SPACE CHRONICLE A BRITISH INTERPLANETARY SOCIETY PUBLICATION

Vol. 71 No.3 2018

JOSHUA BURROWS HYDE: The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket Also: THE RR RZ20 LOX/ LIQUID HYDROGEN  ENGINE PROJECT  – a personal memoir

ISBN 978-0-9567382-2-6 NOVEMBER 201841 Submitting papers to From the editor

SPACE CHRONICLE THIS MONTH’S EDITION of Space Chronicle contains another contribution from Frank Winter in the USA – an established expert on pre-20th century rocket Space Chronicle welcomes the submission history. I have known Frank for, it must be around 40 years. He was a curator at for publication of technical articles of general the National Air and Space Museum in the Smithsonian Institute in Washington interest, historical contributions and reviews while I was the curator of space technology at the Science Museum here in in space science and technology, astronautics London. and related fields. The second paper is by Alan Bond who I am sure needs no introduction to you. It GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS is a personal story of his early work at Rolls Royce mainly related to his input to the RZ20 liquid hydrogen motor originally intended as a high energy upper stage ■ As concise as the content allows – for the second generation Europa rocket, but true to form the British Government typically 5,000 to 6,000 words. Shorter backed out of the project in the early 1970. Again I have known Alan for many papers will also be considered. Longer years, although not as long as I have known Frank! papers will only be considered in exceptional circumstances and, at the It appears there are likely to be four editions of Space Chronicle in 2019, two discretion of the Editor, may be split into devoted to papers from the annual Russian/Sino Forum run by David Shayler and parts. two general editions edited by me. These latter two will appear in July and October ■ Source references should be inserted in 2019. 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42 SPACE CHRONICLE A BRITISH INTERPLANETARY SOCIETY PUBLICATION

Vol. 71 No.1 2018 Contents

97  JOSHUA BURROWS HYDE (1809-1887) The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket Frank H. Winter

126  THE RZ20 LOX/LIQUID HYDROGEN ENGINE PROJECT – a personal memoir Alan Bond

OUR MISSION STATEMENT The British Interplanetary Society promotes the exploration and use of space for the benefit of humanity, connecting people to create, educate and inspire, and advance knowledge in all aspects of astronautics.

95 Contributors

Frank H. Winter is the retired Curator of Rocketry of the National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. In addition to numerous articles and papers, Winter is the author of several books, including: Prelude to the Space Age: The Rocket Societies 1924-1940 (1983); Comet Watch: The Return of Halley’s Comet (1986); The First Golden Age of Rocketry: Congreve and Hale Rockets of the Nineteenth Century (1991); Rockets into Space (1991), and America’s First Rocket Company: Reaction Motors, Inc. (2017). He also co-authored, with Frank R. van der Linden, 100 Years of Flight: A Chronicle of Aerospace History 1903-2003 (2003); with van der Linden and Dominick Pisano, Chuck Yeager and the Bell X-1 — Breaking the Sound Barrier (2006); and with Frederick I. Ordway III, Pioneering American Rocketry: The Reaction Motors, Inc. (RMI) Story, 1941-1972 (2015). The 100 Years of Flight book was based upon the monthly “Out of the Past” column in Aerospace America, started in 1972. In addition, he was the volume editor of History of Rocketry and Astronautics, AAS History Series, Volume 28 (2008). Winter is a Fellow of the British Interplanetary Society, and a member of the History Committee of the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, and the History Committee of the American Astronautical Society. He retired from the Smithsonian in 2007 and is presently a freelance writer and museum consultant.

Alan Bond joined Rolls-Royce in 1963 as an engineering apprentice. In 1968 he became Head of the R-R Cryogenic Rocket Performance Office under Viv Wallace. With the decline of the UK rocket industry he moved to British Aircraft Corporation in 1972 engaged on classified work. In 1976 he joined the UK Atomic Energy Authority working on nuclear fusion and also advanced space propulsion with Tony Martin. He and Tony led the BIS Project Daedalus 1973-1978. In 1982 he initiated work leading to the HOTOL project in 1987. With John Scott-Scott and Richard Varvill, Alan formed Reaction Engines Ltd in 1989. Alan retired in 2017 aged 73.

96 Space Chronicle, Vol. 71, pp.97-125, 2018

Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887) The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

FRANK H. WINTER

1. Introduction

Previous articles as well as a portion of book by the author on the British Hale war rocket of the 19th century focussed upon the technology of the rocket itself as well as on the biographical details of Hale and how he was led to develop his then, revolu- tionary rocket. Briefly, it was “revolutionary” in two respects: (1), Hale evolved a workable way to “stabilize” the rocket in flight and at the same time to dispense with the cumbersome “stabilizing stick” of the older Congreve type war rocket, by creating spin-sta- bilization; and (2), Hale also introduced the “hydraulic ram” for loading in the gunpowder propellant charge in the rocket body, or case, and thus supplanted the so-called manually operated “monkey press” in which a large and weighty cylinder was raised within a tall framework by wheel and chain gear arrangement and allowed to drop at different intervals for loading the rockets.[1] Fig. 1 Hale rockets: the classic version (left) and a model c.1844. Mainly, the emphasis in Part 1 of Carl E. Franklin’s 1998 arti- cle is upon the fine details of Hale’s rockets and equipment. Each plates on Congreve and Hale rockets and ancillary equipment was caliber of rocket, as used by the British, is extremely well cov- well as uniforms by British rocket troops, although Hale’s rockets ered. Part 2, published in the Journal of the British Interplanetary are only treated from 1867, on pp. 125-182. The present article is Society, Vol. 52, for July/August 1999, pp. 259-266, surveys their therefore the first article to comprehensively treat the history of employment by the British in major and minor wars, although Hale rockets strictly from the American side, particularly as they only starting with the Abyssinian Expedition of 1867, the year in were first deployed in battle by the Americans. [1] which Hale rockets became officially adopted by the British. The same is said for Franklin’s book, British Rockets of the Napoleonic The origin of the quaint term “monkey press” in early rock- Wars 1805-1901 (Spellmount Ltd.: Staplehurst, England, 2005), et-making is elusive though it very likely was derived from the old which is an excellent work, even containing richly detail coloured nautical term “powder monkeys,” referring to young men or boys

Fig. 2 An engraving of a hydrostatic press from The Illustrated London News, 28 April 1855.

97 Frank H. Winter who would fetch powder from deep within ships galleys to the tion of copies of much of the original 1840s correspondence on gunners above, on the decks. These workers were especially cho- the adoption of Hale’s rockets by the U.S., as found in the U.S. sen for their small sizes since they had to be quick and nimble in National Archives in Washington, D.C., although much work was their task of furnishing the needed gunpowder, especially during required in transcribing these hand-written and sometimes partly the heights of battles. illegible letters. But since there is so much of this correspondence and other documentation on this topic, we have necessarily been Needless to say, the “monkey press” did not necessarily pro- selective of the use of this material. duce the required uniform density within the entire propellant “grain,” as we would call it today, compared with Hale’s hydraulic We thus learn that Aspinwall himself was friend of the propri- press that produced more even burning and probably longer du- etors of the then still existing Congreve rocket factory at Bow and rations. Nonetheless, Sir William Congreve (1772-1828) may still that indirectly, they also played a role. Specifically, in this case, ear- be given credit for introducing, in the West, the earliest known ly in his lobbying for the adoption of Hale’s rockets, he was able to mass-production of larger metal-cased rockets of several pounds obtain from the proprietors a very useful list of ranges of Congreve weight each, compared to the hand-made production of far small- rockets from 3- to 32-pounders, plus the corresponding prices of er, pasteboard rockets, down to several ounces, made this way each model of rocket. The same list including the respective prices over the centuries by firework-makers, or “pyrotechnists.” But of Congreve “Bombarding frames” and launching tubes, as well Congreve did retain the centuries-old wooden stabilizing sticks, as ship carriages for 6 to 24-pounder Congreves. This list was ac- although he experimented, without success, towards arriving at cepted by Hale as a kind of market-value “price list,” or adjusta- other means of stabilization, like fins. Yet there is one element of ble guide, for selling his own rockets to the Americans, although the developmental history of the rocket that has not been fully so far as can be determined, and shown later, the Americans did told and this is the first transfer of Hale rocket technology – that not apparently adapt Hale rockets for firing from ships; nor were we may rightly call a “technology transfer” – from England to “bombarding frames” relevant for deploying Hales. [3] America. This article therefore focusses upon that aspect, as well as upon the overall history of Hale rockets in America from that We likewise learn that once Aspinwall had been introduced time. It also turns out that the story is rather complex than first to Hale rockets and was astounded by their lack of guide sticks realized and has some unexpected twists and turns. [2] yet were comparable or even greater range over Congreve rock- ets that he began writing to such organizations as the respective 1. The First Steps in Introducing Hale’s Rockets to ordnance departments of the U.S. Army and Navy (i.e., the Na- America vy’s Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography, as it was then called). In the latter situation, on 5 June he sent the above described list, along with his praises of the rocket, to Commodore Alexander S. During the first half of 1846, when an American war with Mexico Wadsworth who then served as their Inspector of Ordnance. But seemed imminent as reflected in the British newspapers, Hale and from Hale, he was also able to get a first-hand description of the others believed that the time seemed propitious to attempt to try inventor’s rocket. to have his rockets accepted by the American Government for potential use in that campaign. But it is difficult to know from the Thus, a month after the above letter, on 6 July, Colonel Aspin- available documentation when, and who took the first step. wall brought up the matter of Hale’s rockets to the attention of the U.S. Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, in Washington and For certain, we do know that by early June – about two months enclosed a copy of Hale’s description. after the war had opened on 25 April – correspondence was al- “Sir,” Aspinwall’s letter begins, “The enclosed paper [by Wil- ready well under way between Colonel Thomas Aspinwall (1786- liam Hale] is an important copy of a description of the properties 1876), the United States consul in London and the military in the of one of the most remarkable and important in weapons of war, U.S. in which Aspinwall praised the new and seemingly revolu- Hale’s Rocket. Having witnessed an experiment, and having also tionary new invention of Hale’s rockets and began busily advocat- the opinions of scientific and practical persons on the subject, I ing that it be adopted with the inference that it could be deployed feel quite sure that the employment of this projectile, in our con- in the war. It may justifiably said, in fact, that although he lived test with Mexico, would cheapen the cost of warfare, and ensure and worked in London, Aspinwall was probably the first Ameri- advantages which would not otherwise be attained. The range can champion of the Hale rocket. would exceed that of a cannon, and it can be carried, over prac- ticable ground, to any given point at the speed of a horse, thru Colonel Aspinwall, a War of 1812 veteran with an amputated an entangled, or obstructed country, like a great portion of the left arm from a war wound, had been made the Consul by Pres- Mexican tierra caliente [a region in southern Mexico], as well as ident James Madison in 1816 in recognition of his services. The in the barrancas [canyons], where canon cannot go, [and] it may colonel was very likely aware of original Congreve rockets in that be brought into immediate and efficacious operation.” [4] conflict and had not only been given a copy of a written descrip- tion of the newer rocket by Hale but was able to witness a success- “Such has been my estimate of the various uses,” he went on. ful trial of them, although it is uncertain whether this was pre- “I would therefore refer you to the [U.S. War] department for the sented to him by the inventor. Nevertheless, we have every reason particulars of the rocket in question and urge its adoption in our to believe that the first step in the eventual transfer of Hale rock- service. In the meantime[,] as Mr. Hale has not at present a man- ets and its technology was initiated by Hale himself, first meeting ufactory established and is therefore unable promptly to execute with Colonel Aspinwall, followed at some point by Aspinwall’s large orders, I should think it better for the [U.S.] government to witnessing a trial of the rockets, probably at Hale’s invitation, al- buy his invention, and to obtain for the present exigency [in the though unfortunately there is no known documentation on Hale’s meantime,] a sufficient supply of Congreve Rockets. The enclosed side to corroborate these events and shed further light on them, list of...ranges will furnish all the data upon which a determina- nor where and when they happened. tion is to be made [for ordering those Congreve rockets]. Large orders for the East Indies and Brazil have recently been executed We do have, however, have an extraordinary and rich collec- by the proprietor of the Congreve’s patent [rocket] with whom I

98 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

would become deflected and complicate its flight from there on, implying that without the stick, Hale’s rockets could traverse their range with more certainty and range up to “a distance of 3000 yards before bursting” with greater accuracy than the Congreve type. [8]

Nevertheless, Colonel Aspinwall’s letter, with its enclosure, was followed by a curious note of 23 July from Lieutenant-Colonel George Talcott, the Assistant Chief of the U.S. Army’s Ordnance Department, to Secretary Marcy. Mainly, the note was in regards to the merits of “[Captain] Addison’s Furnaces for heating cannon shot,” a variation of a very old invention in which hot shot was used as a powerful weapon against wooden warships to set them afire. The other matter concerned Hale’s rockets. [9]

“As regards Hale’s Rockets,” Talcott concluded, “they differ so much from the Congreve and all known Rockets, it is not practi- cable to form any opinion of their utility or about an actual trial of them before competent judges. If what is asserted[?] respecting their range & accuracy be correct, it is highly desirable that we should have...them and I believe that the matter may be safely confided to the judgement of Col. Aspinwall, who can be author- ized in the amount of his approval of them to procure a num- Fig. 3 Congreve and Hale rockets compared. ber of the different size with their frames & tubes necessary for discharging them as the sum of money to be expended for this have known for many years...[and] and who will do for me any purpose may be limited to them at four thousand dollars and it is business of delivery which he would not do for a stranger.” [5] behind that the object in view will fully justify this outlay.” Yet, the matter of their acquisition was not so simple as this. [10] “For the important influence which the introduction of the rocket into military use is likely to have upon operations and The matter of payment is actually confusing since within this the whole system of warfare,” Aspinwall concluded, “I cannot do same record series is a shorter note of the same day, 23 July 1846, better than to refer you to p. 396 of Colburne’s (London) United from Secretary Marcy to Talcott, reading: “Return letters relative Service Magazine for 1845 where may be seen the opinion and to Hale’s Rockets & Addison’s furnace for heating shot, and rec- predictions [on war rockets] of [the French] Marshall Marmont ommends that Col. Aspinwall be authorized to purchase some of Duke of Ragusa — one of the ablest of Napoleon’s generals. I have them upon he being satisfied that they perform as is represented. the honor to be Sir yours with the highest respect Thos. Aspin- Approved the expenses – to be limited to $2000 doll[ar]s.” It is wall.” Hence, Aspinwall was strongly advocating the employment signed by Marcy followed by a War Department accounting num- of the war rocket in general to the U.S. Secretary of War, but the ber, W.D. [War Department] 441-16. Hence, there is not only a Hale rocket in particular. [6] change in the amount of money approved, but it is not clear at all whether this amount refers to the purchase of Addison’s furnace As for Aspinwall’s “enclosed paper” of Hale’s own description or Hale’s rockets. [11] of his rocket, this is remarkable in itself since it appears to be the earliest known testimonial by Hale of his rocket, although the 1½ Perhaps around this same time, since we do not know the ex- page document itself is undated and unsigned and is not in Hale’s act chronology, Hale sold the manufacturing rights to his rock- handwriting. Therefore, it was most likely “written” by a copyist, ets – exclusively for use by the American government – to the or one of Hale’s clerks. American R.G. Fairbanks (evidently, his full name was Rufus J. Fairbanks) and his business partner, Joshua Burrows Hyde, then “The advantages of my [illeg., rocket?] over the Congreve and both residing in London. All efforts to try to identify R.G. Fair- others in use are,” Hale explains, “that I dispose with the use of banks have been to no avail, but we know a lot about Hyde who, a stick for guiding and balancing them in their flight; the stick it turns out, was the principal agent in the subsequent sale of the being cumbersome to transport, liable to break...and pry loose manufacture of Hale rockets to the American government and for in firing, [since] a long trough or tube is necessary in adjusting their army to employ in the coming war with Mexico. [12] the precise elevation and direction of the Congreve rocket; this arrangement[?] being likewise a great inconvenience in carriage 2. Biographical Background of Joshua B. Hyde [i.e., transport]. Dispensing with the stick and having the rotative force, my rocket of like weight [like that of] a Congreve, must satisfactorily range further from having to carry only its weight; Joshua Burrows Hyde was born 29 June 1809 in Mystic, Connect- also the direction must be more precise, the rotary motion being icut, of an old and very prominent family that had settled in this of so great a velocity that any windage or swerving from its line of region in the 1630s from England. His father, John Hyde, owned direction is impossible...They can be fired from a gun carriage or about half the town. In fact, the stately house of Joshua’s birth, trough...and are of indispensable[?] convenience for...service as erected in ca. 1800, still stands and is located at 62 Main Street in compared with the `Congreve.’” [7] Mystic. His family could therefore afford to educate him and he was well educated for the times, first attending the Hyde Acade- Hale went on to say that matters were further complicated if a my in Mystic, founded by his father then entering the American Congreve projectile made a “glancing strike” against an object, in Literary, Scientific and Military Academy then at Middletown, which the head of the rocket would suddenly lose “its power.” It Connecticut, and later renamed Norwich University, in 1827

99 Frank H. Winter and graduating in 1829; today, Norwich University is situated in Northfield, Vermont, and is the oldest private military college in the United States. Moreover, an early history of the school proud- ly proclaimed that: “He was a fine scholar and passionate lover of art. He traveled extensively in Europe. He was one of the first directors of the American Institute Fair in New York City.” [13]

Joshua became engaged in mercantile pursuits in New Orleans for many years and also owned extensive land in nearby Jefferson County, Texas, then removed back to Connecticut. But at some later point, according to Ellis, he and his wife lived in Europe up to 1857, when they returned to America and settled in New York City. (However, the latter date may not be accurate since Dogett’s New York City Directory shows he was already residing in New York from 1850; his offices were at 11 Wall Street.) Hyde was also an engineer (listing himself as an “engineer” or “civil engineer” in New York city directories), as well as a prolific and wide-ranging inventor. Overall, he took out some 38 U.S. patents on such in- Fig. 4 Joshua Burrows Hyde – William Hale’s ventions as protective coating on telegraph wires, casting metals, American agent. a steam engine, a “rotating furnace,” a “floating breakwater for harbors,” and underground electric conductors. Hyde was thus an Europe having observed in the Gazettes [i.e., newspapers] of this American citizen living in London during his involvement with country [England], reports of experiments before the officers of Hale and his rockets. [14] Her Majesty’s Board of Ordnance, upon a newly invented War Rocket, the accounts of which your subscribers deemed of impor- Just how Hyde and Fairbanks came to meet Hale is another tant a character, that they conceived it of the highest importance mystery although it important to note that in addition to being that the Government of the United States should be possessed of an engineer, Hyde served as an “agent for foreign inventions” such a projectile of such efficiency, cheapness, and almost univer- and was based at 5 Barge Yard, Bucklersbury, London. Hyde may sal applicability in offensive warfare.” [16] therefore have been recommended to Hale, especially when the latter began to think of America as a prospective “customer” for From their introduction, it appears offhand that Fairbanks and his new invention. [15] Hyde were unaware of Colonel Aspinwall’s prior communications with Secretary Marcy on Hale’s rockets, although their conclud- 3. The Direct Negotiations with the Americans Get ing paragraph shows that that they were aware of it and were just Underway making their own formal introduction to the Secretary. “Having been many years professionally conversant with in- On 18 August 1846, Fairbanks and Hyde wrote a lengthy and ventions of a mechanical nature.” they continued, “they accord- most revealing letter from London to Secretary Marcy who was ingly proceeded to examine the character and properties of this then technically referred to as “The Secretary at War” since the projectile by actual experiment and to investigate its form and country was indeed then at war. “Sir,” their letter starts, “Your particular instruction; and so well satisfied were they of its ex- subscribers, natives of the United States, temporarily residing in traordinary qualities that they became the purchaser at a consider- F.H. WINTER F.H.

