facts of social struggle into the world of wishful belief.
    [Show full text]
  • The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era Adam Quinn University of Vermont
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM Graduate College Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2016 The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era Adam Quinn University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Quinn, Adam, "The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era" (2016). Graduate College Dissertations and Theses. 582. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/582 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate College Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE LONG RED SCARE: ANARCHISM, ANTIRADICALISM, AND IDEOLOGICAL EXCLUSION IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA A Thesis Presented by Adam Quinn to The Faculty of the Graduate College of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Specializing in History May, 2016 Defense Date: March 24, 2016 Thesis Examination Committee: Nicole Phelps, Ph.D. Advisor Dona Brown, Ph.D., Second Reader Alec Ewald, Ph.D., Chairperson Cynthia J. Forehand, Ph.D., Dean of the Graduate College ABSTRACT From 1919 to 1920 the United States carried out a massive campaign against radicals, arresting and deporting thousands of radical immigrants in a matter of months, raiding and shutting down anarchist printing shops, and preventing anarchists from sending both periodicals and personal communications through the mail. This period is widely known as the First Red Scare, and is framed as a reaction to recent anarchist terrorism, syndicalist unionizing, and the Bolshevik Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • And They Called Them “Galleanisti”
    And They Called Them “Galleanisti”: The Rise of the Cronaca Sovversiva and the Formation of America’s Most Infamous Anarchist Faction (1895-1912) A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Andrew Douglas Hoyt IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Advised by Donna Gabaccia June 2018 Andrew Douglas Hoyt Copyright © 2018 i Acknowledgments This dissertation was made possible thanks to the support of numerous institutions including: the University of Minnesota, the Claremont Graduate University, the Italian American Studies Association, the UNICO Foundation, the Istituto Italiano di Cultura negli Stati Uniti, the Council of American Overseas Research Centers, and the American Academy in Rome. I would also like to thank the many invaluable archives that I visited for research, particularly: the Immigration History Resource Center, the Archivio Centrale dello Stato, the Archivio Giuseppe Pinelli, the Biblioteca Libertaria Armando Borghi, the Archivio Famiglia Berneri – Aurelio Chessa, the Centre International de Recherches sur l’Anarchisme, the International Institute of Social History, the Emma Goldman Paper’s Project, the Boston Public Library, the Aldrich Public Library, the Vermont Historical Society, the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, the Library of Congress, the Historic American Newspapers Project, and the National Digital Newspaper Program. Similarly, I owe a great debt of gratitude to tireless archivists whose work makes the writing of history
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of American Counterterrorism
    WORKING PAPER SERIES THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM BY MICHAEL NEWELL MAXWELL SCHOOL OF CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY RESEARCH FUNDED BY THE ANDREW BERLIN FAMILY NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH FUND NEWELL | THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM By Michael Newell, Ph.D. Candidate Department of Political Science Syracuse University Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism Andrew Berlin Family National Security Fund © April 2016 1 NEWELL | THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM Introduction While much attention has been paid to the American state’s reaction to the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, the origins of institutions and ideas deployed in the War on Terror in historical conceptions of terrorism and political violence have been overlooked.1 In this paper, I analyze these historical origins through the American state’s response to Ku Klux Klan (KKK), Irish-American Fenian, and anarchist political violence from the end of the Civil War in 1865 until the 1920 bombing of Wall Street, the last alleged significant act of anarchist violence. I argue that this history demonstrates a process of threat construction and changes in institutions, laws, and policies. These changes came about through a mixture of complex social and political factors, but the perception of threat significantly influenced their content and the populations they were directed against. This was particularly the case in the state’s response to European anarchists, in which the response could be described as against an “inflated” perception of threat, while the response to the KKK and Irish-American Fenians was more constrained.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology (1901 - 1919)
    EMMA GOLDMAN: A GUIDE TO HER LIFE AND DOCUMENTARY SOURCES Candace Falk, Editor and Director Stephen Cole, Associate Editor Sally Thomas, Assistant Editor CHRONOLOGY (1901 - 1919) 1901 January-March Goldman supports herself by working as a nurse in New York City; helps to arrange a U.S. tour for Peter Kropotkin in March and April. Goldman reestablishes friendship with her former lover Edward Brady. April-July Goldman lecture tour begins with a free-speech battle in Philadelphia when she is prevented from speaking before the Shirt Makers Union. Goldman and the organizations that sponsor her talks, including the Single Tax Society, defy police orders; Goldman speaks in public on at least two occasions. On April 14 she speaks at an event sponsored by the Social Science Club; other speakers include Voltairine de Cleyre. Despite the Social Science Club's opposition to Goldman's anarchist views, it passes a resolution protesting the violation of her right to free speech. Speaks in Lynn, Mass., Boston, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, St. Louis, Chicago, and Spring Valley, Ill., on such topics as "Anarchism and Trade Unionism," "The Causes of Vice," and "Cooperation a Factor in the Industrial Struggle." July 15-August 15 Goldman spends a month with her sister Helena, in Rochester, N.Y., traveling briefly to Niagara Falls and to Buffalo, N.Y., to visit the Pan-American Exposition. Early September Goldman visits Alexander Berkman at the penitentiary in Allegheny, Pa., the first time she has seen him in nine years. 1 September 6 President William McKinley shot by self-proclaimed anarchist Leon Czolgosz in Buffalo, N.Y., at the Pan-American Exposition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Principle of Organization in the Light of Anarchism
