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Urban Furnace: the Making of a Chinese City

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Urban Furnace: the Making of a Chinese City Urban Furnace: The Making of a Chinese City The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Smith, Nicholas Russell. 2015. Urban Furnace: The Making of a Chinese City. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467217 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © Nick R. Smith 2015 All Rights Reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Eve Blau Author: Nicholas Russell Smith Urban Furnace: The Making of a Chinese City ABSTRACT Urban transformation and the production of urban-rural difference have been defining characteristics of reform-era China. In recent years, the Chinese state has taken measures to relieve urban-rural inequity and coordinate urban and rural development. Beginning in 2003, these efforts took the form of “urban-rural coordination,” a national regime of policy reform that included local experiments throughout China. One of the earliest and most significant of these experiments was located in Chongqing, a provincial-level municipality in China’s southwest. In this dissertation, I explore Chongqing’s urban-rural coordination program as part of a larger process through which urban-rural difference is produced, contested, and mobilized in China. I pursue this project through an investigation of Hailong, a peri- urban village that has undergone rapid transformation over the last decade. An experiment within an experiment, Hailong is a site of intense contestation, as planners, party and state leaders, and residents advance alternately competing and complementary visions of Hailong’s future. Far from a typical village, Hailong’s experimental status and peri-urban liminality clarify the contestation of urban and rural, exposing the politics of urban-rural production. While the specifics of Hailong’s transformation are unique, the village therefore offers a window into urban-rural dynamics common across China, making it a privileged case for investigation. iii Through my investigation of Hailong, I pose the following question: How is urban-rural difference produced, and to what ends? Using a combination of ethnography and spatial analysis, I explore the spatial, temporal, and social dimensions of the political processes that produce urban-rural difference. My investigation reveals urban-rural difference as both an expression of the spatio-temporal unevenness of power and a means to consolidate and contest that power. This contradicts the predominant view that urban- rural difference is a natural outcome of economic unevenness—or, more specifically in the case of China, marketization. Rather, institutions such as markets and planning constitute tools of coordination and discipline mobilized to enforce compliance with actors’ power projects, or alternatively, to contest them. Through this analysis, urban- rural coordination emerges as a political project that simultaneously expands state power and depoliticizes that expansion through its representation as a technical question of market relations. The dissertation is divided into two parts. In Part I, I consider the rationalities and practices of the principal actors involved in Hailong’s transformation: village planners, village leaders, and village residents. In Part II, I investigate the intersection of these various projects in Hailong’s ongoing planning and redevelopment, and I conclude with a discussion of the role of the village collective as a crucial institution in the contestation of urban-rural difference. iv Acknowledgments Researching and writing a dissertation can feel like a profoundly solitary endeavor. But I never could have made it on my own. Behind the illusion of solitude is a whole team of collaborators, participants, supporters, and confidants, each of whom deserve recognition and thanks. I have endeavored to acknowledge these friends and colleagues in the following paragraphs. While I am extremely grateful for their contributions, any errors of fact or interpretation are entirely my own. In the course of my studies, I benefited from a true committee of advisors. Eve Blau, Peter Rowe, Susan Fainstein, and Michael Herzfeld each provided invaluable guidance and mentorship. I particularly appreciate their patience over the past year, as they have read and responded to countless, lengthy chapter drafts. A variety of other Harvard faculty have also played important roles in this process, including Margaret Crawford, Ted Bestor, Neil Brenner, Jean Comaroff, John Comaroff, Ajantha Subramanian, Jerold Kayden, and Elizabeth Perry. Peter Bol, my undergraduate advisor, deserves special mention for forcing me to write a senior thesis and introducing me to the study of China’s villages. Daniel Abramson, Richard Legates, Vivenne Shue, and You- tien Hsing all provided valuable guidance and feedback. I