Figs 5 and 6 John Hyde’s house in Mystic (left), built around 1800 and (above) a plaque bearing his name

100 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket able expense of the secret and right to the invention in the United States, and now offer it to the Government in the full persuasion that it will be found to be useful in a superior degree wherever artillery can be brought into action, and available on all occasions when [conventional] artillery cannot be used. It is transportable with ease and rapidity, and must effect an enormous saving in war expeditions[?], as well as a signal change in the art of of war.” [17]

“The French Government has,” they further explained, “exam- ined and approved of it and have nearly completed arrangements for the final purchase. The British Government after paying- up wards of £100,000 in all for the successive improvements of the Congreve Rocket was by the recommendation of its ordnance officers on the point of abandoning the Congreve for the Rocket in question, and the inventor is in negotiation with the Mexican Government for the sale of his secret, and it is needless to say it will be a most terrific weapon in their hands and in fact under its use by an invading force, indispensable.” [18] Fig.7 Thomas Aspinwall, pictured inProceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, October 1891. Fairbanks and Hyde then brought in Aspinwall. “The Consul of the United States at this port [Col. Thomas Aspinwall],” they explained, “having at the request of your subscribers witnessed “Mr. [William] Hale,” Aspinwall continues, “at the present the firing of this Rocket and communicated this with your de- moment being much occupied in making contracts with foreign partment forwarded a note [to Marcy] on the 6th [of] July last governments for the disposal of his invention [of the Hale rock- setting forth some of the advantages of the Rocket which note et], has only a small establishment for making his rockets of the your subscribers respectfully beg attention.” [19] size equal to what is denominated by the government (Congreve) 12 pounder rocket, besides which, he is bound by his contract The beginning of the latter paragraph therefore strongly sug- with Messrs. Hyde and Fairbanks not to furnish rockets for the U. gests that it was they – Fairbanks and Hyde – who may have been States [sic.] except to themselves.” [23] responsible for suggesting or inviting, or perhaps even arranging, to have Aspinwall witness experiments with Hale’s rockets, al- “As these gentlemen are the proprietors of the U.S. rights, and though these are conjectures and it is still unknown how the tests therefore the only persons to be dealt with,” Aspinwall goes on, “I had transpired. applied to them on the subjects, and have now enclosed a copy of their reply by which it will be seen that I have recommended one The two Americans continued and then concluded their pro- of them to go out to the U. States [sic.] with as many of different posal. “In the purchase and securing of the secret of this impor- types of the rockets as will enable the Ordnance Department to tant projectile,” they said, “your subscribers have been activated test their efficacy by actual experiment. From the considerable[?] by an immediate desire to obtain for this country’s defense an in- magnitude of the order transmitted to me, I infer that it was only vention of so cheap and effective a character, [in] which its use is intended for such experiment. Mr. Hale I understand will be able so simple that it requires no previous practice or skill, and would in a few days to enlarge his plant so as to furnish rockets of a large be used by ordinary Artillery or Infantry [troops] without embar- size, and I expect that one of the Messrs. Hyde & Fairbanks will be rassing their usual habits or vollutions [?].” [20] able to leave on the 19th or 22nd. of September by a steamer, and I “It is most urgently recommended that the [War] Department hope the [U.S.] Govt. will at least pay his expense.” [24] give this matter immediate attention,” they reiterated, “and signify to your subscribers whether it is desirable to be certain their pro- On the latter point, Aspinwall felt compelled to interject that: posal of its purchase by the Government subject to a proper test “The French government were so satisfied with Mr. Hale’s exhibi- of the advantages as previously communicated by Col. Aspinwall; tion of rockets as to agree to bear the expense for that experiment and should the Government feel satisfied of this projectile and de- and I have seen a letter to him [Hale], from the French Minister termine on its purchase at a fair renumeration to your subscribers of War, in which they agree to bear the expenses for a second ex- for their trouble and expense in this matter it will be recommend- periment with 30 rockets and I understand from Mr. Hale that if ed to have for immediate use a quantity of the rockets made soon he can place them within 30 meters (30 right and left of a target) when they can be prepared in less time just now than in America at the distance of 1000 meters, they will purchase his rights for and be sent direct to New Orleans, in which case your subscribers France. I understand also that he was offered on the spot 50,000 will will make a contract with the inventor subject to the approval francs (nearly two thousand dollars) for the invention at the first of such parties; [the] sum [?] as the Govt’. may designated and exhibition, and twice that sum, if he fulfilled the conditions of your subscribers will charge no advance on said contract by and the proposed experiment, which I have with doubt of his doing. the sum demanded by the inventor. With much high considera- But his price is 200,000 francs, although... in consequence of the tion & Respectfully your obedient servants R.G. Fairbanks [and] great expense in bring his rocket to its present state, [but] he will J. Burrows Hyde.” [21] probably accept less, if desirous to it. The English government have ordered another (Army) experiment and will no doubt buy On 3 September 1846, another relevant communication in the invention, although like the European Govts...for...they have these negotiations was a letter sent by Colonel Aspinwall direct to no immediate occasion for it. I am [also] told...from Capt.[ain Lieutenant-Colonel Talcott that is also enlightening: “Sir, I have to Henry D.] Chads of the [Royal Gunnery School based on the] acknowledge the favor of your letter of the 13[th of] August last, Excellent frigate, that the 12 pd. [pounder Hale] rocket, in the last received on the 29th of the same month, with the statements of experiment on board that ship, ranged 3000 yards by the lines of rockets ordered,” the letter starts. [22] flag staffs laid down to determine distance.” Colonel Aspinwall

101 Frank H. Winter was thus, very much a fellow promoter of Hale’s rockets as were Apsinwall went on: “Since then he [Hyde] has been unable Fairbanks and Hyde themselves. [25] to procure a passage until the present moment, when he has for- tunately been able to take the place of another passenger. On his Yet, although it must have been already well known to all par- arrival in Washington, he will of course present himself to [U.S. ties, Aspinwall reiterated that: “I would mention that the rocket of Army Ordnance] Colonel Talcott, and I hope you will so far con- Hale does not require tubes as mentioned in the order. Nor have tinue his efforts and sacrifices for the benefit of his country, as they sticks, or wings [fins].” [26] to appoint a committee of competent judges of warfare, before whom he can exhibit specimens of his rocket projectiles.” [32] Aspinwall then ended: “I sent out to Com.[modore Alexander S.] Wadsworth in my letter of 5th last June a list of ranges & pric- 4. The Moves Towards Raising Rocket Troops es of the Congreve Rockets. Should the Govt require Congreve rockets [and?] frames and tubes I shall be able to supply them immediately on being forwarded with instructions to that effect. I However, a couple of months later, on 19 November – even before am, Sir, with much respect[,] your very obedient servant[,] Thos. any proving tests were undertaken – Lieutenant-Colonel Talcott Aspinwall.” [27] sent a letter to General Winfield Scott, who just the day before, had been selected to lead the American expedition on Vera Cruz Fairbanks and Hyde sent another letter on 20 September, this and Mexico City. “Sir,” Talcott began, “I respectfully propose...a time to Aspinwall: “Dear Sir...Mr. Hale is now engaged in pre- sufficient number of men to man a battery of mountain howit- paring some rockets to be sent to Russia and Prussia, and is not zers...and also to form a brigade of rocketeers, probably 100 men at this moment prepared to deliver rockets of the several sizes... in all may suffice. They will of course be commanded by ordnance in your letter order; but a portion of them he can prepare soon, officers.” [33] and when he comes to town we will have an interview with him to endeavor to obtain as nearly as possible the sizes you require. (Here, we may ask: why “mountain howitzers” and rockets to- But you are aware that we are bound to Mr. Hale not to release gether? The answer is that the howitzer, with its shorter barrel the rockets out of our hands until the [U.S.] government should than a standard artillery gun, and consequently of lighter weight express a desire, or determination to purchase the secret, in case – and the even lighter and more mobile in its “mountain” howit- the rocket should prove satisfactory.” [28] zer version – and would nicely compliment the light-weight and entirely portable rocket for the anticipated mountainous terrain But then, Fairbanks and Hyde then revealed Hale was hardly of parts of Mexico that also had deep ravines and gorges, though aloof to the negotiations being undertaken by these two Ameri- with high fortresses. In short, geographical or, rather, terrain fea- cans. On the contrary, he was extremely anxious regarding how tures, was another key factor in favoring rockets, besides “moun- things were going: “Mr. Hale,” they explained, “seems to...fear tain howitzers” for this war – especially since it was naturally dif- that his secret of which has cost him a fortune might fall into the ficult to drag heavier conventional guns up hills.). hands where there might not have been a `consideration’ given... For these reasons our position with Mr. Hale is a delicate one, Buried in this early U.S. Army Ordnance correspondence there as he is quite as exacting with the rockets, as with the method of are also hints that during this same month, the prospect of not contracting them; like most inventors he is very scrupulous and one, but two rocket batteries was raised. Although, just as quickly, jealous of his interest while he is visiting with most of the powers the decision was settled on raising just one. On 27 November, Tal- of Europe.” [29] cott simply told Major James W. Ripley, also of the Ordnance and at that time, Superintendent of the Springfield Armory, at Spring- “For these reasons,” the Americans further explained, “we field, Massachusetts: “It is decided to send to the field one, if not entertain your communication that one of us go to Washing- two, Batteries of Mountain Howitzers [and Rocket Battery], un- ton as soon as possible with such number of rockets as Mr. Hale der the command of Ordnance officers...” Furthermore, in a later may be able to furnish...by one of the steamships of this month.” letter of 17 December from Talcott to First Lieutenant Louis A.B. Lastly, they stressed, that “...knowing as we do its [the rocket’s] Walbach at Ordnance Department headquarters in Washington, importance to our country… at this time [during the Mexican he said: “A second battery of mountain howitzers and rockets is war] we are disposed to forgo our own convenience and take not be organized at present,” although this decision remained set- the utmost means in our power to place it at the disposal of the tled. [34] Gov’t. Yours very respectfully, (signed) R. G. Fairbanks [and] J. Burrows Hyde.” Yet, despite the anxiousness by Hale, it was not It is noteworthy that in Talcott’s brief letter to General Scott, until month later that Hyde who was the one chosen to come to not one word is offered about the nature of the rockets themselves America, made the trip. [30] and Scott – who must have surely remembered his own experi- ence during the War of 1812 in which the British used Congreve In his letter of 10 October to Secretary of War Marcy, Aspinwall rockets against his own troops at the battles on Chippewa and informed him that “Mr. Joshua B. Hyde –- the proprietor of Hale’s Lundy’s Lane, New York State, in 1814, may well have assumed newly invented rockets – goes out by the steamer which leaves Liv- that similar Congreve stick rockets were about to enter into this erpool with the mail tomorrow, and has with him a sufficient num- campaign, although on the American side and under his com- ber of these projectiles to serve all the purposes of experiment [i.e., mand. Whatever his possible thoughts on this matter, he immedi- the trials]. He had embarked in the [passenger steamship] Great ately approved of Talcott’s recommendation. Britain, which however was unfortunately stranded about the 27th of last month.” The Great Britain, then the longest passenger steam- Congreve rockets, invented by Sir William Congreve (1772- ship in the world and acclaimed as the first iron steamer to cross 1828) were predecessors of Hale rockets and indeed, could be the Atlantic, which she did in 1845 in 14 days, had run aground at especially devastating against cavalry, often causing the hors- Dundrum Bay, Northern Ireland, near the town of Newcastle, due es to stampede. Scott therefore left it up to Chief of Ordnance, to a navigational error. Hence, the delivery of the very first Hale Colonel Joseph G. Totten, to work out the details for organizing rockets to America had unexpectedly been held up. [31] the projected “brigade of rocketeers” to serve with the General’s

102 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket forces in Mexico. implements for firing the rockets; so the battery is in every sense a double one – in the mountain passes or on the plain; either [how- Put another way, General Scott does not appear to have been itzer] shells or war rockets may be fired.” [37] informed at this early juncture that the Hale rocket – which is not even cited in Talcott’s letter – was completely different from that The compliment of men for the new unit were soon gathered of Congreve. Congreve rockets were stabilized by long wooden at Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, on the southern tip of the “guide sticks,” thereby greatly resembled ordinary firework, or Virginia Peninsula for training although we do not know when “pyrotechnic” type rockets, though were far larger and heavier this training commenced but assuredly it was by late Decem- with bodies of sheet iron and could be fitted with a variety of dif- ber and the organization was directly carried out by Brevet First ferent kinds of warheads, including explosives or incendiaries. Lieutenant Franklin D. Callender, Ordnance, later the Battery’s commander. In any case, both the mountain howitzers and the By contrast, as briefly discussed at the outset of this article, rockets, says Olejar, were then “new developments requiring men Hale rockets were revolutionary in rocket technology since of particular skills and experience to handle properly,” although they dispensed with the sticks altogether and were ingeniously we likewise lack details on their training. For that matter, we sim- spin-stabilized. For this reason they were also dubbed as “stick- ply do not know if any Hale rockets were actually available for less rockets,” or “rotary rockets.” Hale began developing these this training at this point, or, if there were any left over from the rockets from 1843 for the specific purpose of dispensing with the tests, that might have been used. But we do know the 12-pound- cumbersome sticks and by 1844, or just two years before their er “mountain howitzers” were of bronze and mounted on special appearance in the Mexican war, he was granted the first of several carriages and weighed less than 500 pounds compared to as much patents on them. Hence, by the time of his business arrangement as 2,300 lbs for a standard 12-pound field howitzer of the day. with the American Hyde, his rockets had yet to make their debut The rockets were, of course, altogether unique armaments for in combat. all concerned although far less complicated than the howitzers and training for the former – if they were available – would have By early December 1846, a recruitment advertisement bold- primarily consisted of learning how to stack and transport them ly headed, “War With Mexico!” was already printed and sent to on the rocket carriages, and the same for their accompanying commanding officers of the arsenals at the following locations: “conductors,” or launchers, plus the aiming and firing of them as Augusta, Augusta, Georgia; Watertown, at Watertown, Massa- rapidly as possible in the field. But underlining this, there was chusetts; Frankford, at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Washington, no guarantee at all of the accuracy of these rockets, just as had at Washington[, D.C.]; Watervliet, at Watervliet, New York; Fay- been met with Congreves by those nations who had used them for etteville, Fayetteville, North Carolina; and the Harper’s Ferry more than 40 years of their history up until then. [38] Armory, at Harper’s Ferry, then in Harper’s Ferry, Virginia (later in West Virginia) and posted, or inserted into local newspapers, 5. Arrangement of Tests accordingly at these places according to attract the needed vol- unteers. “Recruits—Recruits! [sic.]Wanted one hundred active brave men,” the advertisement begins, “now preparing by the Again, despite the recruiting of the special troops and their train- Ordnance Department to serve with rocket and mountain howit- ing, the final approval for the war-time adoption of Hale rock- zer batteries [sic.] for immediate departure.” [35] ets by the Americans was contingent upon results of tests with Hale’s newer models of rockets. But this early raising of the rocket More was conveyed to the general public in the newspapers troops before their weapons even appeared actually made sense though details were wholly lacking on the rockets. For instance, logistically as the former process took much time and effort by the Daily National Intelligencer (Washington [D.C.]) for 14 De- itself, especially as the war was already underway and in the event cember 1846 ran a piece titled “Rocket and Mountain Howitzer the rockets would never have materialized the men could have Battery” that simply said in general terms that the new Battery easily been furnished with other armament instead. promised to be of great value “in future operations in Mexico... for the attack of towns, and along passes and defiles of moun- Thus, separately, the basic arrangement was that Hyde was to tains. The four howitzers of the battery will deliver upwards of first furnish “full plans, instructions, and drawings” for making four thousand balls per minute.” The paper also cited theBalti - Hale’s rockets and 20 rockets then made according to those plans more American that reported one of the batteries was “composed for trial by a Board of Officers. Then, if the trials went well, the of four 12-pounder mountain howitzers” and “two rocket carriag- U.S. War Department would pay him the remainder of his fee of es” and that “the greater portion” of the rockets was to “consist $18,000 for a total of $20,000 for the manufacturing rights. [39] of the smaller kind, with a few, however [perhaps the Hale’s was meant], of the larger sizes for special purposes. A mode is devised Hyde did arrive safely and the tests were held before a joint Ar- for packing rockets in the ordinary ammunition boxes, like those my-Navy Board on 24 and 27 November at the Washington Arse- for the limbers and caissons of the guns, instead of long wagons...” nal, on the site of the present day National War College, in “Wash- The latter passage may have been an allusion to the fact that Hale’s ington,” as it was then simply called. But in this instance, thirteen had no sticks and were far easier to carry in “ordinary boxes.” [36] of Hale’s own produced rockets of the 2¾in. were tried and com- pared “with others” (i.e., other Hale models made at the Arsenal, Another paper, the New York Herald for 11 December 1846, “according to his specifications” says the Ordnance reports.) The ran a story that was repeated in other papers which simply waxed precise comparative results of the two sets of rockets are not found in general about the great promise of the rockets, though with- in the general literature nor the records, except that their overall out identifying them as Hales. “The effect that a volley of these performances were highly successful. The Board was impressed al- war rockets produce on an enemy is tremendous,” says the ar- though Commodore Lewis Warrington, the Navy’s newly installed ticle, “Our best artillerists estimate that 100 men sending these Chief of Ordnance, voiced his “strong objections” on several rockets will be more execution than twice their number using grounds: “the danger of [their] accidental ignition [aboard a ship], another arm.” This paper added, perhaps innacurately, that: “... the inconvenience of transport, and the [perceived] difficulty of The carriage on which the howitzer is mounted also carries the giving them a right direction when a vessel is in motion.” [40]

103 Frank H. Winter

But the majority of the Board overruled the Commodore and maintained, as stated in the opening clause of their report of 1 De- cember, that the Hale rocket was: “...at least equal, and probably su- perior, to that of the ordinary Congreve rocket, with respect to facil- ity, for use on board of armed vessels or boats.” Rather, they judged that absence of the guide stick gave the rocket a distinct advantage were it to be used on a ship or boat. The second clause reads: “The fact of this rocket being without a stick gives it an incontestable su- periority over the Congreve rocket, with respect to facility, conven- ience of service, and, especially, for use on board of armed vessels or boats.” The Commodore was thus compelled, much to his dis- pleasure, of going along with the Board for now, although he later had his way and the use of Hale rockets never did become adopted by the Navy as far as can be seen. As part of the conclusion of the findings, it is stated: “It is therefore recommended that an arrange- ment be made with the proprietor [Hyde] for this purchase of the full instruction requisite for making these rockets.” [41] Fig. 8 Commodore Lewis Warrington. The initial Hale tests were followed up by a letter from the Sec- retaries of War and Navy to “Mr. J.B. Hyde, now at Washington,” documents relating to Hale’s Rockets [sic.]” but that in the interest that reads, in part: “Sir, The joint Board of Army and Navy Of- of quality and safety Hyde had suggested “many precautions to be ficers, appointed by us to examine Hale’s rockets, have made a taken to prevent accidents and as he will be personally interested... confidential report, a copy of which is inclosed. We are authorized we must listen to them...[also] We must commence the manufac- by the President of the United States [James K. Polk] to submit, ture of the Rockets at once...” [45] for your acceptance, the proposition recommended by the Board of Ordnance. Will you be pleased to make known to us your de- In the meantime, is also interesting to note that on 23 Decem- termination. No delay which can be avoided will occur, if you ac- ber, Colonel Talcott was urged to contact Edmund Burke, the ceded to the proposition in applying the proposed [additional] Commissioner of U.S. Patents that: “The War and Navy Depart- tests. And your communication in writing the necessary instruc- ments having purchased the secret and the right to make Hale’s tions will be treated as confidential. Respectfully, Your obedient rockets, I deem it proper to notify you of the fact, more especially Servants, W.L. Marcy, Secretary of War [and] J.Y. Mason, Secre- as I learn than an individual engaged at the arsenal, in the employ tary of the Navy.” [42] of the government, has lately, and since the trial of Hale’s rockets there, lodged a [patent] specification in your office setting forth his On 11 December, the Secretaries of War and the Navy jointly claim to the invention of the same.” “It would be a singular state of signed off on the final agreement with Hyde to purchase Hale’s facts,” the colonel ended, “if the United States after purchasing the manufacturing rights and plans for $20,000, each Department to invention and employing workmen to make the rockets, should be pay half the cost. The total was an enormous sum at the time and precluded from using them by a patent issued one of those work- presently (in 2018), on account of inflation, would be valued at men.” We do not know the name of this workman but he was not about $617,000. But, as already seen, much was expected of the permitted to proceed to unethically patent the invention. [46] rockets within the American War Department and Army and in other circles and on 3 December, Lieutenant-Colonel Talcott had 6. The U.S.’s Earliest Rocket Troops already issued orders for the organization of the rocketeers. This unit was officially named the “Mountain Howitzers and Rocket Battery, U.S. Ordnance Corps,” thereby including both howitzers The rocket battery established for use in the Mexican War was ac- and rockets together as its armaments. [43] tually not the U.S.’s first rocket unit in the history of the American Army. Some 32 years earlier, in September 1814, during the War of Nevertheless, to make absolutely sure of the efficacy of the rockets, even after the contract had been signed, an addition- al qualifying trial of them was carried out at the Arsenal, under Hyde’s direction, on 5 January 1847. This time, fifteen 3-in. Hale rockets, two with (explosive) shells in the “head” of each rocket and thirteen 2-in. rockets without shells were fired. It was duly reported: “The accuracy of direction and the ranges were, in all re- spects, satisfactory, and the Board are of opinion that these rockets were quite equal to those before exhibited to them by Mr. Hyde, as having been made by Hale, the inventor; and that Mr. Hyde has, therefore, fully and correctly communicated the necessary instruction for making Hale’s rockets.” From a letter from Hyde to the U.S. Secretary of the Navy, dated 9 December 1846, we further learn that the drawings and instructions for manufacturing Hale’s rockets had been previously “signed by the inventor Mr. Hale; and sworn to him before the United States Consul in London.”). [44]

Furthermore, in a letter of 11 December from Colonel Talcott to Captain Alfred Mordecai, in charge of the Washington Arsenal, not only does he say that he “just received from Mr. Hyde all the Fig. 9 Captain Alfred Mordecai.

104 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

1812, a “Corps of rocketeers” under a “Mr. Paris, Captain of artif- icers” was formed and attached to the forces of Brigadier General Alexander Macomb at Plattsburgh, New York. According to H. Lallemand, in his A Treatise on Artillery (New York, 1820): “An ar- tificer is an artillery soldier who prepares the fuses of shells, & co., makes quick matches, port fires, and all sorts of military fireworks; his pay for this is high.” In essence, an “artificer” during that period and probably up to the Mexican war, was thus a military pyrotech- nist. By the same token, the war rockets under the charge of Paris were evidently very basic models, probably with metal bodies and comparable to British Congreve models. [47]

Few other details are known and Capt. Paris cannot be iden- tified. But another record indicates they were Congreve type rockets, made by the U.S. Army Ordnance Department, possibly by Major George Bomford who had undertaken some rocket ex- periments from the previous year at Albany, only 150 miles from Plattsburgh. [48]

Still another early U.S. Army Ordnance record on the War of 1812 says some rockets had been “sent to the Northern Frontiers [i.e., upstate New York, that would have included the Plattsburgh area] but they were not extensively used although we succeeded in giving them ranges quite equal to British rockets of similar dimen- sions. The only serious difficulty met with in the trials of rockets was...inaccuracy.” [49] 7. First Construction of Hale Rockets in the U.S.

