Media Culture the Social Organisation of Media
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MEDIA CULTURE THE SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF MEDIA PRACTICES IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN A REPORT FOR THE BRITISH FILM INSTITUTE Prepared by Tony Bennett, Mike Savage, Elizabeth Silva, Alan Warde, Modesto Gayo-Cal and David Wright 2 Contents Acknowledgements Executive Summary Introduction Chapter 1: Viewing by numbers Chapter 2: Media Talk Chapter 3: The media field and other fields: comparisons and policy implications Postscript: Cultural capital and field analysis References Endnotes Appendices Appendix 1: Television and Film Questions from CCSE Survey Appendix 2: Tables accompanying charts Appendix 3: Focus Groups – Composition and Discussion Topics Appendix 4: The Achieved Sample of Household Interviews Appendix 5: Favourite Films and Directors 3 Acknowledgements We are grateful to the British Film Institute for supporting and participating in the ESRC inquiry Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion from which this report derives. The BFI’s financial assistance was crucially important in making it possible for our original research objectives to be met by including an ethnic boost sample in our survey. Richard Paterson, Head of Knowledge at the BFI, merits special mention for his role in facilitating this outcome as also for his contributions to the project’s conception and execution as a member of its Advisory Committee. We are also grateful to the other members of the Advisory Committee for their expert advice and assistance at many stages in the development of that project. Our thanks then to Ann Bridgwood and Catherine Bunting from Arts Council England, to Ann Kellaway from Arts Council Wales, to Tanya Hutchinson from the Scottish Arts Council, to Nick Livingstone from the Arts Council of Northern Ireland. Thanks also to Ian Wood and Gary Mundy from the Department of Culture, Media and Sport. We are also particularly grateful to Paul Allin from the Office for National Statistics for the value and quality of his advice as the Chair of the Advisory Committee. And we owe a great debt to Karen Ho from the CRESC office at the Open University for her role in the production and design of this report. 4 Executive summary What is reported 1. This document reports on cultural practices associated with film and television and their relations with social divisions among the contemporary British population. It focuses on the relationships between cultural tastes and knowledge as expressed in film and television preferences, and ethnicity, social class, gender and education. It engages with these issues by exploring how cultural capital, a resource for the transmission of privilege across generations and for marking class distinctions, is implicated in the media field. Methodology 2. The study is based on a multi-method approach combining focus group research, a national statistically representative survey of the UK, a qualitative study of a sample of the households which participated in the quantitative survey, and an investigation of a small sample of business and professional elites. Fieldwork started in March 2003 and finished in July 2005. 3. Comparisons are made between the main sample and an ethic boost sample drawn from Britain’s three largest minority ethnic groups: the Indian, Pakistani and Afro-Caribbean communities. Summary of key findings (a) The media and ethnicity 4. Members of minority ethnic groups have a strong involvement in film culture. They go more regularly to the cinema than the rest of the population and are more likely to own collections of film and video, as well as to watch film clips on the internet and accessing news and sports. 5 5. Digital, satellite and cable television are accessed in greater proportions by minority ethnic groups, although the internet is accessed less relative to the rest of the population. 6. While the Indian respondents watch the least weekday television, Afro- Caribbeans and Pakistanis are close to the norms of 6 to 7 hours of the main sample. But they watch television more often with other family members as a consequence of their having larger households than the main sample, except for Afro-Caribbeans who watch television mostly by themselves. 7. Indian respondents mostly watch BBC1, with little involvement in ITV and channel 4. Afro-Caribbeans find Channel 5 more appealing than other groups, while Pakistanis have a viewing profile similar to that of the main sample but prefer Channel 5 in greater proportions. 8. While minority ethnic groups are less fond of soaps as a genre, responses to particular soap operas show a strong contrast between Eastenders and Coronation Street, with minority ethnic groups showing higher levels of preferences for the former than the main sample and very low levels of interest in the latter. This suggests a preference for metropolitan cosmopolitanism and a distanced relation to northern working class culture. 9. Minority ethnic groups also show little liking for programmes that embody the values of ‘Middle England’, preferring American and Australian imports. This is echoed in the lack of interest in the classic signature of ‘quality’ British cinema like costume dramas and literary adaptations. 10. A double orientation to specifically British aspects of film and television culture is evident among second generation migrants. On the one hand, there is an adaptive practice of engagement resulting in higher levels of involvement than first- 6 generation migrants; on the other hand, a critical relation and distance is also registered in relation to certain practices as a way of maintaining a different identity. 12. Second generation migrants have a more active relation to film and television culture than they do in relation to many other aspects of publicly funded culture in Britain. (b) The media and class, age, and gender 13. The sharpest differences here refer to age. Younger respondents go to the cinema more often and are also the most likely to use the internet to watch film clips. Those in higher occupational groups go to the cinema more often than respondents in routine occupation. Gender makes little difference to participation in film. 14. There are also no marked gender differences in participation in television but age is again a key discriminating factor: older viewers watch more television. This is an inversion of participation in film culture by age. The situation is similar regarding occupational class: while those in higher occupational groups go to the cinema more often, it is those in lower-level occupations who watch television the most. The more educated also watch less television. 13. Gender is the most relevant discriminator of film tastes, strongly polarising film choices and preferences, and is closely followed by age in this regard. Younger audiences with high levels of education are a particularly distinctive audience segment. 15. Many film tastes are shared by all classes, particularly for mainstream commercial cinema. However, the members of higher occupational groups prefer dramas and literary adaptations or science fiction and crime, routine workers prefer westerns and those who never worked prefer comedy. The strong preference of the 7 intermediate class for romance reflects a predominance of women in this occupational group. 16. In terms of television channel choices, BBC1 and ITV1 are, across the board, the two most preferred channels, but BBC1 (and BBC2 and Channel 4) have stronger preferences among the higher educated whereas ITV1 and Channel 5 are more popular with audiences with lower levels of education. Age differences are implicated in preferences for television channels. 17. Gender strongly influences choice of satellite and digital channels with, for example, women watching more lifestyle and hobby programmes while men prefer documentary and sports channels. Younger viewers prefer music channels. Gender also polarises television choices in the terrestrial environment. This is illustrated, in the most extreme cases, by women’s high level of preference for soap operas and men’s equally marked preference for sports programmes with very little gender cross- over in either case. Policy implications 18. The differential forms of participation in film and television culture associated with ethnicity, social class and level of education show that both are implicated in the processes through which social inequalities are produced and reproduced in contemporary Britain. 19. The explanation that is offered to account for this by drawing on cultural capital theory question some of the formulations of social exclusion policies. Inequalities are evident in the relational nature of media preferences and practices across complexly articulated age, gender and class positions in ways that question the logic of a division between a ‘mainstream’ and the socially excluded. 8 20. A cultural capital approach similarly points to a different way of understanding and engaging with the different media tastes and practices of minority ethnic groups than the morally integrative concerns of social cohesion theory. 9 Introduction This report arises from a broader research inquiry into the relationships between cultural practices and the forms of social division and difference that characterise the relations between different sections of the population in contemporary Britain.1 Its primary focus is on the relationship between forms of participation in, knowledge about, and preferences for different kinds of film and television, and the ethnic, class, gendered, and educational characteristics of our respondents. However, we shall also take account