also thank the anonymous reviewers at the Journal of Urban Affairs, Cities and the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, whose comments on early article drafts contributed to subsequent revisions of the dissertation. In China, I relied on a network of colleagues who helped me gain access to resources, data, and research contacts. This included Hou Li and Zhang Fei at Tongji University, Ye Yumin at Renmin University, Xu Jianfeng, Huang Ling, and Yang v Yuhuan at Chongqing University, and Liu Jian at Tsinghua University. Special thanks go to Yang Yuzhen at Chongqing University, who served as my mentor and advisor during my fieldwork in Chongqing and was integral in helping me achieve my research goals. I received technical assistance from a variety of people, without whose help my project would have been much longer and more laborious. Yuan Yi, Xiong Tianshou, and Li Juan all helped to transcribe interviews. Wu Longfeng and Wei Lin contributed to the production of the final renderings of buildings and site plans. Linda C. Smith and Sara M. Watson edited the final manuscript. I am indebted to my fellow travelers—graduate students at the Graduate School of Design, the Department of Anthropology, and beyond—whose companionship, empathy, and careful feedback made the difference between failure and success. I am particularly grateful for the support of Sai Balakrishnan, Sun-Young Park, Delia Wendel, Namita Dharia, Nicolas Sternsdorff Cisterna, Anand Vaidya, Kyle Jaros, Meg Rithmire, Federico Perez, Ahn-Thu Ngo, Chenghe Guan, and Har Ye Kan. A variety of institutions provided critical organizational and financial support. My research was conducted with grants from the US National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program (DGE1144152), the Wenner-Gren Foundation Dissertation Fieldwork Grant (8331), the Whitney and Desmond Shum Fellowship, the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, the Foreign Language Acquisition Scholarship, the PRC Ministry of Education, and the PRC Ministry of Science and Technology (2012BAJ22B03). The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences and the Graduate School of Design at Harvard University have provided an institutional home, as well as organizational and financial support. The Oxford China Centre offered a quiet place to vi begin the process of analysis and writing, and their financial support was integral to making that happen. The College of Architecture and Urban Planning at Chongqing University was a very generous host during my fieldwork in China. And The International Association for China Planning was an important community of peers, offering networks, intellectual exchange, and financial support for periodic trips to China. Portions of the dissertation were previously published as journal articles or book chapters in the Journal of Urban Affairs, Cities, the China City Planning Review, and Village in the City: An Informal Portrait of South China (Hong Kong University Press). Most importantly, I want to thank the residents, officials, and planners with whom I worked during my research. Their patience, trust, and generosity made this project possible. I hope that this dissertation will enable deeper understanding of the challenges they face and provide an input into the development of new approaches to the planning and development of China’s villages. This work is dedicated to the people of Hailong. Finally, my heartfelt gratitude goes to my parents and my wife. I only got here with their love and support. Sara, thank you for following me up the river and into the rice paddies. Nick R. Smith Cambridge, MA March 2, 2015 vii Table of Contents List of Figures xi Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1. Urban Furnace 2 1.2. Urban-Rural Coordination 10 1.2.1. Dimensions of Urban-Rural Difference 12 1.2.2. Urbanization by Other Means 21 1.2.3. Uneven Development 26 1.3. Methods 32 1.3.1. Ethnography 33 1.3.2. Spatial Analysis 39 1.3.3. Case Study: Hailong Village 42 Part I 48 Chapter 2: The Planning Bureau 49 2.1. Fuzzy Science 50 2.1.1. The Market for Village Planning 57 2.1.2. The Leftover Village 61 2.2. On the Road with Duan Leishi 66 2.2.1. The Second Ring Road 68 2.2.2. Between Plan and Reality 73 2.3. The Village Planning Report 76 2.3.1. Reproducing the Urban-Rural Divide 77 2.3.2. Village Planning Research 80 2.3.3. Normalizing Urban-Rural Hybrids 86 2.4. The Village Planning Standard 90 2.4.1. Scale 92 2.4.2. Population 94 2.4.3. Land 96 2.5. A Village-in-the-City 98 Chapter 3: The Hailong Experience 104 3.1. Origin Stories 105 3.1.1. The First Election 111 3.1.2. Yan Jing 113 3.1.3. A Developmental Epistemology 117 3.2. The Unfunded Mandate 121 3.2.1. Land Collectivization 123 3.2.2. Shareholding 125 3.2.3. Infrastructure and Industry 126 3.3. Party Building 128 3.3.1. Professionalization 130 3.3.2. Corporatization 132 viii 3.3.3.
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