    Salute é in Voi (The Health is Within You). After landing in Italy, Galleani soon attracted the attention of authorities, who forced him into exile on an island off the Italian coast. After Mussolini came to power, Galleani was kept under constant police surveillance by the Fascist government. Later he was allowed to return to the Italian mainland, but the police surveillance continued. After the violent and premature deaths of scores of his followers and their victims, Galleani himself died peacefully of a heart attack at age 70 in 1931. The Principle of Postscript Galleani's followers did not take his deportation well, nor the news that fellow Galleanists Sacco Organization and Vanzetti had been indicted for murder. A wave of bombings followed. One or more followers of Galleani, especially Mario Buda, are suspected as the perpetrators of the infamous and deadly Wall Street bombing of 1920. Galleanist-attributed bombings continued after the conviction and execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, as late as 1932. Several court and prison officials were specifi- cally targeted, including the trial judge, Webster Thayer, and even the executioner, Robert Elliott. References * Avrich, Paul, Sacco and Vanzetti: The Anarchist Background, Princeton University Press, 1991 * Manning, Lona, 9/16/20: Terrorists Bomb Wall Street, Crime Magazine, January 15, 2006 Chronology of Luigi Galleani 1861 - Born in Italy. Late 1870's - Becomes an anarchist while studying law at the University of Turin. 1880-1900 - Flees to France to evade prosecution in Italy. Galleani is expelled from France and moves to Switzerland. He is expelled once again from Switzerland and returns to Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • 9/16: Terrorists Bomb Wall Street
    Photo credit: New York World-Telegram and Sun archives, Library of Congress. 9/16: Terrorists Bomb Wall Street by Lona Manning Prologue Out of a clear blue sky, a deadly terrorist attack in New York City brought grief and outrage. Initially, the country rallied in a wave of patriotism and vowed revenge on the perpetrators. But critics said that the government was using the terrorist threat as an excuse to curtail civil liberties. They warned that aggressive action against the terrorists would only provoke more violence and was harming America's reputation in Europe. And some charged that the president was just a puppet and the decisions were really being made by a handful of government officials who lied and twisted intelligence reports to carry out their repressive agenda. Supporters of the government policy countered that these critics were aiding and abetting the enemy while posing as champions of free speech. Strong measures were needed to crush a dangerous enemy, not naïve and craven appeasement. The year was 1920. Thursday, September 16, 1920 The church bells at Trinity Church overlooking Wall Street were striking noon. 24-year- old William Joyce, head clerk at the J.P. Morgan bank, glanced out the window at the scene outside. The busy intersection was filling with office workers heading out for their lunch break. Twin sisters Minnie and Esther Huger met up in front of the Assay office. Another pair of young sisters, Margaret and Charity Bishop, also met for lunch. Just 18, they had recently joined the work force to help support their widowed mother.
    [Show full text]
  • Memories of American Anarchism
    Paul Avrich. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995. xiii + 574 pp. $75.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-691-03412-6. Reviewed by Charles A. Zappia Published on H-Ethnic (January, 1996) Anarchism, generally defined as endorsing duced a new volume of considerable merit, Anar‐ the ideal that the state must be replaced by con‐ chist Voices: The Oral History of Anarchism in federations of voluntary associations, has a long America. history in the United States, dating at least to the Avrich's most recent work is a compilation of 1850s. It had a major impact on the formation of 180 interviews he conducted over a period of working-class movements prior to the negative nearly thirty years. Those interviewed were most‐ public and governmental response following the ly former anarchists, many of whom professed to Haymarket affair. Thereafter, its influence more having kept the faith, though few were politically often was limited to groups of immigrant work‐ active at the time of the interviews (approximate‐ ers, especially among the Jews and Italians. Anar‐ ly 1963 to 1991). Most of the respondents were chist ideals also infiltrated artistic circles in the foreign-born, Jews and Italians dominating the U.S., even after the ferce government repression list, with lesser representation from Spanish, of left-wing radicalism that began with American French, German, Russian, and Chinese-born ac‐ entry into the First World War and continued tivists. Most had participated in radical activities through the 1920s. Despite its significance, few between the 1880's and the 1930's, and, naturally, Americans, including even many professional his‐ most were in their senior years when Avrich in‐ torians, know much about anarchism, at least terviewed them (in fact, many had died by the once it is divorced from names like Emma Gold‐ date of publication).
    [Show full text]