Lieutenant-Colonel Talcott instructed Captain Mordecai of the Arsenal on 8 January 1847 that since “The purchase of the right to make and use Hale’s Rockets [sic.] having been completed, it ARCHIVES NATIONAL U.S. is highly desirable to make as rapidly as possible a large number Fig. 10 Drawing of a Hale 2 in rocket by Captain for the services in the present War,” and adding that some 10,000 Alfred Mordecai, 18 January 1847. rockets was desirable in three months and 500 sent to Old Point Comfort (i.e., at Fort Monroe), at Hampton Roads, Virginia, one Gov’t. may always depend on a supply.” Again, nothing came of of the jump-off points for the forces to be sent to Mexico and this. Then Hyde reminded Talcott that: “Mr. Hale informs me that also for years a training ground for artillery troops. But in prac- the prices furnished [to] the Gov’t. by Col. Aspinwall [on 5 June tice, this former number was nowhere near the actual amount of 1846 to Commodore Wadsworth on 5 June 1846] would be those rockets produced, or needed, and probably would have impossi- he should charge by the quantity and they will be those I should ble anyway to fulfill in such a short time as three months. If any- propose to the U.S. Govt.’” Hence, it is obvious Hyde’s letter was thing, this astounding number of rockets requested and the speed mis-dated.) [52] at which they were to be produced, reflects the enormous confi- dence and desirability for the weapon entertained by at least one In the meantime, on 12 January 1847 Captain Mordecai at the of the leading staff members of the Ordnance department. [50] Washington Arsenal reported to Colonel Talcott that he at long last had finally received the actual directions for producing Hale Evidently on the same day – although he apparently mis-dated rockets which could also be shared with the Navy. “In order that his letter as 8 January 1846 – Hyde wrote to Talcott, confidently you may have the means of furnishing the Ordnance Bureau of saying that: “As I procure the War Rocket introduced by myself the [U.S.] Navy Department with the information necessary for to the [U.S.] Gov’t. [it] will become an indispensable projectile making Hale’s Rockets,” he wrote, “I have the honor to present in the Army and Navy of the U.S. and as it is understood that a herewith a memorandum of instructions, showing the mode quantity of them are required as soon as they can be obtained and pursued at this [Army] arsenal, and also a table of dimensions, as the Gov’t has machinery for making but a limited quantity, I with drawings, of the 3-inch & 2-inch rockets & pattern cases propose to contract with the [U.S.] Gov’t. for the manufacture of [rocket bodies] for those calibers. These, together with Hale’s said Rockets.” Hyde was thus suggesting another arrangement in specifications & the accompanying drawings & pattern of his 2¾ which he might be able to help set up a special factory for their inch Rocket, comprise, I believe, all that is requisite for explain- production at that time of great need for them during the war, ing the manufacture of the rocket. Respectfully, A. Mordecai, although nothing came of this. [51] Captain.” [53]

Hyde likewise told Talcott, “I shall leave [back] for England Moreover, besides the four and half page hand-written doc- by steamer of Feb. 1st [and] would propose Mr. Hale to supply ument titled “Instructions for Making Hale’s Rockets” (in Mor- as possible by a given time, which can be forward by the steam- decai’s handwriting) plus a page and a quarter of dimensions of er[;] meanwhile I will order the requisite machinery [hydraulic the rockets and manufacturing equipment, were drawings made presses] and tubes [for the rocket bodies] for establishing a per- by Mordecai that include side-by-side views of the “Tail Pieces manent manufactory at some convenient point in the U.S. as the for Hale’s Rockets” for both the 3-inch and 2-inch calibers. Most

105 Frank H. Winter U.S. NATIONAL ARCHIVES NATIONAL U.S.

Fig. 11 Drawing of a Hale rocket tail piece by Captain Alfred Mordecai, 18 January 1847. fortunately for historians, these instructions plus the drawings are nitrate] and refined sulphur...” As a postscript he noted, “I expect still extant. [54] to leave Monday next [25 January 1847]...” [57]

Mordecai was now clearly challenged to not only start gear- From Boston, Hyde wrote yet another note to Colonel Talcott, ing up for the production immediately but the additional re- this one of special historical interest, dated (correctly) as 30 Janu- quirement to furnish a supply of rockets “for immediate service.” ary 1847. This one had to do with recommending firing elevations Hence, in his follow-up letter to Talcott of 15 January, he favored for Hale rockets, and particularly on the arrangement of the firing making “...an arrangement with Mr. Hale in purchasing them if stand. “It is my opinion that in practice with the rockets,” Hyde he is prepared to execute our order within such time as can be al- stated, that “Capt. Mordecai will himself discover and fix upon [a] lowed for that purpose.” By the same token, the captain expressed means [which] will be at once the most simple and effective. I be- reservations about the notion of setting up a Hale rocket factory lieve that the stand should be as long as possible although Mr. Hale in the U.S. He said: “I do not suppose that a new establishment has thought otherwise I would make the stand of but 10 ft long... for making them in this country [the U.S.] could be set in opera- See sketch. I would use this kind of trough in preference to [a] tion in time to meet the probable needs for the [U.S. Ordnance] tube...as it will fit all...models.” “Mr. Hale,” he added, still retained department during the present war with Mexico...I presume, in- his “new stand as he says by request of the British [artillery or ord- deed, that this [Washington] arsenal alone could furnish as many nance] officers. Please reason [?] my suggestions.” [58] as would be needed.” [55] The “sketch” which Hyde rendered is a remarkable one since To this, he offered his professional viewpoint that: “The difficul- it shows the now familiar V-shaped launching “trough” for Hale ty in making a thorough inspection & proof of a finished rocket, rockets. We do not know when it may have became officially is of ascertaining what good materials have been used in the man- “adopted” (i.e. as a “regulation” Hale launcher in the U.S. and per- ufacture...” “With regard to the prices to which Mr. Hyde refers,” haps saw service during the U.S. Civil War. The record is still not Mordecai added, it was “difficult for me to form an opinion as I clear on this point.) For certainty, it became standard equipment do not know the measure in which the [Hale] rockets are tested, for firing Hales in the British service from 1867, as very ably cov- by pounder [sic.]...” That is, the list provided by Aspinwall of Con- ered by Carl E. Franklin cited above, and appears to have remained greve rockets was by “pounder” calibers, whereas Hale’s rockets in service up until as late as 1899 although is included in the British were designated by inches (of outside diameters), though the list Army’s Treatise on Ammunition series as late as 1902. But whether was still useful as a kind of guide and Mordecai felt that “...it seems Hyde’s early 1847 concept was the true origin of this much used to me that the 3-inch [Hale] rocket, weight about 16 lbs will cost launcher we cannot say. Unfortunately, neither Franklin nor any less than $ 3 [each] – but on this subject I cannot speak positively other source available traces the actual history of the Hale rocket until the manufacture of the rockets is fully in business.” [56] trough so perhaps Hyde may have planted the idea in the mind of William Hale himself, and/or in the minds of U.S. or British On the latter issue, Hyde, on his way back to England, via a military officials. In either case, Hyde, the American engineer and steamship from Boston, wrote to Talcott from the Astor House, a businessman, may thus have had his own input into the develop- well-known boarding house in New York, on 20 January (although ment of the Hale rocket system. This said, however, it appears in again, mis-dated this letter to 1846 instead of 1847). “As regard general that American Hale rocket launchers – at least of Civil War the prices set forth by Col. Aspinwall,” said Hyde, I can only say vintage – were not of the trough pattern. For instance, there is the that Mr. Hale stated to me that unless for a quantity[,] those pric- very simple, bi-pod tube model, like the Civil War specimen at es (which are Congreve prices) would be taken as his standard.” the Fort Ward Museum at Alexandria, Virginia, and the same can He also inserted the detail that the composition of Hale rockets be found in other U.S. military museums featuring Civil War ar- as made in England used “refined nitre [saltpeter, or potassium tifacts. In fact, the bi-pod tube model seems to predominate Civil

106 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

Fig. 12 Rocket trough for Hale’s rockets, drawn by Joshua B. Hyde, 30 January 1847.

War Hale launchers in these museums and also those held by pri- And yet, while we now have some of these finer details about vate collectors of Civil War equipment. Hale launchers in general the actual transfer of Hale rocket technology to the U.S. military are covered further below. services, there remains an immensely important gap in our knowl- edge. Namely, almost no documents have come to light on the his- Also in preparation for the use of Hale rockets themselves in tory of the introduction of the hydraulic press which is usually the Mexican War, some of them were fabricated at the Washington associated with William Hale’s improvements in this technology. Naval Laboratory at the Navy Yard, under the charge of Lieuten- ant John Adolphus Dahlgren, the work commencing 28 January Captain Mordecai’s “Instructions for Making Hale’s Rockets” 1847. At first, Commodore Warrington’s relationship with Dahl- contained in his letter of 12 January 1847 to Lieutenant-Colonel gren was strained, partly because the Commodore still resented Talcott only says, in Part 2 of these instructions, and headed “Of the Hale rocket project that had been forced upon him against his Charging the Cases,” that: “At this Arsenal [in Washington] war wishes but on regarding Dahlgren’s outstanding technical skills, rockets are driven solid by means of a screw press.” This seems he came to support his efforts. In any case, it is said Dahlgren was to indicate that at this point, the level of employment, and hence, removed from his work on Hale rockets on 16 August due to his production of standard Congreve war rockets, was so low that services now required, according to his memoirs, for “a reorgani- perhaps just a single muscle-powered screw press (rather than a zation of the naval ordnance...” (Dahlgren was later acclaimed for “monkey press”) was available. However, it is most curious that in his invention of the greatly improved “Dahlgren gun.”). Primarily, Atlantic and Transatlantic Sketches, Afloat and Ashore by Captain it turned out, the Mexican War Hale rockets (for the Army) were Laughlan Bellingham Mackinnon, Royal Navy, and published in produced at their own Arsenal. [59] 1852, he presents a detailed account of his visit to the U.S. Navy’s

Fig. 13 Land-service rocket trough for Hale’s rockets from Treatise on Ammunition, 1902.

107 Frank H. Winter

“Ordnance Laboratory” (another name of the Naval Laboratory) at the Navy Yard in Washington and describes the manufacture of Hale rockets (which he mistakenly calls “Congreve rockets, with- out sticks”) as follows: “They are so constructed that the back fire [exhaust gases] in escaping gives a rotary motion...The cases [of these rockets] are filled by means of a hydraulic press, capable of exerting a pressure of from seventy-five to eight tons.” Thus, we are confronted with several other important and related historical questions, primarily: (1), Can Hale be credited with the hydraulic rocket press?; (2), Exactly when did the U.S. Army’s Arsenal in Washington first adopt Hale’s hydraulic press?; and (3) When did this happen at the U.S. Navy’s Naval Laboratory; and finally, (4), What were Lieutenant Dahlgren and Benjamin Franklin Coston’s true involvements in the development of Hale’s rockets at the Navy Yard? [60]

In response to the first question, although information on the overall technological development of the hydraulic rocket press Fig. 14 John A. Dahlgren, pictured here in a later in the 19th century is scanty in general, and particularly on Hale’s photograph as an admiral. inputs, we do have the following emphatic statement in the arti- cle “What is a Congreve Rocket” appearing in the British weekly signals) and rockets – both signal and “firework,” or recreational magazine Littel’s Living Age (London) for 17 June 1854, in which types, the latter suitable for Naval displays from ships as well as the writer first describes the Congreve rocket then switches to the public displays, notably Fourth of July exhibitions to annually cel- Hale stick less or rotary rocket and adds: “Mr. Hale has, moreover, ebrate the country’s independence. One of Coston’s superiors was introduced other improvements in the manufacture of rockets. Lieutenant John A. Dahlgren of the then, Bureau of Ordnance and He does not fill them by ramming in the composition, but by the Hydrography. (This Bureau, established in 1842 and lasting until more equable force of hydrostatic pressure...” The identical claim is 1862, when it became the separate entity of the Bureau of Ordnance found in the article “War Rockets and Their Manufacture” in The and thereby included the Laboratory.) [63] Illustrated London News for 28 Apri1 1855: “Amongst other im- provements by Mr. Hale is...the adoption of hydrostatic pressure...” Thus, the Laboratory (and hence, the U.S. Navy) had never pre- Credit for Hale arriving at the hydraulic rocket press is similarly viously made war rockets (Congreve models); rather, they only expressed by Scoffern. [61] produced standard signal and festive skyrockets besides other pyrotechnics. Therefore, their single rocket press had solely been We also know from Brigadier Hogg’s very comprehensive used for the former types of rockets that were all of small caliber two-volume history of the Royal Arsenal that apparently due to of around 1-lb or less. But then, according to Madeleine Vinton the opening of the Crimean War, the production of Hale rockets Dahlgren’s Memoir of John A. Dahlgren: “On the 28th [of] Janu- was sanctioned in England in December 1854 and a new shed ary [1847, Lieutenant] Dahlgren went to the Navy Yard and com- was erected at the Arsenal and installed with hydraulic presses, menced the making of Hale’s rockets. The press was very small, although the rocket itself did not become officially adopted until and much of the machinery required new adaptations.” Unfortu- some thirteen years later in 1867. Hence, it may be that the hy- nately, though, we lack technical details on this machine although draulic presses in the Washington Arsenal as well as at the U.S. evidently it was either not of optimum quality or, more likely, the Navy’s Naval Laboratory may well have been the first governmen- “new adaptions” applied to it by Dahlgren for now charging Hale’s tal uses of Hale’s hydraulic presses; however, it is unfortunate that rockets faced their own developmental difficulties since the entry the original records of the Washington Arsenal appear to be no in the Laboratory’s Log Book for 10 August 1846 reads, in part: “... longer extant and there we cannot answer Question No. 2. But, in the afternoon part of the Rocket machine was broken, in con- very thankfully for the existence of the Log Book of the U.S. Navy’s sequence of which pressing and filling of tubes has to be suspend- Navy Laboratory in the U.S. National Archives, specifically for the ed...” After this, a typical entry that was often repeated after this, key years of 1846 to 1848, we are able to reasonably address ques- reports, for 20 August: “Rocket machine still out of order.” [64] tions 3 and 4. [62] But in the entry for 13 February 1847, there appears the fol- In regard to the Naval Laboratory, not to be confused with the lowing: “Recd. [Received] ten 10 lb. & five 5 lb. weights for Rocket current Naval Research Laboratory based in Washington, D.C. and press [and therefore, a machine of the drop weight type, although founded in 1923 strictly as a naval research institution, the first not of heavy weights and quite suitable for signal rocket manufac- named was in operation before the opening of the Mexican War. ture].” There are also the unexpected and most interesting other The Laboratory was situated in the Washington Navy Yard and was remarks for this same date: “Several war Rockets were drove [sic.], founded in 1844 by Benjamin Franklin Coston who was chosen to & two of them [were] fired off in grand style, [it] supposed that head it and was made a civilian employee of the Navy; he was tech- they fell at a distance of 2½ miles [from] the [Navy] yard. Rocket nically titled the “pyrotechnist.” The building, according to Martha press out of order.” Hence, this appears as the firstof several record- Coston, had been built after her husband’s plan and “under his im- ed [my emphasis] entries to follow up to as late as May 1848 in the mediate supervision, with a detached [i.e., detachable] roof in case Log Book showing activities with “war Rockets” that could have of explosion,” and was funded by an appropriation from U.S. Con- only been Hale models, as will readily be seen. It is likewise very gress. “The interior,” she continued, “with its neat and ingenious noteworthy that these particular rockets were driven by a standard, arrangement, the exhibit of the rocket machine [press], percussion non-hydraulic press yet both landed as far as they did – perhaps cap machine, etc., were the results of his energy and skill.” Here the longest “range” known for Hale rockets although we have no were produced such pyrotechnical items as fuses, primers, port fires information on their respective launch angles or launch method to (igniters), percussion tubes, “blue lights” (non-rocket pyrotechnic achieve such ranges; but it is possible that they both lacked loaded

108 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

go smoothly: “Between 12 o’clock & 1 o’clock, seven war Rockets (3-inch) were fired in [the] presence of Commodores Warrington, [Thomas] Jones, & [Captain [and Commandant of the Navy Yard, Charles S.] McCauley, one burst without starting from the trough; no injury done.” The mention of “trough” here is also significant as it shows that this type of launcher was definitely used for Hale rockets this early by the Americans, at least on an experimental if not operational basis. Note, however, that a “trough” would have been wholly impractical for shipboard use and was really meant for land launches. (In fact, many years later, from the late 1860s, the British Army designated their Hale trough as the “Land Ser- vice Trough,” whereas tubes were employed to fire Hale rockets from ships and was designated the “Sea Service Rocket Tube.”) [69]

It was also during August 1847 – on the 10th – that due to a dispute that arose over compensation for the Navy’s use of his can- non percussion primer, Coston resigned from his position with the Fig. 15 Benjamin Franklin Coston. Navy. This likewise ended his connection with Hale rockets. After this, he was replaced by the Greek-born George Marshall as the “pyrotechnist.” Yet, from time to time, we still see the appearance warheads and were thus far lighter than normal rounds that could of Dahlgren’s name. Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren in her Memoir have also helped account for these unusually far ranges but this includes a very important passage from her husband’s own notes can only be a conjecture. [65] in which he says that as early as February of that year, “I had to begin with procuring rocket tubing [for Hale’s] rockets and making After this, usual entries are, as on 27 May 1847: “Men employed [a] hydraulic press and [an additional?] screw press.” Then in his this day on war Rockets,” and on the following day: “Men em- entry for 15 February he wrote: “Planned a frame for rockets.” This ployed this day in the same manner as yesterday.” From time to is likewise of great interest as it strongly suggests that Dahlgren time, there are also entries, as on 5 June 1847, “Signal rockets” (i.e., started his own design a special launcher of Hale rockets for their to distinguish them from “war Rockets.”). [66] discharge from ships. (Dahlgren’s remark on the hydraulic press is not clear enough, however, for us to determine his exact role in the But the entry for 21 July is also most interesting since it reveals Laboratory’s acquisition of this machine, whether he helped design that: “Lieut. Dahlgren made some experiments on board [the] it, modify it, or supervised its assembly at the Laboratory.) [70] steamer Water Witch, of which war rockets [were] fired.” Here, we have the earliest known American experiments of war rockets – Dahlgren’s activities with Hale rockets is also recorded in the and Hale rockets at that – being tried from aboard a ship. Again, entry for 6 October 1847 in the Laboratory’s Log Book, which says: this also shows specific experiments by Dahlgren with Hale’s. [67] “Lieutenant Dahlgren visited the Laboratory and gave orders to complete the unfinished war rockets…,” while more directly, on 8 In the entry for 17 July 1847 there is another significant en- October the Log Book says: “Lieutenant Dahlgren fired four 3-inch try: “Sent to [the] naval magazine [storehouse] 110 two-inch war [Hale] war rockets. Two of this number were charged with grain rockets.” Thus, these are clearly Hale rockets that were strictly des- powder, which burst on igniting, they other two were charged ignated by their diameters. But the entry for 31 July is particularly with [standard gunpowder] composition & went off well.” That significant since it reads: “In the afternoon drove 3-inch Rocket afternoon, it is also recorded, the men “...burned out a number with the hydraulic press as a trial of [the] machine. (Works very of unserviceable war rockets.” This tells us that contrary to public heavy).” Therefore, at last, we have the exact date that the Navy records, including the Memoirs of John H. Dahlgren written by his Laboratory at the Washington Navy Yard started using their single widow, Lieutenant Dahlgren was assuredly still active in regards hydraulic press for charging up one of the larger caliber Hale rock- to Hale rockets long after 16 August, the date on which he was ets. (It may be possible, although cannot be corroborated, that the supposed to have ceased this activity. Apart from this, question Army’s Washington Arsenal may have received their own hydrau- 4 above is now satisfactorily answered in defining the true nature lic press about the same time. Moreover, this key remark also con- of Lieutenant Dahlgren and Benjamin Franklin Coston’s involve- firms that prior to this time, at least the Navy’s Hale rockets were ments with the development of these rockets at the Navy Yard. [71] loaded with a non-hydraulic arrangement; most likely, the same trend had occurred in the Army’s Washington Arsenal, although Again, Hale rocket production – including experiments with in the Army’s situation, they had at least fabricated a modest num- them – continued into 1848 although in the entry for 6 January of ber of Congreve type rockets over some years prior to the Mexican this year shows another wholly unexpected find. The entry says: War and therefore may have already had a larger and more suitable “Recd. [Received] 25 galls. [gallons of] sperm oil for [the] rocket press than that of the Navy.) [68] press.” “Sperm oil” was from the sperm whale and in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the oil was prized both as an illuminant Now whether Hyde had been involved in the U.S. Navy – and for its bright, odorless flame and as a lubricant for its low viscosity Army’s – procurement of the hydraulic press we do not know for and stability. However, this is the only known connection of this certain for lack of further documentation on this phase of the particular lubricant to rocket technology. (By the late 19th century, manufacture. We can therefore only assume that this revolution- sperm oil was replaced by less expensive alternatives like kerosene ary new press most likely was part of the overall arrangements and petroleum-based lubricants, although upon the 1987 interna- with Hyde, especially considering the enormous outlay of money tional ban on whaling, sperm oil was no longer legally sold.) [72] paid by the U.S. Government for the rockets.) The entry for 6 March of this year reported another accident: The entry for 18 August underscores that matters did always “[Of] Two war rockets that were drove [sic.] this morning, one

