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Dystopiernasseger Dystopiernas seger : totalitarism som orienteringspunkt i efterkrigstidens svenska idédebatt Stenfeldt, Johan 2013 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Stenfeldt, J. (2013). Dystopiernas seger : totalitarism som orienteringspunkt i efterkrigstidens svenska idédebatt. Höör: Agerings bokförlag. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 dystopiernas seger Johan Stenfeldt DYSTOPIERNAS SEGER Totalitarism som orienteringspunkt i efterkrigstidens svenska idédebatt Tryckt med bidrag från Nationella forskarskolan i historia, Lunds universitet och Karl Staaffs fond för frisinnade ändamål agerings.se facebook.com/agerings Copyright © 2013, Författaren och Agerings Bokförlag Omslag: Jens Andersson, Bok & Form Copyright för bilderna på s. 20 resp. 136: s. 20: ”Wonder How Long the Honeymoon Will Last?” © Granger Collection/Scanpix s. 20: ”Millionen stehen hinter mir” © akg-images/Scanpix s. 136: ”USA MÖRDARE” © Carl Johan De Geer 1967 Tryck: CPI Books GmbH, Tyskland 2013 isbn: 978-91-86119-18-8 InneHÅLL Inledning 7 Det dystopiska trilemmat: idélandskapets struktur • Historien och erfa- renheten: idéutvecklingens process • Totalitarism: begrepp och historio- grafi • Erfarenheten och den dubbla tidsramen: material och metodolo- giska överväganden Krigets slut och ideologiernas död 77 Antifascism och antitotalitarism – brytpunkten Kravtjenko • Tredje ståndpunkten – Sovjetsympatins sista utlöpare • Stoppa usa-imperialis- men! Vietnam-debatten och den gryende radikaliseringen Ideologisk återuppståndelse och vänster-höger-om 137 ib-affären. Den socialfascistiska polisstaten • Dystopigörandet av Sovjet- staten – och revolutionen? Den svenska Solzjenitsynreceptionen • Vän- stern som löfte och hot i 68-vågens kölvatten • Förverkligad utopi och hoppingivande kontrast: Maos Kina • Terror som hotet från vänster: Röda arméfraktionen • Sverige, vändningen och historien. Stråk ur åttiotalets debatt. Världspolitisk nyordning, historiens slut och historiens återkomst 227 Totalitarismen i det egna – trädgårdsmästarna i folkhemmet • Välfärds- statens motoffensiv – Forum för levande historia • Svartböckerna och det totalitära meningssammanhanget • 11 september 2001 – attacken på ”det öppna samhället” Avslutning: Dystopiernas seger 315 Utopisk förväntan, dystopisk erfarenhet • Den historiemoraliska matri- sen och den liberaldemokratiska paradoxen • Det dystopiska trilemmat, erfarenheten och totalitarismen • Dystopiernas seger, ideologiernas död och historiens slut Efterord 351 Summary 355 Noter 363 Referenser 405 Namnregister 421 INLedning nittonhundratalet var inget bra århundrade – åtminstone inte om man jämför utfallet av seklet med de förhoppningar som knöts till detsamma vid dess ingång. Det tog sin början i den period som i den europeiska historien ofta kallats la belle époque, den vackra perioden, präglad av fred, tillväxt, och en enorm framtidstro knuten inte minst till en uppsjö av tekniska landvinningar såsom cykeln, filmen, auto- mobilen och flygplanet. Framtiden tedde sig oändligt ljus – den skulle bjuda på under i stålblank prakt, som Carl Snoilsky hade skaldat vid invigningen av Stockholmsutställningen 1897.1 Men nittonhundra- talet var också ett sekel som förde ord som ”världskrig” och ”folk- mord” till vokabulären.2 Den ”stålblanka prakten” visade sig ha en baksida. Mycket riktigt är också själva förståelsen av sekelskiftesperio- den som en ”vacker” epok tillkommen i den retrospektiva jämförelsens ljus, då det första världskriget – seklets urkatastrof – ställde många av de positiva förutskickelserna i betydligt mörkare dager. Att tolka denna utveckling från framstegsoptimism till ensidig han- tering av de mörka erfarenheter som kom att avsättas under seklet är en vägande vetenskaplig uppgift. Den kan också sägas vara det samman- hållande kittet mellan flera av de magistrala verk som vid tiden kring det senaste sekelskiftet, tjugohundratalets ingång, försökte uppsum- mera nittonhundratalet. För den brittiske historikern Mark Mazower står rötterna till den pessimistiska vändningen att finna i den radikalt inledning | 7 förändrade geografiska och mentala karta som ställde Efterkrigseuropa inför jungfrulig politisk mark vid krigsslutet 1918. För att bruka denna mark stod en uppsjö av oprövade och framåtblickande