109 Frank H. Winter

Figs 16 and 17 A table of Hale rockets manufactured by the U.S. Navy (left) and a record of Hale 3 in rockets manufactured by the U.S. Naval Laboratory, 1847 went off in fine style, & the second burst (tail piece blew out.).” The is another most remarkable find in the U.S. Navy Ordnance re- “tail piece,” of course, referred to the base of a Hale rocket, with cords in the National Archives in Washington. This is the original canted holes (for the Mexican War vintage model) that allowed for hand-written log of each Hale rocket produced at the Laboratory the spinning, or rotary motion of the rocket. This incident, by the from 25 February 1847, although the cut-off date is not recorded way, occurred about a month after the war with Mexico had ended so we do not know the actual full time span of this document that that had happened on 2 February. [73] simply bears the title on its cover as, “Table of Rockets [Manufac- tured] Commenced February 25, 1847.” [76] Then, the entry for 10 April recorded that “Lieutenant Dahl- gren burnt fuzes drove [sic.] with composition for [an] experi- The “Table” covers three calibers of rockets: the 2-inch, 3-inch, ment.” Dahlgren was therefore utilizing the rocket propellant for and the hitherto unknown and obviously wholly experimental another purpose. [74] 4-inch caliber models. Again, the rockets are not identified as “Hale’s,” but there is no question that they were this type for several However, the following brief entry for 21 June of the same year reasons. The main one is, as earlier mentioned, Hale’s were strictly records what must have been the most serious accident experi- designated by their (external) diameters. Besides this, the respec- enced by the Navy Laboratory up to that time: “The rocket house tive weight of each empty case and weight of every “charged case” took fire, originating from ramming...cases; it [the rocket house] is listed for every round made; in some of the tables though, we burnt with great rapidity, destroying the contents of the building also get the respective “weight of composition [weight of the pro- among which were about 300 signal rockets & about 50 unfinished pellant charge]” and these weights are all far heavier than standard 2-inch [Hale] war Rockets. No person was injured.” Perhaps this signal rockets. Another telling clue is the addition of the respective also marked the Naval Laboratory’s final connection with Hale duration of each nose fuse for each rocket, whereas only war rock- rockets since Log Book itself ended soon after that, although the ets like Hale’s – and never signal rockets – would have been fitted last activity involving Hale war rockets was the entry for 19 May with such fuses, although for some inexplicable reason, under the 1848 in which it is simply stated: “Rcvd. [Received] 3-in. War heading of the “weight in heads” column for the 2-inch rockets, Rockets from naval store.” [75] we see the curious added notation: “balls ½ oz.” Therefore, it now seems likely that these particular batches of Navy-made Hale Yet, all the above these entries hardly conclude the overall story rockets were probably fitted with leaded case-shot type balls that of the production of Hale rockets on the U.S. Navy side since there amounted to several pounds (averaging about 5-6 lbs) total weight

110 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket for each head. Could these particular 2-inch Hale rocket therefore both Congreve and Hale, the impulse of their respective rockets have been anti-personnel rather than explosive (shell) rounds? We was so weak, due to its low impulse propellant of gunpowder, that just do not know. At any rate, there is one final – and conclusive – upon ignition, there was a thrust delay of a second or two before clue, that these were all Hale rockets. This is found in the column lift was possible (Congreve rockets often momentarily drooping (for the 2-inch rounds) that is headed, “Kind of Composition” in after leaving their launch tubes). “So it occurred to Mr. Hale,” the which we see the name of this composition as: “Hales” [sic.], that article goes on, “that he would hold back his projectiles...by a sort should actually read “Hale’s.” [77] of spring, from which they cannot free themselves until they have acquired a certain definite initial pressure [i.,e, thrust build-up as Several other important facts can be gleaned from this “Ta- it is termed today].” However, in the Civil War vintage bi-pod tube ble,” or rather, collection of tables although lack of space does not Hale launchers, the spring is replaced by a “restraining lever.” [79] permit us to go into all of them. One of the most noteworthy is that even though these cumulative lists show the production of We also learn in the continued correspondence from Captain hundreds and hundreds of rockets, with each rocket very carefully Mordecai to Colonel Talcott in April 1847, mention that: “It will be numbered, each round almost has its own, slightly different di- proper to furnish the Rocket Carriage with Harness and probably mensions; not all were of identical dimensions, but fairly close. In for four Horses [sic.].” (The four horses were for speed.) Yet, no short, despite the introduction of a certain level of “mass-produc- other details of this ancillary equipment can be located in the re- tion” of both Congreve and Hale rockets, they were still largely cords with the exception that during this same period it is likewise made by hand that accounts for this non-uniformity. referred to as the “Andrews’ rocket carriage” and was apparently contrived by Colonel Timothy P. Andrews, commanding the Vo- We only need add that altogether, from 25 February 1847 up to ligeurs Regiment. However, the Regiment of Voltigeurs and Foot some unknown completion date, the Navy Laboratory fabricated Riflemen was only a one-year regiment of the United States Army some 837 2-in. Hale rockets, 90 3-in. rockets, and just two 4-in. that were meant to be skirmishing unit. Thus, this seems to be an rockets. The latter caliber is nowhere mentioned in the literature additional puzzle as to how Andrews came to be involved with or other records searched and we can only surmise that they were this equipment. But the answer is simply that organizationally, the a wholly experimental attempt to greatly increase the range and Mountain Howitzer and Rocket Battery was attached to the Reg- power of Hale rockets, although evidently without success, per- iment of Voltigeurs and Foot Riflemen. We further know that the haps due to manufacturing difficulties, far less improvement in Battery (and the Voltigeurs) were in General Scott’s 3rd Division, performance than was anticipated, and/or overall lack of cost ef- or Volunteers, under Major-General Gideon J. Pillow. Hence, the fectiveness, or a combination of all these reasons. [78] rocketeers were recruited volunteers for the duration of the war and not regular Army troops, although under the command of There is no telling what travails and triumphs the U.S. Army regular Army Ordnance officers. But besides their single rocket went through producing and attempting to improve Hale rockets carriage, although some references say they had two such carriag- at the Army’s Washington Arsenal during the same period espe- es, they were additionally equipped with what were then called cially, as we saw, they made some 2,200 by 30 June 1847 that was “conductors” (or launchers) but this term is nowhere defined. [80] probably the vast bulk of these projectiles deployed during the war. Yet, in Francis Rawdon Chesney’s Observations on the Past and But besides William Hale’s development of the hydraulic press, Present State of Fire-arms of 1852, he briefly describes a launcher this article cited above, “What Is a Congreve Rocket?” gives Hale used by Hale in private experiments of his rockets before friends credit for another technical advance that also made its way into on 30 March 1849 as: “A wrought iron tube, moving on a cast iron American version’s of Hale’s launchers. “Nor must we forget to stand...and the rocket being discharged at an angle of 20 degrees...” mention,” the article says, “the very ingenious device of this gen- In this way, the moveable or adjustable tube was able to be set at tleman for restraining the rocket during the first moments of its desired angles of discharge to achieve certain ranges. Most likely propulsive endeavours.” That is, although not fully understood by then, this type of tube was the same as used in the Mexican War,

Fig. 18 The U.S. Army Arsenal in Washington D.C.

111 Frank H. Winter especially as the date follows very closely after the war. The Amer- ican Howitzer and Rocket Battery had at least three launcher ap- paratuses by the beginning of the Mexican War in 1846 that were probably these tubes. The calibers of Hale’s projectiles issued to the Battery were the 2¼- and 3¼-inch as well as 2- and 3-inch models and evidently later by Congreves as well. [81] 8. Hale Rockets in Battle in the Mexican War

First Lieutenant George Henry Talcott (no relation to Lieutenant Colonel George Talcott frequently cited above) was initially given command of the 105-man strong Howitzer and Rocket Battery on 28 December 1846, but this command was afterwards transferred to First Lieutenant Franklin D. Callender. Afterwards, when Cal- lender was severely wounded twice at the battle of Contreras dur- ing 19-20 August 1847, the command was transferred to Second Lieutenant Jesse Lee Reno, after whom the city of Reno, Nevada, Fig. 19 Jesse Lee Reno, pictured later as a Civil War general. was named; years later, Reno became a Civil War general. At any rate, following a brief training period with their new equipment, who had been previously, with one piece [of the howitzers], at the says Olejar, the Howitzer and Rocket Battery sailed from Fort `Lime-kiln’...On the 24th, Lieutenant Reno was received by Lieu- Monroe, at Hampton, Virginia, on 1 February 1847 aboard the tenant Callender taking charge of his section, and about 10 p.m., bark Saint Cloud with an initial supply of 50 2-inch Hale rock- from a point considerably in advance of the `Lime-kiln,’ then un- ets, besides six mountain howitzers and other stores; later sup- occupied, we threw about 40 rockets, of the old kind [Congreves], plies of the rockets were to follow. In the meantime, U.S. Army into the city. Hardly had the first one been thrown when the fort Ordnance Captain Alfred Mordecai, in charge of the Washington of St. Iago opened upon us with round shot, throwing them very Arsenal and who had been earlier on the joint Army-Navy Board close, and the castle with a light ball and shells. We, however, fired that had approved the adoption of Hale rockets by the U.S., after- all the rockets [probably the remaining Congreve types] and re- wards reported that 2,200 rockets and 14 “conductors,” or Hale turned to the camp without loss.” [84] rocket launchers, were produced up to 30 June 1847; the Chief of Ordnance afterwards reported that 1,328 of the rockets had been In the continuation of his account he finally reveals he evi- issued to the troops, although this number conflicts with another dently deployed the first Hale rockets in the campaign: “About account seen below, that reports that 2,000 were dispatched to 12 p.m on the 25th [of March], from the same place, I threw ten Vera Cruz at the beginning of the campaign. [82] of Hale’s rockets into the city [of Vera Cruz] but drew no fire from the forts. From St. Iago, however, there was a discharge of It is not certain where or when the Rocket Battery joined Gen- muskets into the surrounding ground, as if a storming party was eral Scott’s forces, but Olejar believed this may have been at the expected. Before morning the city sounded a `parley’ and a flag Lobos Islands, off the Mexican coast and about 200 miles north was sent into our camp, which terminated the surrender of the of Vera Cruz, during the last week in February. At this time, the enemy.” But, “...On the morning of the 19th the enemy discovered “Company of Rocketeers and Mountain Howitzers,” as it was also the position of the trench guard and reserve, and a very heavy called, under First Lieutenant Talcott were “held under the im- fire of all kinds of projectiles was kept up...The duties of the com- mediate orders of the general-in-chief.” They then sailed in the pany exceeded, I believe, in severity those of any other present, steamboat Massachusetts to Sacrificios, at Collado Beach, closer but they were cheerfully and promptly performed by officers and to Vera Cruz. From here on, we have the detailed report by Talcott men...” [85] of his own service with the Battery up to 31 March 1847 when he was relieved of the command of the company. He says the Battery Also at Vera Cruz, Lieutenant and engineer George B. McClel- actually landed “near Vera Cruz with the `first line’ under Gen- lan, afterwards the Union’s top general during the Civil War, not- eral [William Jenkins] Worth on the 9th of March. It was found ed in his diary that “...at about 11:30 [p.m. on 25 March 1847], the very easy to get the battery complete, with the men, into three discharge of a few of our rocketeers caused a stampede against surf boats, and in thirty minutes after they struck the beach it was the Mexicans.” However, he does not distinguish whether these reported ready to move by hand, as we had no horses.” [83] were Congreve or Hale models since we do not know when the Battery’s supplies of “rockets of the old kind” (Congreve’s) were “On the morning of the 10th,” Talcott continues, “the rockets exhausted; nor do we know, for that matter, when and why Con- were detached with one howitzer, and several rounds each [he greve’s or Hale’s were “selected” for this particular action or that does not say whether these were of the howitzer shells or the during the fighting. [86] rockets] were fired at the enemy, but from the distance the ef- fects could not be ascertained distinctly. The rest of the battery, Found in the U.S. Army’s Ordnance records is another remark- supported by a company of infantry, was ordered up to the beach able letter, or copy of a letter, this one dated 19 June 1848 – four to take a position...I advanced accordingly and took post on a months after the conclusion of the Mexican War that had ended low sand hill near the beach, which drew the fire from the city on 2 February 1848 – from Colonel Talcott to William Hale him- [of Vera Cruz] and castle, but we were just out of range...”On the self. “Sir,” Talcott begins, “I duly received your note requesting evening of the 18th [of March] I was ordered, with a section of information upon the use of your Rockets in Mexico and [I] very the battery, to join the reserve of the `trench guard.’ On the 21st, much regret that I have so little to say in reply. A large number, Lieutenant Reno, with another section, joined us and we moved some 2,000 were sent to [the American forces at] Vera Cruz but into the trenches on the right...On the evening of the 23rd I was by one of those accidents that happen often [and] mar the best relieved from the trenches by Lieutenant [Franklin D.] Callender, plan, they were stored away in a storehouse and not found till the

112 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket campaign [at Vera Cruz] was over.” This, however, disagrees with cover occupied by his advanced force, and then the howitzers by the report given above by his namesake, Major George H. Talcott, direction of Colonel [William] Harney...Thirty rockets and forty of his own service with the Howitzer and Rocket Battery up to 31 rounds of spherical case shot were fired in all by Lieut. Reno, who March 1847 in which he clearly said that he deployed Hale rockets deserves great credit for his judicious placing of the battery, and at Vera Cruz on 25 March of the same year. Therefore, it appears his cool and gallant conduct in so efficiently using it.” General that perhaps not all the 2,000 Hale rockets were mistakenly kept Scott, in one of his own dispatches likewise praised Reno highly, in storage after all – or, another possibility, that this large supply noting: “...the rocket and howitzer battery were engaged on and was discovered in time for a few Hale’s to be taken out and de- about the heights and bore an active part.” A more lively descrip- ployed at the earliest opportunity. There is a third possibility, that tion of the action at Cerro Gordo is given by Farnham Bishop the first Hale’s used at Vera Cruz were part of the “initial supply” who wrote: “At the break of day a picked brigade of Twiggs’ reg- of 50 of them. We may never know the definitive answer to this ulars, with shells and `war rockets’ screaming over their heads question. [87] from the [rocket] battery on the crest, dashed down on the slope of Atalaya Hill, up Cerro Gordo, and over the Mexican breast- Either way, right after this discovery of the Hale’s rockets in works...the defenders broke and fled...” [89] storage they were rapidly placed into action with the Mountain Howitzer and Rocket Battery since Colonel Talcott in his letter We additionally have two accounts on the same engagement to Hale concluded by gladly informing the inventor that: “Some at Cerro Gordo from the Mexican side. “The enemy [the Amer- 50 or 80 [Hale’s rockets] were used in the battle of Cerro Gor- icans],” observed Alcarez, “without cessation, poured down gre- do [fought on 18 April 1847] with very good effects, and also at nades, rockets, and all other kinds of projectiles, which fell upon Contreras [fought during 19-20 August, when] 100 were thrown the hill, upon the road and even far beyond our camp.” Barce- doing much damage on the Mexican Camp.” Colonel Talcott na refers to “Talcott’s battery of mountain [howitzer] shells and added in his letter: “A few [rockets] which had been transported Congreve rockets and detached two pieces [howitzers) that estab- on a Gun carriage [undoubtedly the `Andrews’ rocket carriage’] lished themselves on the hill of the Atalya from there they fired in the limber box were [perhaps later] found to have the [pro- on our troops.” But the same author cites other American actions pellant] composition loosened causing them to burst at short in the war with “Congreve rockets” and it thus becomes problem- distances.” [88] atic whether he is really talking about true Congreve rockets – or Hale’s, which the Mexicans would not have known about (cer- Talcott’s namesake, Major George H. Talcott, also recounted tainly at that time) and would have very likely simply referred to the use of rockets (perhaps Hale’s) at the battle of Cerro Gordo them by the 19th century generic name for war rockets in general in one of his own dispatches, written from Jalapa on 21 April to of “Congreve rockets.” By the same token, it is more probable that Lieutenant William T.H. Brooks. Talcott’s Howitzer and Rocket they were Hale’s since by this time, the battery does seem to have Battery were under Major Talcott’s command in support of the been better supplied with Hale’s by this juncture. [90] 2nd Division, under Brigadier General David E. Twiggs when he was forcing the pass through the mountain at Cerro Gordo dur- As for the battle of Contreras (also known to the Mexicans as ing the 17th and 18th. “Two [howitzer] pieces, and one-half [of] the battle of Padierna), Brigadier General George Caldwalder re- our rockets, were soon ordered up the hill, under the command ported in his dispatch of the 22 August, a couple of days after of Lieut. Reno...” said Talcott. (Smith, in his history, The War with the battle, that: “Lieutenant F.[ranklin] D. Callender, command- Mexico, says that a parapet, or protective barrier, for the howitzers ing the rocket and howitzer battery, was wounded in three places and rocketeers were placed atop the hill at Cerro Gordo known while gallantly engaged with the enemy, and the command de- as La Atalaya.) “On the morning of the 18th,” Major Talcott con- volved upon Lieutenant J.[esse] L. Reno, who rendered valuable tinued, “...the section and rockets on the hill, under Lieut. Reno, service himself on various occasions after the command devolved opened and fired on the enemy with great effect, till our troops on him...” Reno was likewise cited by General Scott in his dis- had closed on them – the rockets first towards the enemy’s left, patches. Alcarez noted that the Americans “...repeatedly [firing] below the hill into the cover towards the enemy’s left, into the their Congreve rockets.” Indeed, according to the Mexican histo- rian Barcena, the battery then under Reno had “fired about 100 rockets” – that were most likely Hale’s. [91]

Most fortunately, we also have Reno’s own lengthier account of Contreras that was afterwards sent to Colonel Timothy P. An- drews, commanding the Voltigeurs regiment to which the Bat- tery was attached: “In compliance with your orders,” he begins, “I herewith transmit a report of the operations of the howitzer and rocket battery during the actions of the 19th and 20th instants. On the afternoon of the 19th, the battery, then under the command of Lieutenant Callender...was ordered [with other U.S. troops] for- ward to drive in the enemy’s skirmishers. We advanced as rapidly as possible...Having reached a crest about eight hundred yards in front of the enemy’s main fort, Lieutenant Callender placed three [howitzer] pieces in battery on the crest and opened a brisk fire. Perceiving that there was not room for any more pieces, I took the rocketeers a few rods to the left and commenced firing...After some time...I then went to them and learned that Lieutenant Cal- lender had been severely wounded and [was] carried to the rear...I ordered the [howitzer] pieces to be withdrawn and placed under Fig. 20 The Battle of Vera Cruz, with Hale rockets apparently cover; then returned to the rocketeers and continued throwing seen in the background (artist unknown). rockets until all that we had (100 in all) with us were expended. It

113 Frank H. Winter was nearly dark by this time...On the morning of the 20th, after the of very little service.” After the war, the Americans captured 36 enemy’s works had been stormed and the troops routed, we were Congreve rockets, but again, their history is unknown. [97] ordered to follow up the retreating Mexicans.” [92] After the war, the remaining U.S. Hale rockets were expended The battle of Contreras was followed directly afterwards by the in practice and the Howitzer and Rocket Battery was disbanded battle of Cherubusco, also fought on 20 August, as the Mexican since it a volunteer and not a regular organization and no such army was in retreat. Hale’s – or Congreve’s – were employed here battery was arranged immediately after the war. However, Hale as well. In the following month, during September 12–13, at the rockets were also kept in storage in St. Louis and other arsenals. battle of Chapultepec castle overlooking Mexico City, the rockets In the 1850 report of “ordnance stores issued to the Army and were likewise effective and once more, Reno was cited by General to the several military posts,” 90 “Halls [i.e. Hale’s] rockets” are Scott for his bravery. In the storming of Chapultepec, Lieutenant listed whereas in the 1850 Report of Operations at Washington Reno had been severely wounded while eight of his men of the Arsenal by its commander, Brevet Major Alfred Mordecai, among Battery were likewise wounded, one of them mortally. [93] the “work done” are just “196 Hale’s war-rockets” manufactured, although this was during peacetime. It is not known if any were At the siege of Puebla, late in September 1847, one last attempt taken out for potential employment in the Sioux Expedition in by the Mexican forces to defeat the Americans, since Puebla had 1855 although for certain they were requested at that time. But it been earlier captured, Alcarez said: “Our [the Mexican] firing was is known that standard Congreve types had been taken in other replied to by the enemy [the Americans], keeping up a plunging campaigns against American Indians, as in the second Seminole discharge of cannon-balls, grenades, and rockets.” In any case, War of 1835-1842 in Florida. [98] Puebla was relieved by American forces in mid-October. Smith similarly relates that during 23-24 September, “The Mexicans It is relevant to mention that the 1850 U.S. Ordnance Manu- tried to approach San José by throwing up successive breastworks al states: The nature and number of rockets, and of carriages or in the streets leading that way, but shot, shells, and rockets from conductors [launchers] will be determined by the characters of Loreto kept them back.” From this period, there were only minor the service for which they may be required.” The same manual actions up to February, although it is not known if rockets were described the rockets as made of “sheet iron, lined with paper, or used in this phase of the war. On 2 February 1848, the Mexican wood veneer [as protective liners between the propellant and the War finally ended with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe case]. Their [war]head is of cast iron, and may be either a solid Hidalgo. [94] shot, or a[n explosive] shell with a fuze communicating with the rocket composition. The case is usually charged solid, by means of As for assessments on the overall performance of Hale’s rock- a ram, or a press, and the core is then bored out [as a conical cav- ets in the U.S.’s War with Mexico – and their first time in combat ity that provided more burning area in the lower half of the rock- – this is difficult to judge from our standpoint, especially since no et]...War rockets are usually fired from tubes or troughs, mounted known complete history of the Battery was compiled at the time on portable stands, or light carriages.” This general description although we do have the above few examples although most with might have applied to both Congreve and Hale type rockets, since too few specifics and none with descriptions of the performances both models were “regulation” U.S. military rockets during these of the rockets nor the damage they caused or their failures for years. [99] that matter. A century after the war, Olejar only wrote his solitary comment that the Mexican War was “the most conspicuous use Incidentally, it is true that late in 1858 a few rounds of Hale of war rockets by the American army prior to 1942” that may or rockets and firing stands (what type – tubes or troughs, is not may not have been be true. Following this, he remarked: “...the of- stated) were taken out of storage and shipped with U.S. Navy ficial record [of the war] fails to establish that rockets were highly Commodore William B. Shubrick for the intended “Paraguay ex- efficacious, though English sources [like Scoffern] reported they pedition” commanded by him to demand indemnity and apology were `used with the greatest advantage.’” [95] from the Paraguayan Government in retaliation resulting from Paraguayans firing upon the U.S.S.Water Witch and other offens- To this can be added the brief, but perhaps telling line by the es against U.S. interests. But the matter was peaceably resolved contemporary American ordnance officer Colonel Charles P. upon the apology by the President of Paraguay besides indemni- Kingsbury who had fought in the war and hence took some in- fication to the family of a slainWater Witch crewman and grant- terest in the Battery. He wrote in his An Elementary Treatise on ing the United States a new and advantageous commercial treaty. Artillery and Infantry (1849): “Rockets of a very recent invention Therefore, the Hale rockets were not used here. [100] [Hale’s] were employed with some effect in the war with Mex- ico, but it is understood that the effects were not so important The fact that the Americans did not retain rocket troops after or satisfactory as had been anticipated.” This may be compared the Mexican War and had only deployed them for that campaign to the assessment by an another British authority on artillery at on a one-time basis (using recruited volunteers for the duration of the time, Colonel Francis Rawdon Chesney, Royal Artillery, who the war) differed markedly from the system in England in which remarked in his book published in 1852: “It is understood that the Congreve (and later Hale) rockets were not only widely kept in government of the United States...used this instrument [the Hale several depots throughout the British Empire, but the British rocket] with the greatest advantage in the late Mexican war.” [96] Army and Navy also regularly deployed rocket troops wherever they were engaged in combat and up until the end of the centu- As to the question of whether the Mexicans employed rock- ry. For the same reason, this is why, as we will soon see, hasti- ets against the Americans during the Mexican War, there is some ly-formed and “temporary” rocket troops again surfaced during minimal evidence they were used although further research is re- the U.S. Civil War but did not appear after the war and the U.S. quired. For instance, Lieutenant George B. McLellan of the Engi- Army again, simply kept rockets in storage for potential future neers noted in the 10 May 1847 entry of his diary during the siege campaigns. of Vera Cruz: “They [the Mexicans] fired [Congreve type] rockets etc. at us during the early part of the night.” While Colonel Albert Still another issue was that both Congreve and Hale rockets C. Ramsey, U.S. Ordnance reported: “The [Mexican] rockets were could not be kept in storage for long periods, especially in difficult

114 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket climates, as was found with Hale rockets tried in 1857 that per- “It appears that during Mr. Hyde’s presence at Watertown Arse- formed unsatisfactorily after being stored in the dry and extreme nal,” his statement goes on, “no [Hale] rockets were made suitable heat of New Mexico for a year. [101] to be sent to the field; that more satisfactory results have been ob- tained without his assistance than with it...The officers of the -Gov 9. Hyde Reappears ernment [ordnance officers] should alone have the supervision of the fabrication of such projectiles and rockets are now being made at Watertown Arsenal at the rate of 40 or 50 per day, and it is prob- Hyde reappeared again many years later, during the U.S. Civil able that this number may be soon increased. In view of all the War. On 25 April 1861, he contacted, he said, the U.S. Ordnance facts therefore, it is inexpedient in my judgement to enter into a Department “asking to manufacture the Hale Rocket [sic.] under [further] contract with Mr. Hyde.” [106] contract for the Govt. [U.S. Government] and subsequently made several visits to Washington to urge the matter personally until Yet Hyde was persistent and persuasive and in the following I received instructions from the Chief of Ordnance in August to year, he managed to gain an audience with President Abraham proceed to Watertown Arsenal [a major U.S. arsenal at Watertown, Lincoln himself to promote the use of an improved Hale rocket. Massachusetts] and then to establish the manufacture of those But whether this improvement had been undertaken by himself, rockets under the orders of Capt. [Thomas Jackson] Rodman; and or if it was done through Hale, we do not know. The latter seems which I proceeded to do, and at this time [by late October 1861] possible since, according to a later description of the projectile, rockets are being made accordingly.” [102] the “perforations of this rocket to obtain a rotary motion were at its centre of gravity.” “In the head of this rocket,” the description “My object now,” he continued, “is to again ask to make these continues, “was a shell designed to explode by a[n external, adjust- rockets under contract to insure to the Govt. a supply to meet all able] time fuze.” (Normally, the Hale rocket was fitted with a fixed, regulations therefore, for which the facilities at Watertown seem internal fuze and 2-second fuzes were evidently used for shell to me quite inadequate even for the Army of the Potomac; and as heads during the Mexican War.) Lincoln, with Secretary of State rockets will doubtless be required for the other [Union] armies William Seward, Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase, and the difficulty will be as much increased. The manufacture of these Chief of the Navy Bureau of Ordnance, now Captain John Dahl- rockets requires great care and precision and each rocket when gren, witnessed a trial of this rocket at the Washington Navy Yard prepared should be inspected...Among the rockets made at the on 15 November 1862. Lieutenant Commander William Mitchell Arsenal, as well as at the Navy Yard in Washington, numbers often was the Officer in Charge of the experiment. [107] have been found to explode in the stand, and others to be erratic in flight, rendering them dangerous to use; and prejudicing many “When the rocket was ready,” says Bruce, “the onlookers officers against them from those causes.” Ironically, the latter state- stepped back a few paces, out of the way of the rocket rail, pre- ment by Hyde proved to be especially prophetic for him person- pared to see the new weapon zoom up over the [Potomac] river ally. [103] and burst, pocking the water’s surface with the fragments of its case.” “Instead,” he continues,”came a blast and a puff of fire – the “Those defects,” he went on, “arise wholly from imperfect rocket had exploded on its stand! When the smoke drifted away, manufacture. If the case be properly made and balanced and the Dahlgren, who must have been white with horror, saw that a mira- composition be properly prepared and rammed and the complete cle had spared President Lincoln and the two ranking members of rocket properly capped for preservation, this rocket many be kept his Cabinet.” Mitchell’s own report was all too brief: “Rocket burst in good condition...There are rockets now in the arsenal here [in in stand –- fired with a percussion cap.” Nowadays, we are used Washington] made under my supervision in 1847, and several to wall-to-wall newspaper coverage of most everything whereas from the same lot have been recently fired, to the entire satisfac- in those years news reports were always vary sparse. In any case, tion of the officers witnessing it; not a single failure occurred in for the above and other reasons, this event was evidently not men- burning, nor precision of flight, thus proving the error of the prej- tioned at all in the papers of the day. [108] udices set forth. I have no doubt the rockets from Watertown will be satisfactory...” Hyde also pointed out that Captain Rodman who Neverthless, despite this near catastrophe that might have was to serve as the commander and superintendent of the Wa- changed history, the test was deemed inconclusive and a second tertown Arsenal throughout the remainder of the war, was then experiment was made just a couple of days later on 17 November, under tremendous pressure “from the immense requisitions... but now more wisely without the same highly distinguished ob- for other [war] material and the consequent great demands for servers. However, this time, Hyde’s rocket took an erratic course his care and attention to the preparation of such supply, perhaps and skipped off the roof of a nearby blacksmith’s shop, or as Lieut. more important than rockets.” He was thus strongly hinting that Commander Mitchell officially and more colorfully reported: it would be far more practical to shift the manufacture of Hale “Rocket left the stand and at a short distance from, descended into rockets, under his supervision, to another arsenal, and that he pre- the air, whirling at the same time, took a direction nearly at right ferred the one in Washington. [104] angles to the line of fire, and fell upon the roof of the Blacksmith Shop, and thence to the ground. It was considered dangerous to However, it has now come to light that Hyde was not candid in continue the experiment by the inventor, and consequently [was] all he revealed, for just a week after he wrote his foregoing letter, suspended.” [109] on 4 November 1861, the highly respected authority on ordnance, Colonel Charles P. Kingsbury, also cited above and who had just Hence, the years 1861-1862 were extremely poor ones for recently been appointed the first Chief of Ordnance of the Army of Hyde insofar as his return to rocketry were concerned. Overall, the Potomac under Major-General George B. McClellan, wrote a as seen, Hyde appears to have been a reasonably competent and most revealing letter to the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron that accomplished engineer in several other areas of technology so starts: “The letters of Mr. J.B. Hyde in relation to the fabrication of far as we know. Yet, despite his earlier and fairly smooth success rockets communicated by you to Maj. Gen. McClellan, have been in introducing the Hale rocket fifteen years earlier to the U.S., he refer to me for a reply, and I have the honor to submit the follow- had long-been out of the “rocket business” since then and rock- ing statement.” [105] etry technology itself was still relatively crude by our standards,

115 Frank H. Winter despite Congreve and Hale’s great improvements. Most notably, this field were undertaken under extreme war-time pressures, and for instance, even with Hale’s introduction of the hydraulic press, probably far more so than during the Mexican War period. rocket-makers of the day were still clinging to a centuries old type gunpowder propellant (used, in fact, ever since about the late 11th Here, it must be added that overall, the greatest drawback of century when the Chinese of the Sung Dynasty had apparently the war rocket during the 19th century, whether Congreve or Hale’s introduced the rocket); also, extremely little was understood of and in whatever country they were used, was their all too often the internal and external ballistics and other dynamics of rockets. unpredictability and inaccuracy – with harrowing stories of the On the whole, then, it was still very much of a highly dangerous rockets (more often with Congreve’s) suddenly wildly veering off military and commercial enterprise and Hale himself – and Con- course with a sudden shift of the wind, say, and returning directly greve as well – had faced his own share of occasional rocket ex- to those who had discharged the same projectiles. Yet, constant re- plosions during their respective careers in rocketry; one of Hale’s finements upon the Hale rocket at the Royal Laboratory and Royal explosions of his factory occurred in 1849 while earlier, in 1824, Arsenal, including refinements to Hale’s hydraulic presses were Congreve’s private rocket factory at Bow, West Ham, Essex, had indeed, made by the latter half of the 19th century and did see, at experienced an explosion. [110] least, the Hale rocket in particular become somewhat more “relia- ble” in firings (probably due to the improved uniformity of density, It is also abundantly clear that Hyde was primarily a business- and hence, uniform burning rates with the propellant charge) – man, and a highly successful one, and had some brief experience though if not always accurate. [111] with rocketry years before. But in no way could he be compared to Hale who had dedicated many years (since 1842) in attempting But to return to Hyde. As noted by Lieutenant-Commander to “perfect” his own rocket, although a lot of this work was typi- Mitchell’s terse remarks in the test results he had written, no de- cally accomplished by many empirical experiments. Therefore, in tailed technical examinations were attempted as to why both of Hyde’s case, he had been away from rocketry too long since his his rockets of 1862 had malfunctioned although it is not quite earlier successful experience, and then over-extended himself in a true that nothing further was heard of him and his rockets af- field that was inherently dangerous and still rudimentary. (He also ter his back-to-back disastrous tests. The exceptions were his two may not have had that much experience with percussion fuzes for rocket patents. One was No. 40,041, granted on 22 September rockets.) It did not help matters that Hyde’s later involvements in 1863 for “War Rockets” while the other was No. 40,042 of the

Figs 21 and 22 Hyde’s U.S. patent for a war rocket (left) and a rocket press (right), 1863.

116 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket same date for a “Press of Charging Rockets.” [112]

The first of Hyde’s patents is for another modified Hale rocket. The latter is most interesting technologically, since it appears to have been among the first U.S. patent specifications, with drawing, covering the manufacture of rockets. Also, it was specifically an improvement or modification of Hale’s other great technological advance, the hydraulic pressure to “ram” in the gunpowder pro- pellant into the rocket body or tube. (Before this time, as noted, Congreve and other war rockets were “charged” manually, by a hand-operated pile-driver weight-drop type arrangement, called a “monkey press.” Alvin C. Goell took out the very first two U.S. patents for rocket manufacture in 1841, one for a non-hydraulic, weight-drop press and the other for a rocket (propellant) charge boring machine, accordingly.) The latter patent by Hyde thus takes on an overlooked but important historical significance in that it appears to be the earliest detailed depiction and working descrip- tion of a Hale’s hydraulic type press. Even though both the 1863 Fig. 23 General Alexander Schimmelfennig. patents utilized Hale’s basic ideas, Hyde took liberties and listed himself as the inventor and was then residing in Newark, New Jer- and against the enemy and I have found them very serviceable. I sey, at 4 Bruen Place. [113] have armed all the outer forts in which I did not wish to expose artillery with these rockets. I have organized a common rocket But after these patents, we hear no more of Hyde’s connection battery (the men are instructed and drilled), and am now organ- to rockets, nor to any further connections he may have had with izing a boat rocket battery to accompany expeditions &c. I regret Hale. Instead, he continued to pursue other engineering and busi- to say that there are but 700 rockets on hand, and that they are of ness interests, like the use of peat as a fuel and further work on the large size (3¼-inch, nearly 32 pounds weight), which are less dredging machines. He also authored the booklets, Uses of Peat serviceable than the smaller ones. I beg that the major-general and Peaty Material, Designed Expressly for the Instruction of Farm- commanding will instruct his ordnance officer to obtain without ers and Owners of Peat Lands (Balliere Brothers: New York, 1866), further delay for this district: and Sub-Surface Wires for Telegraph and Telephone Connections (Gillis Brothers: New York, 1883). [114] First. Three thousand 2¼-inch Hale’s rockets, old construction [Mexican War model], with rotation holes in the rear end and a 10. Hale Rockets in the U.S. Civil War 4-second fuse. With these I require no stands. Second: One thousand 3¼-inch rockets with no stands.” [117] Nonetheless, even after the Mexican War, Hale rockets became the standard war rockets of the U.S. Army for many years thereafter. As for the weight of the 3¼-in. model, although the Ordnance They are described, for instance, by Col. H.L. (Henry Lee). Scott’s Manual of 1862 gave the “weight, complete,” as 14 pounds, evi- standard Military Dictionary, stated in 1861: “The rockets used dently this did not include the fully loaded weight, including the in the United States [military] service are Hale’s...The two sizes propellant or explosive charges that would have considerably in- in use are the 2¼ inch [diameter of case], weighing six pounds, creased the weight closer to 32 pounds. and the 3¼ inch [diameter of case], weighing 16 pounds. Under an angle of from 4 to 5 degrees, the range of these rockets is from Schimmelfenning was thus able to deploy a few Hale’s in the 500-600 yards, and under an angle of 47 degrees the range of the defense of Folly island but they did not accomplish much, despite former is 1,760 yards and of the latter 2,200 yards. War rock- his enthusiasm for them, though he evidently did not get the full ets are usually fired from tubes or troughs, mounted on portable amount of rockets he had sought. stands.” The calibers, however, varied over the years. [115] The Confederate artilleryman Edward Manigault, writing in Besides this, there are several instances of Hale rockets being the same month, on 15 April 1864 while serving in the defense used by both the Union and Confederate sides of the Civil War, of Charleston, also in South Carolina, during a fierce siege of although not very extensively. For instance, in the Union forc- that strategic city by the Union, noted: “...a number of Hale’s War es, in April 1864 the Prussian-born Brigadier General Alexander Rocket [sic.], were thrown from Dickson’s [Dixon’s] Island...Some Schimmelfenning of the 74th Pennsylvania Infantry obtained both of the Rockets thrown were picked up. The entire Case including Hale and Congreve types and requested as many as 3,000 of the the head was 23 inches long, 3¼ inches in diameter with 5 spiral 2¾-inch Hales of the old (Mexican War) design plus 1,000 of the orifices...These Rocket cases empty, I judged to weigh about 18 newer 3¾-inch models with test stands, claiming that the rockets pounds. The cases were entirely of cast iron, the head riveted on were easy to transport over the swamp marshes where he was sta- to the body post.” Interestingly, Manigault also relates that in the tioned and were indispensable for driving off Confederate picket following month, “...two [Hale] Rockets were thrown up by the boats or land troops at Folly Island, South Carolina. [116] Enemy, one said to be from [a] Mortar Schooner...” Thus, while no known naval use was made of the rockets during the Mexican Specifically, this is found in his report of 18 April to Lieuten- War, this was not the case in the U.S. Civil War. [118] ant-Colonel Edward W. Smith, Adjutant-General, Department of the South. Schimmelfenning wrote: “Colonel, I have the honor to From the Union side at the siege of Charleston, Colonel report that I have tried Hale’s war rockets in regard to their cor- Charles S. Wainwright had noted in own diary of Hale’s rockets rectness of flight, power of penetration, and the best method of in his entry for 17 April during that same year that: “I have tried handling and discharging them. I have tried them against targets them...and have found them very serviceable.” [119]

117 Frank H. Winter

There had actually been a far earlier attempt to employ Hale rockets in the war, but it turned out to be an abortive effort. On 1 October 1861, about six months after the war had opened, the British-born Thomas William Lion (real name, Lyon) wrote to the Union’s Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, proposing to offer his services to “the U.S. Government my services in any Rocket Bri- gade or Corps that are already formed, or may be now forming. Or to raise a Volunteers Corps or Brigade to use Congreve rockets at which I have had considerable experience...” The latter was false. Nevertheless, Lion was taken at his word and the upshot was that Lion was summoned to Washington and movement went ahead to form such a brigade. The unit was called the “New York (General [William] Barry’s) Rocket Battalion, with Lion appointed a ma- jor and commander of this unit. However, it was decided that the rockets were to be made not in the private sector as was originally planned, but in the Washington Arsenal. [120]

The launchers, strangely called “rocket guns,” were really open-ended drawn iron tubes with adjoined three spiral rods to help impart additional rotary motion to the rockets since the rockets were to be tested with Hale rockets – possibly of Mexi- can War vintage – and in fact, the Battalion was to later issued Hale’s. These launchers and rockets were tried in Washington, with Brigadier-General Barry, Chief of the Artillery of the Army of the Potomac, and Ordnance officers present. It was reported that some of the 3-inch rounds of Hale’s rockets “went magnifi- cently” in flights across the Potomac River. However, in later trials with newer and lighter launchers of wrought iron tubes perforated along their lengths with 1-inch holes that allowed the escape of the exhaust, rather than the spiral rod arrangement, the rockets in these tests did not live up to expectations. Consequently, since Major-General Ambrose Burnside was organizing an expedition for the Maryland campaign and urgently needed light artillery, the rockets and launchers were quickly exchanged for 6-pounder ri- fled canons. The unit, still bearing its name but minus its rocket armament, fought using conventional artillery, mainly in North Carolina, throughout the remainder of the war but it was not until 11 February 1863 that the Rocket Battalion’s name was correctly changed to the 23rd and 24th Independent Batteries of Light Infan- try, New York Volunteers. [121]

The first Confederates who were armed with rockets, may have been soldiers who had earlier captured – probably Hale types – from Union troops on 27 June 1862 at Gaines Mill, Virginia. Ac- cording to one Union officer on the receiving end on the banks of the James River from Evelington Heights, Virginia, Colonel James T. Kirk of the 10th Pennsylvania Reserves, on 3 July, he wrote, “... Fig. 24 Hale rockets as used in the U.S. Civil War. while standing in line in battle, I had one man wounded by a mis- sile from a rocket [launcher] from a rebel battery.” There are other the continued improvement of rifled cannon. The end result was scattered instances of Confederate employments of rockets during that rockets, with the exceptions of war-time experiments during the Civil War, although it is not always certain whether they were World War I by Robert H. Goddard and others, the rocket was not of the Congreves or Hales. [122] adopted as a weapon by the United States until World War II.