idéer till buds – de som med tiden utkristalliserade sig som mest bemärkta var kommunism, nazism, samt ett antal varianter av parlamentarisk demokrati. Mazower citerar i sammanhanget den tjeckiske politikern Tomas Masaryk, som efter krigsslutet karakteriserade Europa som ”ett laboratorium ovanpå en väldig kyrkogård”. Det ideologiska fältet var således vidöppet, och vilken av de tre idéerna som på randen till tjugo- hundratalet skulle visa sig mest livskraftig var i mellankrigstidens poli- tiska verklighet inte på något sätt uppenbart.3 Även Mazowers franske historikerkollega, François Furet, gör en liknande bedömning av det första världskrigets roll som nazismens och kommunismens historiska grundförutsättning, och sätter också dessa idéers initiala framgångar i nära samband med den gamla liberalismens misslyckande och den parlamentariska demokratins etableringssvårigheter. I denna bemär- kelse framstår såväl nazism som kommunism som rimliga alternativ ställda bredvid ett liberalt och demokratiskt system som inte förmådde leverera lösningar på samtidens problem. Nazister och kommunister kunde ses som legitima pretendenter på den politiska makten.4 Historiens vidare gång ändrade som bekant på detta. Andra världs- krigets slut ställde nazismen moraliskt bankrutt – tvärtom blev anti- nazismen den tidiga efterkrigstidens viktigaste ideologiska under- ström. Den brännande frågan, åtminstone i väst, huruvida också den sovjetiska kommunismen skulle omfattas av detta anatema och ses som nazismens ”totalitära tvilling”, fick i Furets perspektiv ett slutgil- tigt jakande svar först efter Chrusjtjovs avslöjande och fördömande av Stalintidens terror på den tjugonde partikongressen 1956. Efter detta fördömande återstod kommunismen, enligt Furet, endast som en ”illusion”; en hägring för dem som beredvilligt lät sig luras, men inget realistiskt alternativ för den som ville se det som fanns att se. Furet lämnade själv det franska kommunistpartiet detta år.5 Här kunde historien tagit slut, och den idépolitiska utvecklingen 8 | dystopiernas seger gjort halt vid en liberaldemokratisk konsensus. Under femtiotalet häv- dade också flera debattörer, inte minst den svenske statsvetaren och publicisten Herbert Tingsten men även meningsfränder i utlandet, att just detta inträffat. Ideologierna hade dött, och efterträtts av ett tillstånd där politiken utformades på rationella vetenskapliga grun- der och utan de ideologiska lidelser som, enligt Tingsten, bar ansva- ret för de nazistiska och sovjetkommunistiska haverierna. Kvar stod det mänskliga förnuftet och den demokratiska överideologin.6 Av de ideologier som Tingsten et consortes dödförklarat visade sig dock åtminstone en – kommunismen – ha en betydande livskraft bara några år senare, då den i olika skepnader återkom i den övergripande radikaliseringsvåg som kännetecknade det sena sextiotalet. Stora delar av vänsterengagemanget katalyserades av den breda opinionen mot USA:s krig i Vietnam, som ställde den demokratiska överideologin under tvivel: Om inte det demokratiska styrelseskicket hindrade ett av världens mäktigaste länder från att överösa ett av de fattigare med napalm, vad var demokratin då värd? Fanns det kanske istället en djupare form av demokrati, i motsats till den amerikanska liberal- kapitalistiska varianten? Sextiotalets vänstervind avlöstes med tiden av åttiotalets högervåg, och med Berlinmurens fall och Sovjetblockets implosion förkunnades återigen det Tingstenska budskapet, nu under parollen om historiens slut. Det var den amerikanske samhällstänkaren Francis Fukuyama som menade att erfarenheten av realkommunismen i öst en gång för alla omöjliggjort det kommunistiska samhällsprojektet på samma sätt som erfarenheten av nazismen en gång avfört denna idé som sam- hällsformande alternativ. Liberalismen stod ensam kvar.7 Att kommu- nismen skulle avföras med samma lätthet som nazismen efter andra världskriget var dock en chimär. Kunde man exempelvis inte, som den brittiske historikern Eric Hobsbawm hävdade, se kommunismen i sin sovjetryska skepnad som det revolutionära hot som tvingat den västerländska bourgeoisien till en rad demokratiska och socialpolitiska eftergifter som den annars aldrig gått med på?8 I så fall fanns det ju en inledning | 9 form av emancipatoriska konsekvenser av Lenins
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