The Confederacy perhaps got the last word in rockets during Nevertheless, there are extant examples of Hale rockets and this war. Confederate States Commander James Bullock wrote to even rocket launchers of Civil War vintage in various museums Secretary of the Confederate Navy Stephen R. Mallory from Lon- in the U.S., such as at the West Point Museum in New York, while don on 10 January 1865: “I have long thought that a severe blow an excellent example of a Civil War Hale rocket stand is on exhib- might be struck at New Bedford[, Massachusetts], Salem[, Mas- it at the Fort Ward Museum at Alexandria, Virginia, that was one sachusetts], Portland, [Maine] and other New England towns by of the Union’s defensive forts during the war. Another launcher is sending from this side ships prepared with incendiary shells and at the Field Artillery Museum at Fort Sill Oklahoma. This is not Hale’s rockets.” [123] to leave out a 24-pounder British Hale rocket in the collections of the National Air and Space Museum and currently on exhibit Yet, this proposal came too late since the Confederacy surren- at the Museum’s Udvar-Hazy Center, near Dulles International dered just four months later on 13 May 1865. The Hale did seem Airport in northern Virginia. This particular specimen had been to represent a high technology during the Civil War. On the other fired on a practice range about 1867 at Shoeburyness, England, hand, it was not found to be the effective in practice, coupled with and recovered in 1974 and then restored and later donated by the

118 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

Fig. 25 A Civil War Hale rocket launcher exhibited at the U.S. Army Museum, West Point.

Royal Artillery Institution at Woolwich, U.K., to the Smithsoni- charging what are evidently five Hale types simultaneously. More- an Institution in 1974. Rare U.S. Civil War rocket and launcher over, the text seems to corroborate this in describing “Hale war specimens are also highly prized by various private collectors, rockets” that could be “discharged from a V-shaped steel slide [a even if these weapons were not widely deployed. Occasionally, trough, or actually multiple troughs], mounted a wheels...” There Hale rockets are also put up for auctions and sell for hundreds is also much correspondence in the National Archives and else- of dollars. [124] where showing that not only Hale Senior, but his sons William Jr. and Robert continued to have extensive dealings with the Ameri- There is also a private collector known as “Rocket Man Doug” can military (and also the famous Dupont de Nemours company, whose enthusiasm for the Hale rockets used during the U.S. Civil in 1855) in regard to Hale rockets over the years, since the mid- War has led to his remarkable collection of reproductions of these 1850s, that included Robert supervising their manufacture at the rockets and launchers as seen on the Internet, under the heading U.S. Navy’s Navy Yard in 1855. Apart from this, Hale Senior took “Rockets of Company G” that refers to the unit in General Schim- out a U.S. patent for a “Rocket,” No. 53,933 of 10 April 1866. But melfenning’s forces. One of Schimmelfenning’s Rocket Batteries Hyde was no longer involved in Hale’s rocketry even though he was commanded by another German-born officer, Captain Jacob had opened the way for the 19th century rocket technology transfer Jungblut, and was deployed in the campaign in South Carolina to America. Hyde died in New York City on 15 March 1887 and several small raids and reconnaissance missions, for instance, at was interred in Green-Wood Cemetery in Brooklyn, New York, as Legareville, on 25 July and 6 August 1864 on Kiawah Island. An- were other members of his family. [126] other of these rocket batteries was under the German-born Colo- nel Leopold von Gilsa (Company D) that tried out their rockets Meanwhile, as a postscript, after many years of experimenta- against Fort Sumter, although there was a misfire with the first one tion, besides the British periodically using his rockets on an ex- while the others were consequently thrown overboard. [125] perimental basis from the time of Crimean War onward, William Hale finally succeeded in having his rockets officially adopted 1867 Hale’s younger son, Robert, came to the U.S. after the war, by by his native England, the rights of which were sold for £8,000, October 1865 to further promote improvements of the rockets. thereby supplanting the old Congreve stick type rockets in use Also, the U.S. was communicating with the Hale-[John] McDon- since Napoleonic times. From here on, as mentioned, they were ald Rocket Company of London regarding their interest in and were very widely used in wars from the Abyssinian Expedition of improved Hale war rocket as late as the 1870s and Frank Leslie’s 1867 to as late as 1899, or for 32 years, although they did not be- Illustrated Newspaper (New York) of 2 June 1877 ran an excellent come officially obsolete until as late as 1919. The Hale war was the woodcut, with a description of a trial of allegedly both “life-saving last of the great 19th century gunpowder war rockets. As modest and [Hale] war rockets” at Sandy Hook, New Jersey, “in the pres- as it was by our current standards, this is also the earliest known ence of the United States Ordnance Board...” Hence, it is not clear documented example of a technology transfer – and perhaps in which rockets are actually depicted, although a closer examination the instance of Hyde’s 1847 concept of a “trough” launcher – a two- of the illustration reveals a multiple launcher that is indeed, dis- way technology transfer in the history of rocketry. [127]

119 Frank H. Winter

References 1. See Frank H. Winter, “The Enigmatic Mr. Hale and His Rockets,” 9. Letter, Lieutenant-Colonel George Talcott to William L. Marcy, 23 JBIS (London), Vol. 53, May-June 2000, pp. 153-162; Frank H. July 1846, in National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Chief of Winter, “William Hale and His Rockets,” Journal of the Ordnance Ordnance, Entry, box, and file number unknown [retrieved from Society (London), Vol. 9, August 1997, pp. 18-25; and Frank H. “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. Winter, The First Golden Age of Rocketry – Congreve and Hale 10. Ibid. Rockets of the Nineteenth Century (Smithsonian Institution Press: 11. Note, Secretary of War William L. Marcy to Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, D.C.), 1990), pp. 179-224. See also the excellent article George Talcott, 23 July 1846, in National Archives, RG 156, Records by Carl E. Franklin, “The Hale Rockets in the British Service (Part of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry, box, and file number unknown 1), in JBIS (London), Vol. 51, September 1998, pp. 337-358, although [retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. this study of his treatment does not cover Hale rockets in the United States, other than a brief mention on p. 338. 12. The available London Directory for 1850 shows that Fairbanks then resided at 14 Albert Terrace, Knightsbridge, in that city, although 2. We say that Congreve introduced the “mass-production” of larger, his occupation is not given. This individual may or may not have “metal-cased” rockets in the West, because the Indians of Mysore, been the “R.G. Fairbanks” later listed in the 1860 U.S. census as born during the late 18th century under Hyder Ali and afterwards his about 1804 in New York State and was by then (in 1860) a farmer son Tippoo Sultan, had earlier produced “larger” (at least 6-lb.) residing at or near Friendship Village, Allegheny County, New York. metal-cased war rockets, for use against British forces during the Mysore, or Mahratta wars, although to date, no details are known 13. R. Earl Burrows, Compiler, Robert Burrows and Descendants 1630- of the history of this important although still largly overlooked 1974 (Edwards Brothers, Inc.: Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1975), Vol. 2, technological development. For more on the history of war rockets p. 1964; Reuben H. Walworth, Hyde Genealogy; or the Descendants, in India during this, and earlier periods, see Winter, The First Golden in the Female as well as in the Male Lines, from William Hyde, or Age, pp. 3-11. and especially, Frank H. Winter, “The Rocket in India Norwich… (J. Munsell: Albany (New York], 1864, Vol. II, p. 711; from `Ancient Times’ to the 19th Century,” JBIS (London), Vol. 32, William Arba Ellis, Compiler, Norwich University [Vermont], 1819- December 1979, pp. 467-471. 1911 – Her History, Her Graduates, Her Roll of Honor (The Capital City Press: Montpelier, Vermont, 1911), II, 147-148. The American 3. List, untitled and undated, but referred to in a letter from Aspinwall Institute Fair, founded in 1829 and held annually until 1897 “for to U.S. Navy Commodore Alexander S. Wadsworth of 5 June 1846, the encouragement of agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and evidently from the U.S. National Archives [hereafter, National the arts,” is sometimes considered the first world’s fair in the U.S. Archives], Washington, D.C., RG 156 [Record Group], Records of Extensive records of the American Institute Fair in New York are the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry, box, and file number held by the New York Historical Society that undoubtedly would unknown [Retrieved from the “Hale Rockets” files, National Air and contain more information on Hyde’s connection with it. Also for Space Museum, hereafter NASM]. Hyde’s connection with the Fair, see New York Herald, 8 June 1841, p. Interestingly, also while in London, Aspinwall acted as a literary 1, in which he is named one of the “Managers.” agent and a liaison between American authors and British 14. Ellis, op. cit.; The Federal Reporter: Circuit Courts of Appeals… publishers. One of his clients was his friend, the famous American [regarding a case about Hyde’s land holdings], (West Publishing author Washington Irving, best known for his short stories “Rip Vo.: St. Paul, [Minnesota], 1906), pp. 433-443, retrieved online, Van Winkle” (1819) and “The Legend of Sleepy Hollow” (1820. 12 January 2018. New York City directories of the 19th century Consult, James J. Barnes and Patience P. Barnes,”Thomas Aspinwall: also show that the Hyde family—Joshua had some eleven brothers First Transatlantic Literary Agent” in, The Paper of the Bibliographic and three sisters – were importers of watches and other goods and Society of America, Vol. 78 (1984), pp. 321-331. possibly he was also involved in such businesses. 4. Letter, Thomas Aspinwall, U.S. Consulate in London to the 15. It is likewise of interest that in 1845, or just about a year prior to his Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, 6 July 1846, in National connection with Hale, according to the Minutes of Proceedings of the Archives], RG 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, Institution of Civil Engineers (London), Vol. 4, Session of 1845, pp. Selected documents from special file, 1812-1912, Inventions...[and] 399-402, Hyde exhibited a model of the “American Excavator for Experiments, box and file number unknown [Retrieved from the Dredging” that was based on the same principle of the American “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. Excavator (steam shovel) of William S. Otis of Massachusetts 5. Ibid. Congreve – and later Hale rockets – were indeed, procured and “which worked for some time on the Eastern Counties Railway [in employed by Brazil, although it is only known that the British East England].” From this we gather that while Hyde was an engineer, the India Company just used Congreve type rockets and had even raised subject of rockets was apparently an entirely new topic of technology their own rocket troops. to him when he met Hale. 6. Ibid. Marmont had been an aide-de-camp to Napoleon and his 16. Letter, R.G. Fairbanks and Joshua Burrows Hyde to William L. Inspector General of the French Artillery. The Marshall’s lengthy and Marcy, Secretary at War, 18 August 1846, in National Archives, RG powerful praise of Congreve rockets is also found in his book, The 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, (c) Selected Spirit of Military Institutions, translated into English and published Documents, Experiments, Class T & M, box and file unknown in Philadelphia in 1862. “I repeat it,” he ended in his discourse, [Retrieved from” Hale Rockets” files, NASM.]. “Congreve rockets must produce a revolution in the art of war; and 17. Ibid. they will assure success and glory to the genius who shall have the first to comprehend their use.” Winter, First Golden Age, p. 79. 18. Ibid. 7. Statement, [William Hale], undated but ca. July 1846, in National 19. Ibid. Archives, RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry and file 20. Ibid. number unknown [retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. 21. Ibid. 8. Ibid. We must recognize that it may be that the above statement 22. Letter, Aspinwall to Talcott, 3 September 1846, in National Archives, by Hale was a generic one submitted to all potential buyers of RG 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry and his rockets, rather than specifically written or dictated for the file unknown [Retrieved from” Hale Rockets” files, NASM.]. Americans.

120 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

23. Ibid. a list of armaments just above this article. (Note that the caliber 24. Ibid. designations sometimes vary slightly, those above probably being more accurately given than “2 and 3-inch” models also seen.) 25. Ibid. 38. Olejar, p. 24. 26. Ibid. 39. Olejar, p. 23. 27. Ibid. 40. Olejar, p. 22; Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual Reports, 28. Letter, Fairbanks and Hyde to Aspinwall, 20 September 1846, in Vol. II, p. 190; Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 149. National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry and file unknown [Retrieved from” Hale Rockets” 41. John Scoffern,Weapons of War: A History of Projectiles and Explosive files, NASM]. Compounds (Harvard and Lock: London, 1854), pp. 136-137. There seems to be some confusion in the literature as to whether the Navy 29. Ibid. did use Hale rockets in the war in Mexico. Mrs. Martha J. Coston, 30. Ibid. widow of the pyrotechnist Benjamin Franklin Coston, inventor of 31. Letter, Thomas Aspinwall to William L. Marcy, Secretary of War, 10 the Coston signal flare, in her book A Signal Success (J. Lippincott October 1846, in National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Office Co.: Philadelphia, 1886), pp. 23-24, reprinted a letter from of Ordnance, Selected Documents from Special File, 1812-1912. Commodore Warrington to her husband on 30 December 1846 as The S.S. Great Britain, that almost carried the first Hale rockets to follows: the U.S., still exists and is listed on the U.K.’s National Historic Fleet “Sir, Upon receipt of this, you will repair to the Arsenal, and join and is a highly popular museum ship in Wapping Wharf, Bristol Commander [Levin M.] Powell [then on naval ordnance duty], Harbour. who is ordered to give attention to the making of Hale’s rockets, the 32. Ibid. right to which has been disposed by Mr. J.B. Hyde to the War and 33. U.S. Ordnance Department, U.S. Army, A Collection of Annual Navy Departments. You are associated with Commander Powell Reports and Other Important Papers Relating to the Ordnance for the purpose of gaining information necessary to their complete Department...Prepared Under the Direction of Brig. Gen. Stephen preparation. As this is a confidential matter, it is necessary to V. Benét ([U.S.] Government Printing Office: Washington [D.C.]. apprise you of the propriety of keeping everything in relation to it 1880), Vol. II, pp. 148-149. See Major Paul D. Olejar, “Rockets in secret. Respectfully you ob[edien]t. Servant, L. Warrington, Comm. Early American Wars,” Military Affairs (Baltimore), Vol. X, Winter [odore]., Chief of Bureau.” 1946, pp. 24-25 for more details on the raising and subsequent To this, Martha Coston added: “...Mr. Coston made all these same organization of these rocket troops. rockets used by the government during the Mexican War.” This, of 34. Letter, Lieutenant Colonel George Talcott to Major James W. course, is in error as it completely neglects the Army’s side of the Ripley, 27 November 1846, in National Archives, RG 156, Papers production of the rockets during this confict. of the Ordnance Department, Entry 6, Letters Sent, Vol. 8; Letter, But there also seems to be some confusion in the literature as to Lieutenant Colonel George Talcott to First Lieutenant Louis A.B. whether the U.S. Navy did use Hale rockets in the war in Mexico at Walbach, 17 December 1846, in National Archives, Record Group all. A later book, James Bradford’s Captains of the Old Steam Navy: 156, Papers of the Ordnance Department, Entry 6, Letters Sent, Makers of the American Naval Tradition 1840-1880 (Naval Institute Vol. 8. Press: Annapolis, Md., 1886), pp. 30-32, also suggests that the 35. U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual Reports, Vol. Navy deployed the rockets in that war. Yet, no sources have come II, p. 152; Olejar, p. 24. Examples of some of these newspaper to light showing that Hale rockets were ever supplied to any U.S. advertisements have been found in the Richmond Enquirer Navy ships during this conflict, much less employed in the conflict. (Richmond, Virginia) for 15 and 29 December 1846 and 5 January Moreover, Martha Coston was misleading when she said that her 1847; and the American Republican and Baltimore Daily Clipper husband had made “all” the Hale rockets used in the war. As seen (Baltimore) for 28 December 1846. below, Lieutenant Dahlgren, was also involved in the production and improvement of Hale rockets for the Navy, even if they may not have 36. “Rocket and Mountain Howitzer,” Daily National Intelligencer been used in combat. (Washington [D.C.] 14 December 1846, p. 3. 42. Scoffern, pp. 137-138. 37. New York Herald (New York City), 11 December 1846, also found in the Indiana State Sentinel (Indianapolis), for 24 December 43. U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual Reports, Vol. II, 1846 though originally copied from the Philadelphia Ledger, date pp. 152-153; Scoffern, p. 138; Olejar, p. 23. unknown. This same article also contains glaring inaccuracies, 44. Ibid; Letter, J. Burrows Hyde to Secretary Marcy, 9 December 1846 namely, reporting that the new rocket had originated from the in National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Office of Ordnance, Chief of Ordnance as a result of the “great success” of (Congreve) Selected Documents from Special File, 1812-1912. There is also rockets “in foreign countries although they were badly made” and a record in the British National Archives on the transfer of Hale’s had “induced the Chief...to institute a series of experiments with rockets to the U.S., formerly catalogued as PRO/WO44/644, but war rockets, which now, after ten years spent in various trials, have probably simply now given as WO44/644, although it seems to only resulted in complete success.” Similarly, the American Republican & relate to the trials of the rockets in January 1847. In any case, these Baltimore Daily Clipper (Baltimore) for 14 December 1846 reported: records have not been examined by the author. “After a series of experiments, a destructive rocket has at last been 45. Letter, Lieutenant- Colonel George Talcott to Captain Alfred discovered for exceeding the congreve [sic.] rocket in effect.” Mordecai, 11 December, in National Archives, RG 156, Records The only fully accurate description of Hale’s rockets that has been of the Office of Ordnance, Entry 6, Vol. 8, box number and file found during this period is the item datelined “U.S. Arsenal. unknown [Retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. Washington, D.C.” with the sub-title of “Of Hale’s Rockets...” in 46. U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual Reports, Vol. II, Nile’s National Register (Baltimore), Vol. 73 for 11 December 1847, pp. 153-154. p. 226, although it is extremely brief and adds that “about 2,000 of 47. For more on America’s earliest efforts to attempt to duplicate these rockets of the caliber of 2 ¼ and 3 ¼ inches, have been made Congreve type rockets, as well as to raise rocket troops, see Winter, at this arsenal...” But the more accurate amount of 2,200 “fabricated” The First Golden Age, pp. 141-145, and especially, Frank H. Winter, at the Arsenal “for the year ending June 30, 1847” is provided in

121 Frank H. Winter

“Congreve Rockets in the War of 1812 – Part 1,” Space Chronicle press. However, there is strong evidence the basic hydraulic rocket (British Interplanetary Society, London), Vol. 67, Suppl. 2 (2014), pp. press concept may not have originated with Hale anyway since there 40-44. are earlier examples as well as inputs by others in this very significant 48. Winter, The First Golden Age, pp. 142, 144, 146. although still elusive history of this technological development. But Hale still deserves credit for successfully establishing this means as 49. Olejar, p. 18; original document, Letter, Lieutenant-Colonel a standard technique of rocket manufacture and as an advance in George Talcott to Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett, 8 April 1839, the Industrial Revolution. Consult, Winter, The First Golden Age, pp. in National Archives, RG 156, Office of the Chief of Ordnance, 202-206. copybook of Letters to the War Dept., 1812-1889, Vol. 7, p. 72. For an excellent account of activities of rocketry in the U.S. military 62. Brigadier O.F.G. Hogg, The Royal Arsenal – Its Background, Origin, prior to the Mexican War, consult Olejar, pp. 16-21. See also, Winter, and Subsequent History (Oxford University Press: London), Vol. I, p. The First Golden Age, pp. 141-148. In 1815 an unknown inventor 751. in America conducted experiments with rockets without sticks, 63. Coston, A Signal Success, p. 23. but no details are known, according to Brussel de Brulart [Brussel 64. Dahlgren, Memoir of John A. Dahlgren, p. 126; [U.S. Naval de Brulard], “Revue de ce qui Concerne les Fusées Propres a la Laboratory], Log Book, 1846 to 1848, in National Archives, RG 74, Guerre,” in Journal des Armes Spécials et de l’État-Major (Paris), Miscellaneous Records Relating to Naval Ordnance, ca. 1849 [sic.]- Vol. II, 4th Series, 1854, p. 19. Other early pioneers are known to 1927, box 47, entries for 10 and 20 August 1846, n.p. have attempted to dispense with the guidesticks and also achieve 65. Log Book, entries for 13 February 1847 and 18 May 1848. My spin-stabilization, but Hale was the most successful, his work on this emphasis on “recorded” entries is made here, because Madeleine development begun in 1842. William Hale, Hale’s War Rockets – Dahlgren’s statement that her husband had “commenced the making Statement for the Referee… (Thomas Brettell: Westminster [London, of Hale’s rockets” on 28 January may or may not have meant that [1865]), p. 3. Lieutenant Dahlgren actually had any of the Hale rocket cases driven 50. Letter, Mordecai to Talcott, 8 January 1847, in National Archives, from that day but only that he had begun preparations in inspecting RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry, box, and folder the existing press towards designing the necessary modifications to unknown [Retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. receive Hale rocket tubes but as seen from the above Laboratory Log 51. Letter, Hyde to Talcott, 8 January 1846 [although should read 1847], Book entry the actual driving may not have been undertaken until a in National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, little over two weeks later, on 13 February. Entry, box, and folder unknown [Retrieved from “Hale Rockets” 66. Log Book, entries for 27 May and 5 June 1847, n.p. The entry for 5 files, NASM]. July, reads in part, “...men employed from 5’o’clock this morning in 52. Ibid. getting to the President’s house the fireworks prepared during the 53. Letter, Mordecai to Talcott, 12 January 1847, with attached last week...splendid after the likes of which had never seen before in “Instructions for Making Hale’s Rockets,” and drawings, in National Washington.” Log Book, entry for 5 July 1847. Archives, RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry, box, and 67. Log Book, entry for 17 July 1847, n.p. The USS Water Witch steamer file number unknown [Retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM.] was built in 1844 and 1845 at the Washington Navy Yard with an 54. Ibid. In addition to his other duties, Mordecai served as the experimental propulsion system, although saw little active service. draftsman during the production of Hale rockets at the Arsenal. 68. Log Book, entries for 17 and 31 July 1847, n.p. Back in the 5 March 55. Letter, Mordecai to Talcott, 15 January 1847, in National Archives, 1847 entry, it was noted: “...Fired a Rocket with shell at the foundry. RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, Entry 6, Letters Sent, Shell burst into small fragments.” This was also undoubtedly a Hale Volume 9, box 171, letter 23, in National Archives. rocket since only war rockets, never signal types, were fitted with explosive shells. Then, a little over a week later, the entry for 13 56. Ibid. March says: “Sent to New York 100 war rockets,” but the name of the 57. Ibid. In the “Instructions for Making Hale’s Rockets” cited above, the arsenal or other receiving point is not named. Log Book, entries for 5 composition (propellant) formular for Hale’s rockets was then: “5 ½ and 13 March 1847, n.p. parts of nitre, 1 ½ charcoal, and 1 sulphur.” “Instructions for Making 69. Log Book, entry for 18 August 1847, n.p.; Angus Konstam, “The war Hale’s Rockets,” attached document to letter, Mordecai to Talcott, 12 rocket in late Victorian military service,” Journal of the Ordnance January 1847, loc. cit, n.p. Society (London), Vol. 2 (1990), p. 57, based on the British War 58. Letter, Hyde to Talcott, 30 January 1846, in National Archives, Office’sTreatise on Ammunition series. RG 156, Records of the Chief of Ordnance, Selected Documents, 70. Dahlgren, Memoir, p. 127; [United States Civil Service Commission], Experiments, Class T & M, box number and folder unknown Register of All Officers and Agents, Civil, Military, and Naval in the [Retrieved from “Hale Rockets” files, NASM]. Service of the United States, on the Thirteenth [of] September 1847... 59. Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren, Memoir of John A. Dahlgren (Charles L. (J. & G.S. Gideon: Washington[, D.C.,], 1847, p. 232. Incidentally, we Webster’s & Co.: New York, 1891), 125-128, 311. For later coverage also learn from Martha Coston’s book that while under his charge, of the manufacture of Hale rockets in an American magazine, see, Benjamin Franklin Coston had 13 workers at the Navy Laboratory “War Rockets and Their Manufacture,” in Frank Leslie’s New York engaged in making the rockets and all the other products they Journal (New York), Vol. 2, July 1855, pp. 53-54, although this is a produced; it is assumed this same number was retained after he left. repeat of the article by the same title that appeared in The Illustrated Coston, A Signal Success, p. 34. London News, Vol. 26 for 22 April 1855, p. 411. 71. Log Book, entries for 6 and 8 October 1847, n.p. Starting with the 60. “Instructions for Making Hale’s Rockets,” op. cit., n.p.; [Captain entry for 10 August, Coston’s name is scratched out although it was a Laughlan Bellingham Mackinnon, R.N.], Atlantic and Transatlantic couple of months later, on 5 October, before George Marshall’s name Sketches, Afloat and Ashore (Colburn and Co.: London, 1852), Vol. I, was written in as the new pyrotechnist. p. 121. “Grain powder” merely refers to a refinement in the mechanical 61. “What is a Congreve Rocket?” Littel’s Living Age (London), Vol. process of the manufacture of basic gunpowder, although this was XLII, 17 June 1854, p. 558; “War Rockets and Their Manufacture,” usually classified into such categories or designations as “coarse- Illustrated London News (London), Vol. 26, 28 April 1855, p. 411; grained,” “fine-grained,” “small-grained,” or “large-grained” powder. Scoffern, p. 134. It is curious why Hale never patented the hydraulic

122 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

By empirical experiments, early artillerists found that burning rates England, although a firm in Pennsylvania had also earlier been varied between one grade to another. Generally-speaking, the finer considered. A curious letter from Aspinwall to Marcy of 19 April the grain the faster it will burn although produces greater pressures. 1847 indicates that at that point, the tubes had been sent from However, there is insufficient information in the above entry to England. determine the precise object of Dahlgren’s attempt to try a “grain The letter actually concerned the bizarre proposal of one John Powell powder” in lieu of a standard composition for Hale rockets. Actually, Reed of London who, on 10 April, had submitted his idea of what he we first encounter this term in the 4 October 1847 entry that simply called “the Reed Comet,” with a sketch, to Aspinwall that he (Reed) reads: “Rammed two 3-in. Rockets with grained powder.” Log Book, wanted him to then forward on to the “Minister of War [sic.] of entry for 4 October 1847, n.p. the United States of America.” The “Reed Comet” was Reed’s own 72. Log Book, entry for 6 January 1848, n.p. Interestingly, we find in a concept of a rotary rocket to dispense with the guide stick. It was much later document, a U.S. Navy naval ordnance accounting book a series of five adjoined rockets, each with separate chambers for for 1883, the listing for the receipt of ½ gallons of sperm oil “for combustion but each with “angular vents” through which the gas [the] use of the shop.” Therefore, this particular whale oil must have escapes” thereby giving the whole a “slight rotary motion” in flight. had its own long history as a lubricant in general for this section (The whole did not have a rocket stick and all the chambers fired of the Navy. [U.S. Navy, Bureau of Ordnance], Accounting Book, simultaneously by a quick match along the entire length.) In this 1883-1889, in National Archives, RG 74, Bureau of Naval Ordnance, way this rocket, on an “entirely new principle,” was to be stabilized Miscellaneous Records Relating to Naval Ordnance, ca. 1849-1927, without a stick yet range very far. Reed went so far as to also have n.p. lengthy descriptions of the “Reed Comet,” with marvelous depictions 73. Log Book, entry for 6 March 1848, n.p. of it, published in the Mechanics Magazine (London). 74. Log Book, entry for 10 April 1848, n.p. However, Reed, described as an ex-(British) captain of the Spanish Legion, was not able to have the British Government experiment 75. Log Book, entry for 19 May 1848, n.p. with it and was now, what with the Mexican War underway, 76. [U.S. Navy, Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography], “Table of attempting to offer it to the Americans via the American Consulate Rockets Commenced February 25, 1847 [at the Naval Laboratory,” in London. But his problem was that he found it “inconvenient to go RG 74, Bureau of Naval Ordnance, Entry UD-17, Miscellaneous through the expense of any private experiment,” although Aspinwall Records Relating to Naval Ordnance, ca. 1849 [1848]-1927, box No. did suggest to the U.S. Secretary (not “Minister”) “at War” Marcy 57. that Captain Mordecai at the Washington Arsenal should at least be 77. Ibid, n.p. provided with a description of the invention to look into its merits 78. Ibid. that may also be “ascertained by [a] trial.” Needless to say, nothing came of Reed’s proposal. 79. “What is a Congreve Rocket?, loc. cit. Hale’s spring feature in his launcher is briefly described in Brig. Gen. John Gibbon, The Then, almost as an afterthought, Aspinwall ended his letter with Artillerists’s Manual...in the Service of the United States (D. Van a very brief note telling Marcy: “I have today addressed a letter to Nostrand: New York, 1860 edition), p. 168. Captain Mordecai on the subject of Hale Rockets and the tubes recently ordered from this country [England] which I think 80. Letters, 16 April and 3 May 1847, Mordecai to Talcott to, in sufficiently concerns the military service of the U. States to [illegible National Archives, RG 156, Papers of the Ordnance Department, word] your proposal.” Entry 6, Letters Sent, Volume 9, folio 126 and Volume 9, letter 131, respectively; Richard McSherry, El Puchero: Or, A Mixed Dish from Letters, Mordecai to Talcott, 17 December 1846 and 21 May 1847 Mexico, Embracing General Scott’s Campaign... (Lippincott, Grambo in National Archives, RG 156, Papers of the Ordnance Department, & Co.: Philadelphia, 1850), pp. 238, 242. Entry 6, Letters Sent, Volume 9, letter 148, and Volume 9, folio 413, respectively; Letter, Aspinwall to Marcy, 19 April 1847, in 81. Francis Rawdon Chesney, Observations on the Past and Present National Archives, RG 156, Papers of the Ordnance Department, State of Fire-Arms (Longman, Green, Brown: London, 1852), p. 310. RG 156, Papers of the Ordnance Department, Selected Documents For details on Hale’s later and comparable launchers as used in the from General Correspondence, ca. 1846-58, box and file numbers Abyssinian Expedition of 1867 and onwards, see Carl E. Franklin, unknown [retrieved from “Hale Rockets files, NASM]; “Reed’s British Rockets of the Napoleonic Wars, p. 151. `Comet,’ or Long Range,” Mechanics Magazine, Museum Register, In the author’s book, The First Golden Age of Rocketry, it is stated that Journal, and Gazette (London), Vol. 46, 8 May 1847 pp. 446-448. the very last Hale rocket used in battle may have been discharged 82. Olejar, pp. 25-26, 29; U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of by Royal Navy Lieutenant V. Buckland in an engagement at Sierra Annual Reports, Vol. II, pp. 187, 212. Leone, West Africa, that lasted from February to May 1899. However, we now know of another British colonial action that took 83. Olejar, p. 26; U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual place about that some time. The Chicago Tribune for 5 May 1899, Reports, Vol. II, p. 212; Philip Syng Physick Conner, The Home reported that Lieutenant Guy R. Gaunt’s Brigade, Royal Navy, was Squadron under Commodore [David E.] Conner in the Mexican War strengthened with guns, in addition to its (Hale) rockets when it [Privately printed, Philip Physick Syng Conner, 1896] pp. 63, 72. landed at the village of Mulinu, Samoa “and war rockets were gotten 84. U.S. Ordnance Department, A Collection of Annual Reports, loc. cit. in readiness. Being informed of these preparations, Mataata [also 85. Op cit., Vol. II, pp. 212-213. called King Malietoa Tanumafili I, the King of Samoa] made [a] 86. Olejar, p. 27. prompt reply. Agreeing to withdrew immediately.” Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 223; Chicago Daily Tribune, 5 May 1899, p. unknown. 87. Letter, Colonel George Talcott to William Hale, 19 June 1848, in The exact same story, released from Auckland, New Zealand, was National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of repeated in other U.S. newspapers across America, such as The San Ordnance, Special File, 1812-1912, Selected Documents, Inventions, Francisco Call, 5 May 1899, p. 1, and The Record Union (Sacramento, Classes 4 & 5, box and file numbers unknown [Retrieved from “Hale California), 5 May 1899, p. 1. Rockets” files, NASM]. Incidentally, within the same Talcott-Mordecai correspondence we 88. Ibid. additionally learn the constructional detail that the all-important 89. Nile’s National Register (Baltimore), Vol. 72, 5 June 1847, pp. 218- cast iron tubing for the rocket cases or bodies may have come from 219; Justin Harvey Smith, The War with Mexico (Macmillan Co.:

123 Frank H. Winter

New York, 1919), Vol. II, pp. 52-53; Farnham Bishop, Our First War referred to as the “Satan Fuses” in the Evening Star (Washington, in Mexico (Charles Scribner’s Sons: New York, 1916), p. 163. D.C.), in their report of 15 October 1858 about this shipment. For an 90. [Ramon Alcarez], The Other Side; or Notes for the History of the War article on tests at the Washington Navy Yard on this improved Hale Between Mexico and the United States...Translated from the Spanish... rocket for the Paraguay mission, see “Army and Navy,” The Daily by Albert C. Ramsey (John Wiley: New York, 1850), pp. 208-209; José Exchange (Baltimore), 20 October 1858, p. 1. Maria Roa Barcena, Recuerdos de la Invasion Norteamerican (1846- 101. For a brief remark on this matter on long-time storage of the rockets, 1848) (Editorial Porrua, S.A.: Mexico [City, 1947), Vol. II, p. 27. The see Olejar, p. 33. Americans, incidentally, did not use “grenades” during the war and 102. Letter, J. Burrows Hyde to Brigadier General James W. Ripley, Alcarez may have meant shrapnel shells. Ordnance Department, 28 October 1861, in National Archives, 91. [30th U.S. Congress, House Executive Document No. 8], Message RG 156, Records of the Office of the Chief of Ordnance, Letters from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Received, 1861, # 647 (H). Thomas Jackson Rodman (1815-1871) Congress… (Wendell and Van Benthysen: Washington, 1848), pp. was an American pioneer in the design and making of guns and 120-121; Alcarez, pp. 275; Barcena, Vol. II, p. 219. other ordnance inventions, especially for developing the Rodman 92. [30th U.S. Congress], Message, pp. 123-124. gun which in various sizes saw extensive use in coastal defenses. 93. Op cit., pp. 208-209; Olejar, pp. 26, 29; Barcena, Vol. III, pp. 76, 86. 103. Ibid. A couple of months later, on 18 November 1847, Hyde wrote to 104. Ibid. When Hyde wrote this letter in late October 1861, he was Lieutenant-Colonel George Talcott from London about “a new fuse staying at the Ebbitt House, then a well-known boarding house in of the French Government, called [by] them...their `Montpensier.’ Washington. They are very secret with it, ...It has cost me a deal of trouble and 105. Letter, Col. Charles P. Kingsbury to Secretary of War Simon expense, but herewith I send you the full particulars in drawings Cameron, 4 November 1861, in U.S. National Archives, Microfilm and description as well as one of the fuses from the French arsenal. I Publications, Microcopy No. 221, Letters Received by the Secretary hope it will be found worthy of adoption...” of War, Main Series 1801-1870, Roll 196, July-December 1861 (E-L). To this he added: “I also send a table of last practice with Hale’s 106. Ibid. There is no question of Kingsbury’s expertise in ordnance since Rockets better than that sent from Paris. It is official. I have [also] got he spent his entire career in the U.S. Army in ordnance and prior to another lot of tubes[.] I hope they will answer [your needs] amply.” his latest appointment (before the opening of the Civil War), he had This therefore indicates that Hyde may have recently returned supervised arsenals and foundries across the country. from France where he may have witnessed trials of Hale rockets 107. Robert V. Bruce, Lincoln and the Tools of War (Bobbs-Merrill & Co.: conducted by Hale himself, in June 1847, at Vincennes, at the French Indianapolis, 1956), pp. 219-220; Report, William Mitchell, Lieut. arsenal. (Hale had tested rockets earlier in Vincennes, in July 1846, Comdr., “Hyde’s War Rockets,” 18 November 1862, in U.S. National before General Baron Gaspard and the Duke of Montpensier, the Archives, RG 74, box and file, unknown [retrieved in “Hale rockets” latter perhaps the originator of the fuse mentioned above. Although files, NASM]; Letter, 9 January 1847, Mordecai to Talcott, in U.S. in the end, Hale’s asking price of 40,000 francs for his rockets was National Archives, Record Group 156, Papers of the Ordnance too high and they chose not to adopt them. Department, Entry 6, Volume 9, box 171, letter 18. Regarding the “tubes,” these must have been Hale rocket body tubes 108. Bruce, op. cit.; Report, Mitchell, op. cit. sent from London. Letter, Joshua B. Hyde to Colonel George Talcott, 18 November 1847, in National Archives, RG 156, Papers of the 109. Report, Mitchell, op. cit. While Mitchell did not give the dimensions Ordnance Department, Special File, Inventions, Class 8, 1812-1861, and weight of the first Hyde rocket tried, he recorded that the second INC-8 [Incoming correspondence file], box 22, file 41-55. one weighed 17 lbs 1 (ounce), was 2 ft 3 in. long, had a diameter of 3 in., and was fired with a quick match. 94. Alcarez, p. 395; Smith, Vol. II, p. 175. See Olejar for more details on U.S. rockets in the Mexican War, pp. 26-32. 110. For a report on the 1849 explosion of Hale’s rocket factory situated in the Plumstead Marshes, see “Explosion of a Rocket Factory,” 95. Olejar, p. 32, with quote by Scoffern, p.183. The Times (London), 21 June 1849, p. 6. For a later explosion at the 96. C.P. Kingsbury, An Elementary Treatise on Artillery and Infantry Royal Laboratory involving Hale rockets, see The Times(London), (G.P. Putnam: New York, 1849), p. 28; Chesney, op cit. 25 December 1878, p. 4. These were several other explosions of Hale 97. Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 167; U.S. Ordnance, A Collection of rocket plants besides these. For coverage of Congreve’s 1824 factory Reports, Vol. II, p. 209. explosion, see the Annual Register (London), June 1824, pp. 68-69 98. [United States Congress], Executive Documents Printed by Order and The Times (London) 12 June 1824, p. 3. of the Senate of the United States, During the Second Session of the 111. Still another probable advance in rocket technology brought Thirty-First Congress, Begun and Held at the City of Washington, about by Hale, and further improved by the Royal Laboratory and December 2, 1850 (Printed at the Union House: Washington, 1851), Royal Arsenal was the adaptation of advances in metallurgy in the Vol. I, pp. 471-472, 481-482; Olejar, p. 32; Winter, First Golden Age, construction of the rocket bodies. Although further research is p. 148. In the U.S. Congress (House of Representatives) debate on required in this area. For certain, metals produced by the Bessemer the proposed reductions of the army, in the “Army Bill” during April process were incorporated into this manufacture and lap-welding 1848, Representative Patrick W. Tomkins of Mississippi had offered a was introduced earlier. “resolution inquiring into the expediency of retaining a regiment of 112. Bruce only says that after the second text, “The next time Hyde’s mounted riflemen and Volteguers in the service, with the howitzer name appeared in [U.S. Army] Ordnance Office records, it was as & rocket batteries,” but this was not accepted. “House on Army Bill,” an inventor of a[n improved] musket.” Bruce, p. 220. Besides this, Daily Crescent (New Orleans), 10 August 1848, page unknown. Hyde had earlier served as one of the two witnesses to U.S. patent 99. Olejar, p. 32. No. 35,089 of 28 April 1862 to the British-born pyrotechnist Isaac 100. Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 168. The Hale’s rockets, of an Edge of Jersey City, New Jersey, for “Signals, Night, Mode of Firing.” improved model, for the abortive Paraguay expedition were Edge himself had also taken out patent No. 41,689 of 23 February sent aboard the steamer Memphis that sailed from New York for 1864 for “Improvement in [Firework Type] Rockets,” although Asunción, the capital of the South American nation of Paraguay. this connection with a pyrotechnist may be a clue that Edge might They must have been much dreaded, or respected, since they were have assisted Hyde in his 1862 war rocket, although Edge’s patent

124 Joshua Burrows Hyde (1809-1887): The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket

concerns the inclusion of “vanes or wings” to improve the guidance 122. Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 159. The Confederate Army or regulation of the flight of (skyrockets) and “to facilitate their Regulations listed “Congreve War Rockets,” two sizes of Hale’s type transport. Edge’s patent was therefore also one of very many efforts, rockets, 3¼-inch and 2¼-inch, and one-inch signal rockets. especially throughout the 19th century, to solve the greatest problem 123. United States. Naval War Records Office,Naval Official Records of of the rocket, to achieve an effective means of stability. the Union and Confederate Navy (U.S. Government Printing Office: 113. For more on Goell who produced war rockets at the Washington Washington, D.C., 1896), Vol. 3, p. 721. Arsenal just prior to the Mexican War period although not all of 124. The basic tube-type Hale rocket launcher at Fort Ward is from his contractual conditions were met as well as other problems, Francis A. Lord, a Civil War rocket collector. It is a for launching a leading to his discharge, see Winter, The First Golden Age, pp. 6-pounder Hale rocket and weighs 16 lbs. The tube, or muzzle, has 146-147. Despite these difficulties, as seen in Goell’s lengthy letter a 2-inch diameter while the inside diameter is 2 ¾-inches. See also, of 21 October 1846 to Secretary of War William L. Marcy, upon Francis A. Lord, Civil War Collector’s Encyclopedia (The Stackpole the opening of the Mexican War, he tried again and made a strong Company: Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1963), pp. 218-220; and Elmo plea for the U.S. Government to adopt his own rockets, although Phillips, “The Hale Rocket and Rocket Launcher – The American without success. Goell was thus one of at least three competitors Connection,” The American Society of Arms Collectors Bulletin, Vol. proposing rocket warfare for the Mexican War besides Hale and 82, May 2000, pp. 7-15, reprinted online, with details and photos of Hyde, although Goell made his plea too late. Interestingly, though this collector’s own bipod Hale rocket launcher. among Goell’s arguments for rockets being used in the war was 125. The history of rocketry during the U.S. Civil War is a lot more their portability in the rugged terrain of Mexico, that was a definite complicated than first appears and involved both Hale and advantage over conventional artillery. Congreve-type rockets, as well as rockets made by others. The best The rockets, he reasoned, could be “easily transported, by men or and well-documented article on these developments is by Ralph upon the backs of mules, across the most rugged mountains; and W. Donnelly, “Rocket Batteries in the Civil War,” in Military Affairs can be made more effective in the field, or against fortified places, (Washington, D.C.), Vol. 25, Summer 1961, pp. 69-93. See also, than the heaviest ordnance.” Such arguments were sound and may Winter, The First Golden Age, pp. pp. 151-162; Winter and Sharpe,” have well also been used by Hyde and/or others during their own Major Lion’s Rocketeers,” cited above; and online, “Rockets in the earlier lobbying for U.S. adopting of Hale rockets. Yet, immediately Civil War/American Civil War – Civil War Forums – Civil War following his above statements, Goell became excessive in his plea, Talk.” wildly suggesting for instance, that: “The projectile [the rocket] 126. “Patent War and Life-Saving Rockets,” Frank Leslie’s Illustrated can be armed with the explosive power of one hundred pounds Newspaper (New York), Vol. XLIV, 2 July 1877, p. 217; Death Notice, of gunpowder compressed within a shell...Had General [Zachary] Joshua B. Hyde, New York Herald Tribune, 16 March 1887, 8. John Taylor been supplied with this arm at Monterrey[, California, the MacDonald of Kingston-on-Thames, Surrey, was granted British site of an earlier battle during the war], he would have destroyed patent No. 1734 on 24 April 1876 for his improved Hale rocket, titled that city in one hour...” Needless to say, for many reasons, Goell’s “Improvements in Rockets for War and Other Purposes,” although arguments were not entertained. Letter, A.C. Goell to William L. almost no information is readily available on the later Hale, or Marcy, Secretary of War, 31 October 1846, in National Archives, in Hale-MacDonald War Rocket Company operating at this late date. U.S. National Archives, RG 156, Records of the Office of Ordnance, For a summation of Hale and his sons continuing their respective Selected Documents from Special File, 1812-1912. efforts to sell their improved Hale rockets and launchers to the U.S. 114. See also, Hyde’s extended treatments on the former topic, Government over the years, see Olejar, p. 33. For a description, with “Treatment and Uses of Peat and Peaty Materials,” in Mining and illustration of the “MacDonald’s Hale Rocket,” see Edward S. Farrow, Petroleum Standard and Gas Journal (New York), Vol. VII, 16 March Farrow’s Military Cyclopedia (Published by the author: New York, 1866, pp. 276-277; 2 April 1866, pp. 291-293; 16 April 1866, pp. 307- 1885), p. 240. James Humphrey Singleton Hooper, a paymaster with 309; and 16 June 1866, p. 372; and, J.B. Hyde, “On Harvesting and the Royal Navy, of Dulwich, Surrey, was also granted a U.S. patent Manufacturing Peat in Heating Uses,” Scientific American, XX, 17 for a “Rocket,” No. 196,019 on 9 October 1877 that in effect, was April 1869, 242. the application of a Hale rocket as a lifesaving rocket. This model 115. Col. H.L. Scott, Military Dictionary (D. Van Nostrand: New York, was apparently the one tried at Sandy Hook, New Jersey, mentioned 1864, and other editions), p. 535; Ley, Rockets, Missiles, p. 74. above that was paradoxically tested at the same time as the improved 116. Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 156. Hale war rockets. In any case, Hooper’s lifesaving rocket was not very successful and never became adopted by the U.S. Life Saving 117. United States. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Service; nor was the Hale-MacDonald war rocket that neither Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate entered British nor U.S. service. Armies, Series I, Vol. XXXV, Part II, Correspondence, etc. ([U.S.] Government Printing Office: Washington, [D.C.], 1989), Chapter Interestingly, Green-Wood Cemetery, a landmark of Brooklyn XLVII, pp. 60-61. since 1838, is also the final resting place for very many prominent Americans including: Samuel B. Morse, inventor of the telegraph; 118. Edward Manigault, Siege Train – The Journal of a Confederate Elias Howe, one of the first inventors of the sewing machine; Henry Artilleryman in the Defense of Charleston (University of South Steinway, patriarch of the world-famous manufacturers of pianos; Carolina Press: Columbia, S.C., 1986), pp. 139-140, 172. John Matthews, called the “Soda Fountain King” because of his 119. Ordnance Records, Series 1, Vol. 35, Part II, pp. 60-61. invention; Eberhard Faber, famous developer and manufacturer of 120. Winter, The First Golden Age, pp. 151-153. pencils; Henry Chadwick, “the father of baseball”; George Catlin, the 121. Winter, op. cit., pp. 154-155. The entire story of Lion’s New York renown artist of American Indians; Townsend Harris, the first U.S. Rocket Battalion is told in Frank H. Winter and Mitchell R. minister to Japan; Peter Cooper designer of the steam locomotive Sharpe, “Major Lion’s Rocketeers: The New York Rocket Battalion,” DeWitt Clinton, builder of the Erie Canal; members of the Tiffany Civil War Times Illustrated (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania), Vol. XI, family of jewelers, and very many more notables. January 1973, pp. 10-15, and J.W. Merrill, Compiler, Records of the 127. Winter, The First Golden Age, p. 191. 24th Independent Battery, N.Y. Light Artillery, U.S.V. (Published for the Ladies’ Cemetery Association of Perry, N. Y.: Perry, New York, 1870).

125 Space Chronicle, Vol. 71, pp.126-130, 2018

The RZ20 LOX/Liquid HYDROGEN ENGINE PROJECT – a personal memoir

ALAN BOND

On 8 and 9 September 1969, the RZ20 LOX/LH2 [liquid oxy- gen/liquid hydrogen] thrust chamber performed two successful 10 second test firings in defiance of the UK Government’s can- cellation of the project earlier that year.

The history of the project reached back to before the earlier cancellation of Blue Streak as a weapon in 1960, when its role as a potential satellite launcher was already being investigated at low level. Rolls-Royce had close ties with US companies through the technology transfer agreements relating to Blue Streak and studies within the company closely shadowed the development of liquid hydrogen technology in the US, albeit at a greatly reduced scale.

In the paper I will talk about this programme from a personal viewpoint but with more than a usual emphasis on the working environment of the project rather than on the technology because of the need to capture the industrial atmosphere which is now dis- appearing. Adequate documentary coverage already exists of the technical parameters of the RZ20.

I joined Rolls-Royce [RR] in October 1963 as an apprentice, but only reached the Rocket Department, then located at D-site Moor Lane in Derby, in September 1966. This was by my special request to the Training School and was for a period of 8 weeks as part of my grounding in the activities of the various departments within the Company.

I found myself working for Viv Wallace with a very small team of engineers and computeresses operating Frieden mechanical cal- culators which were the wonder of their age. I was given a desk op- posite a very attractive young computeress whose operation of her Freiden was most distracting to an innocent youth, and I had to focus most diligently on the issues of heat transfer within the RZ20 combustion chamber. As I got to know Viv’s sense of humour in later years I suspected he had done it deliberately to a young ap- prentice although he never confirmed it.

When I arrived in the Rocket Department there was already a strong background of hydrogen engine design experience. Val Cleaver had presented a comprehensive paper on Rolls-Royce in- Fig. 1 Rolls-Royce study for an upper LH2/LOX stage for Blue Streak. vestigations at the “BIS Symposium on Liquid Hydrogen as a Rock- et Propellant” in April 1961. At the beginning of 1965 work began on the design of a 6 tonne thrust engine and during that year collaboration on the tur- Headed by Louis Meyer a continuous series of engine studies bo-pump unit was sought from Bristol Siddeley, Boelkow in Ger- had been in progress within the Company from the formation of many and SEPR [Société d’Etudes pour la Propulsion par Réaction] ELDO [European Launcher Development Organisation]. During in France. An “in house” turbo-pump was also designed. The first 1962 a 16,000 pound [71.2kN] thrust engine was under detailed record I have of the RZ20 designation was in January 1966 when design and in 1963 a 10,000 pound [44.5KN] thrust engine was collaboration was established with SEPR. SEPR were to provide studied. In mid-1964 it seems that brief consideration was given the turbo-pump and RR the combustion chamber. The consider- to a 100,000 pound thrust engine for the English Electric Co. al- able R&D background of RPE [Rocket Propulsion Establishment] though I have no idea what this project was about, I suspect it was Westcott, was also recruited. Thus the structure of the project was for the Mustard study. well established at the time I joined it in the autumn of 1966.

126 The RZ20 LOX/Liquid Hydrogen Engine Project – a personal memoir

Fig. 2 The Rolls-Royce/MBB team: from left to right, back row, – Frank Osbourne [R-R Manager, Spadeadam], Alan Bond [R-R Performance Engineer], Val Cleaver [R-R Manager, Rocket Department], Herr Dryer [MBB], Terry Steer [R-R Manager RZ20]; front row – Dr. Treiber [MBB], Michael Kaufmann [MBB Chief Engineer], Geof Widdowson [R-R Chief Development Engineer Spadeadam].

Despite the afore mentioned distraction, the heat transfer ever, Viv Wallace paid me in luncheon vouchers which RR issued problem was formulated but was a major computational task. The to its staff to eat locally since Laurie House did not have catering search for accurate correlation’s proved fruitful but they were not facilities. My Fiancée and I dined out free for months afterwards. of a form easily handled on a mechanical calculator and a comput- er was clearly needed. In a discussion with Ray Ross, head of the I joined the Department permanently in June 1967. The ELDO computing department at the Spadeadam establishment, it turned contract for the RZ20 had been secured in February 1967 and was out that there was an under-utilised Elliot 3C machine in a RAF paid for and administered by the Ministry of Technology on behalf caravan on the site. of ELDO. It was this type of farcical administration arrangement that eventually led to the disastrous collapse of ELDO and the Eu- This simple exercise turned into a nightmare. The computer ropa launcher programme. was subject to damp and full of printed circuit cards with dry sol- dered joints. They were usually fixed by Ray taking the front cover Yet another change occurred within Rolls-Royce and it was now off the machine and rattling his screwdriver up and down the card decided to combine the Bristol Siddeley and Rolls-Royce activities edges. Sometimes the cards had to be replaced. The input was via on the Bristol site at Ansty near Coventry, a move of 45 miles. For 8 hole punched paper tape which had to be prepared separately. 6 months during the change over the Derby people that decided to stay with the project commuted back and forth to Ansty. I did not The properties of liquid hydrogen vary rapidly with temper- drive and was normally a passenger in Viv Wallace’s car. ature and pressure in the super-critical regime encountered in the combustion chamber cooling tubes and Viv and myself spent Rocket engineers are frustrated by the slowness of terrestrial many hours in that damp old caravan typing in the Argonne Lab- transport and slowly the time it took to do the “Ansty” run was oratory hydrogen data tables. When a mistake was made the tape being whittled down. Various bends became christened “Hagues had to be cut and spliced. It was here that I honed my considerable Horrer”, “Wallace’s Wiggle” and “Leaders Leap”. The latter left us all vocabulary of invective and the varying degrees of emphasis with in admiration since Reg Leader’s Mini had managed to take down which it can be expressed. a telegraph pole 8 feet above the ground without a mark on the remaining lower part! Fortunately all survived. I was pursuing my degree at the time as a “sandwich” course and had to return to Derby Tech. at the start of the new academic year As we settled at the Ansty site early in 1968 the team working in November. Simultaneously, the Rocket Department was moved on Blue Streak was badly demoralised, and it was widely believed to Laurie House located in the middle of Derby, above the bowling that we had all been corralled together for the final massacre. Alley! The available space was much reduced and a vast amount of However as the integration proceeded the atmosphere improved technical material was “binned” to make room. The advantage was and within 12 months a good working relationship had grown be- that I could easily visit the Rocket Department in its new location tween the two merged groups. However the size of the combined and continue to contribute to the heat transfer problem. team was now only a fraction of its earlier numbers and the team working on the RZ20 was a mere handful. Over Christmas 1966 I prepared Nomogram charts to aid the Computresses with the calculations proceeding in parallel with the I became Viv Wallace’s section leader in charge of the RZ20 disastrous computer activity. Because I was still officially at the Col- performance work. We recruited three young ladies, Christine, Jill lege, RR had no mechanism to pay me [not that it mattered]. How- and Janice, as technical assistants from the close of the Armstrong

127 Alan Bond

Fig. 3 Studies led in 1966 to the RZ20 as an ELDO sponsored Anglo-French project to provide an engine for the proposed ELDO-B2 vehicle with R-R producing the thrust chamber (left) and SEPR the turbopump (right). missile factory in Coventry. We had very close collaboration with they would spread around and adhere to the most intimate parts Westcott and Andy Jeffs who was carrying out experimental injec- of the body for days despite scrubbing and bathing. This venting of tor development work in support of the programme. I still did not “steam” was clearly necessary for without it there would be serious drive and frequently visited RPE to carry out analysis of test results tension and three woman out for each other’s blood in a confined which Andy was massing. Since I regularly turned up with one or space is quite terrifying, take my word for it! two attractive women this gave me an undeserved reputation in some circles. The reality was rather different. In parallel with the design work at Ansty and the development work at Westcott, RR built a test facility at Spadeadam as a com- Because of the noise of the Friedens the performance office pany investment. This was a horizontally firing stand, similar to was located in a small glass panelled office adjacent to the design the one at Westcott with a concrete blast wall isolating the cham- office. Most of the time business would be normal. However the ber from the pressurised propellant tankage. The LOX tank was girls would sometimes “lose it” and any one was fair game, usually derived from a pre-existing kerosene tank from the gas generator me. The little punchings out of the green computer tape used were area for Blue Streak, while the two liquid hydrogen tanks were spe- highly prized, for once introduced into any orifice in one’s clothing cially built by L’Air Liquide. The propellants were displaced by ni- trogen and hydrogen pressurisation and a significant point is that the hydrogen tanks had a vacuum jacketed dip pipe to limit heat transfer to the outflowing hydrogen against the inflowing hydro- gen pressurisation. We will return to this later.

The programme was well managed by Terry Steer for the thrust chamber design and procurement and by John Thomson for the test facility at Spadeadam The programme ran close to time and cost. The thrust chamber cost at the end of the programme had been about £225K and the test stand £80K, corresponding to about £3.03M and £0.95M in year 2002 prices. The announcement in April 1968 that the UK would withdraw from ELDO stopped the funding of the programme, but permitted an orderly rundown to be achieved. Val Cleaver was determined to fire the thrust cham- ber and directed the project to that goal.

Two thrust chambers were manufactured, both suffered some deficiency through lack of process development of the vacuum brazing technique. This was not a fundamental problem and the technique would have been perfected. The first chamber was the better one and was the one employed in the test programme.

During the system shakedown the first tanker of liquid hydro-

Fig. 4 Rolls-Royce paid for the test site at Spadeadam, £80k. The RPE built a hydrogen liquefier to supply LH2 which was tankered to Spadeadam from Westcott. The site was built with permission of the Ministry of Technology and employed a LOX tank taken from the neighbouring Component Test Area. The LH2 tanks were made by L’Air liquide in France. All LH2 lines were vacuum jacketed. It has to be remembered that all this technology was completely new at the time.

128 Fig. 5 View into RZ20’s thrust chamber showing the tubular wall [180 branching to 360 near exit] and the showerhead injector. The large port in the injector face is the torch igniter inlet. This ignition system is still widely employed by Reaction Engines today and is still 100% reliable. gen was delivered to Spadeadam from RPE Westcott. However However we knew this was a “perform or bust” situation so we when the discharge valve was opened nothing came out! Several decided after much deliberation to continue. I had to make a guess tries gave no result. The trailer was backed away from the facili- as to what the line resistance would be on the next test in order to ty and the valve again actuated, this time with Bob Kelly looking fix the pressurisation level in the tank so as to provide the desired up the discharge pipe! However he had seen the valve blade open mixture ratio to the combustion chamber. and it became chillingly obvious that solid air was blocking the line. The fracture of solid air crystals in liquid hydrogen produces a piezio-electric spark with sufficient energy to initiate a detona- tion. The trailer was carefully backed into Spadeadam waste and the hydrogen allowed to boil away. This trailer had travelled to Spadeadam from Westcott through southern England and up the A1 to Newcastle before following Hadrian’s Wall to the site. We were keen not to broadcast this!

The first week in September 1969, Viv Wallace, Terry Steer and myself travelled to Spadeadam to prepare for the test firings the following week. We carried out a whole series of flow tests on the facility and the thrust chamber with liquid nitrogen. My task was to analyse the results and to my dismay they did not give a con- sistent answer. It seemed there was a variable resistance in the hy- drogen line between the tank and the chamber, and it was finally narrowed down to the tank itself. Late one evening while studying the tank drawings trying to understand what could be happening John Thomson realised that due to a design error the vacuum jack- et on the dip pipe had only been designed to stand one atmosphere Fig. 6 RZ20 mounted on the test stand. The stand had a very open construction to prevent trapping of hydrogen gas and the thrust chamber and we had subjected it to 50 atmospheres when we pressurised had a coating of polyurethane foam insulation to prevent the formation of the tank. It had imploded taking the inner dip pipe with it. liquid air on the outside of the thrust chamber.

129 Alan Bond

The week end 6/7 September saw Viv, Terry and myself tour- ing the north east coast of Britain, knowing that Monday would bring the chickens home to roost. We were to say the least a little pensive. However, on Monday 8 September the countdown went smoothly with the final restrained command of “into sequence” and the RZ20 delivered a beautiful 10 second firing.

There had been a severe LOX leak from the injector and we did set light to the Spadeadam peat for several weeks, but the mixture ratio was reasonably close to target. The second test the following day was also successful but the mixture ratio increased considera- bly due to a change in line resistance.

We had provided extra film cooling within the chamber for these tests as a precaution. As a result the hydrogen temperature rise in the cooling jacket was low and the cold hydrogen gave a very noisy combustion. In addition because of poor valve timing Fig. 8 Damage to pressure shell with insulation removed. Hot combustion the start and cut-off were very erratic, especially on the first firing. gas had entered the space between the tubular wall and the pressure shell and burned a slot in it. Minor damage occurred in several other locations. Thus the programme ended. However, the French and Ger- mans proposed alternative engines using combustion chambers manufactured by them. Rolls-Royce was brought in to be a “hon- est broker” to assess their respective designs. The German design was very advanced and the one we favoured. It was only then that we realised the technological progress that the Germans had made with pre-burner cycle engines operating at several times the com- bustion pressure of the RZ20. They acknowledged the role that the Spectre engine had had in their thinking on this. To me personally this had a major influence on my thinking as an engineer and I feel I owe much, not only to the RZ20 programme but to the later interaction with the German team at MBB. Eventually the French won the contest and the engine which

Fig. 7 First firing (below) on 8 September 1968. The red exhaust is due to the large excess of H2 film cooling employed as a precautionary measure in these first tests. Fig. 9 The No.1 chamber in the Science Museum collection at Wroughton, hiding behind a RPE Beta Engine.

eventually flew as the third stage of Arianes 1 through 4 was the engine we had been working towards. This vehicle has been the most successful commercial vehicle to date. My only regret is that the politicians and civil servants responsible for the loss of this programme were not in the flame deflector at the Kourou launch facility for the first launch.

Some legacy remained. The HOTOL project was possible be- cause of the hydrogen experience that Bob Parkinson and myself gained in the course of this programme. This project is now also history but I would like to think that our work at Reaction Engines may yet save something for the future.

130 DIARY FORTHCOMING LECTURES & MEETINGS OF THE BIS

APOLLO 8 – GETTING TO THE MOON BY DAVID BAKER 21 November 2018, 7.00pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London SW8 1SZ SpaceFlight’s editor relives his time working for the NASA Mission Planning & Analysis Division defining the mission’s phasing and flight trajectories. He also casts an expert eye over the way mission planning evolved during the nine Moon-bound Apollo missions. THE INDIAN SPACE PROGRAMME 29 November 2018, 7.00pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London SW8 1SZ BIS member Gurbir Singh talks about his 2017 book The Indian Space Programme – the story of India’s incredible journey from Third World country to First. CHRISTMAS GET-TOGETHER 2018 5 December 2018, 6.30pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London, SW8 1SZ Join us for our usual relaxed evening of drinks and buffet food, along with our Christmas raffle. As is customary, this is a ticketed event to raise funds for the Society – and donations towards raffle prizes are always appreciated, too. Ticket price for members and their guests is £20. Guests are welcome, although we may have to limit the number of guest places if we sell too many tickets! APOLLO 8 – MEN TO THE MOON 18 December 2018, 7.00pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London, SW8 1SZ Jerry Stone takes us on the next step in his series of 50th anniversary talks covering every Apollo mission up to and including Apollo 17 by looking back at Apollo 8’s historic journey into lunar orbit – a triumphant end to an otherwise turbulent and tragic year. APOLLO MISSIONS: THE MECHANICS OF RENDEZVOUS & DOCKING BY DAVID BAKER 20 February 2018, 7.00pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London, SW8 1SZ Starting with Apollo 9 launched on 3 March 1969, a key feature of the Apollo missions was the ability to rendezvous and dock in orbit – a capability that NASA had evolved over the preceding four years. SpaceFlight Editor David Baker describes the process in detail and casts an expert eye over the different options consid- ered by mission planners in the run-up to the lunar landing missions. APOLLO 9 – RENDEZVOUS IN EARTH ORBIT 6 March 2018, 7.00pm VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London, SW8 1SZ Jerry Stone continues his series of talks to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Apollo missions with a uniquely personal take on the story of Apollo 9 – the first test of the full lunar landing package and only the second outing of the Lunar Module. Call for Papers RUSSIAN-SINO FORUM 1-2 June 2019, 9.30 am to 5pm (tbc) VENUE: BIS, 27/29 South Lambeth Road, London SW8 1SZ The BIS has now scheduled its 39th annual Russian-Sino Forum – one of the most popular and longest running events in the Society’s history. Papers are invited. Watch this space for further details.

131 SPACE CHRONICLE A BRITISH INTERPLANETARY SOCIETY PUBLICATION

Vol. 71 No.3 2018

JOSHUA BURROWS HYDE (1809-1887) The American Connection and the British Hale Rocket Frank H. Winter

THE RZ20 LOX/LIQUID HYDROGEN  ENGINE PROJECT – a personal memoir Alan Bond

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