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GM 30,4 A gendered lens on entrepreneurship: women entrepreneurship in 312 Ceyda Maden Department of International Trade, Kemerburgaz University, Received 13 November 2013 Revised 28 August 2014 Istanbul, Turkey 27 January 2015 Accepted 19 March 2015

Abstract Purpose – This study aims to shed light on women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey by focusing on the profile of women entrepreneurs, key drivers behind their decision to establish their own business, challenges they face while initiating and running their business and support mechanisms for women entrepreneurs. Design/methodology/approach – Semi-structured interviews were conducted by ten successful women entrepreneurs in Turkey. Survey forms were also sent to the representatives of four different organizations that support women entrepreneurship. Three completed survey forms were received back from these organizations. Four key areas that originate from the research question (i.e. profile, drivers, problems and support mechanisms) have constituted the basis of the semi-structured interview guide and that of thematic analysis. Findings – The results have revealed that there are important similarities among Turkish women entrepreneurs with respect to their personality traits or characteristics. Successful women entrepreneurs in Turkey were described as being persistent and determined, patient, mentally strong and visionary and innovative. The interviews also revealed that exploiting unique opportunities in the business environment, working for the good of society and being independent in one’s decisions and actions are the major factors behind Turkish women entrepreneurs’ decision to become entrepreneurs. On the other hand, finding and managing capital emerged as the most important problem forwomen entrepreneurs in Turkey despite the existence of various support mechanisms. Finally, the findings showed that the majority of women entrepreneurs in Turkey use traditional ways (i.e. governmental and non-governmental support mechanisms and banks) to get financial support. Family members and business partners are the other sources of financial support, which may also provide moral support to women entrepreneurs. Research limitations/implications – The generalizability of the findings is limited, as the study is exploratory, rather than causal in nature. Practical implications – This study provides certain recommendations to the interested parties, such as policymakers, to create a proper economic, social, political, cultural and legal environment for women in which they can freely and willingly go into and run business. Originality/value – The paper fills an important gap in the literature by systematically reviewing the extant literature on women entrepreneurship in Turkey and combining and comparing the prior findings with qualitative data derived from the interviews with ten successful women Gender in Management: An entrepreneurs. International Journal Vol. 30 No. 4, 2015 Keywords Turkey, Women entrepreneurship, Drivers for entrepreneurship, pp. 312-331 © Emerald Group Publishing Limited Personality traits and characteristics, Problems of women entrepreneurs, Support mechanisms 1754-2413 DOI 10.1108/GM-11-2013-0131 Paper type Research paper Introduction Gendered lens In recent years, entrepreneurship has become a term that is increasingly widespread around the world, as it is closely associated with economic development and well-being of societies. Both high-impact and small- and medium-scale entrepreneurs have attracted the increased attention of key players in society, including policymakers, academics, entrepreneurs and practitioners. Although entrepreneurship plays an important role in stimulating economic 313 development in both developed and developing countries, previous research has mainly focused on the USA and other industrialized countries (Cetindamar, 2005; Gupta et al., 2009) and, thus, our knowledge in this field has been limited to English-speaking regions of the world (Karatas-Ozkan et al., 2010). This is especially prevalent for research on women’s entrepreneurship, as studies in this field have usually been conducted in developed countries (Welter et al., 2006; Cetindamar et al., 2012). Even though women entrepreneurs are designated as an important “untapped source” of economic growth and development in developing parts of the world (Minniti and Naudé, 2010; Vossenberg, 2013), very little research (Javadian and Singh, 2012) have, so far, examined women’s entrepreneurship in developing countries. The purpose of this study is to shed light on women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey, a developing country that has come a long way in terms of economic and social development since the 1980s (Global Entrepreneurship Monitor; GEM, 2001). To this end, this study aims to address the following research questions by focusing on a specific sample, namely, urban, well-educated women entrepreneurs running successful enterprises in their area of business: RQ1. Are there any similarities among Turkish women entrepreneurs with respect to their demographic characteristics, educational and professional background, and personality traits? RQ2. What are the key drivers or motivators behind Turkish women entrepreneurs’ decision to establish their own businesses? RQ3. What are the challenges faced by Turkish women entrepreneurs while initiating and running their businesses? RQ4. What kind of support mechanisms (both social and financial) exists for women entrepreneurs in Turkey? This study consists of four sections including this introduction part. In the next section, the extant literature on women entrepreneurship in Turkey is reviewed followed by the method and results of the study. The study concludes with the discussion of interview findings and recommendations to foster women entrepreneurship in Turkey.

Theoretical background Cultural context and women entrepreneurship in Turkey Turkey is a Eurasian country that has undergone a number of significant changes in a short period of time. Since the sixteenth century, with the decline of the , various attempts have been made to introduce dynamic changes to traditional Turkish society (Wasti, 1998), which are characterized by religiousness and patriarchal values. The analysis of women in society reveals the simultaneous impact of Eastern and Western cultures in the Turkish context (Kabasakal et al., 2011). Turkish women were equal to men in terms of their social status since the Turks’ presence in Middle Asia until GM the eighth century. With the diffusion of Islam among Turks, women began to lose their 30,4 status in society due to the influence of Arabic and Iranian cultural norms on Turkish culture (Karatas-Ozkan et al., 2011). Yet, in the second half of nineteenth century, women started to regain their social status. The modernization movement led by Ataturk, the founder of the modern Turkish Republic, escalated the status of women in the Turkish society (Aycan, 2004). Turkish women acquired the right to vote in the 1930s while in 314 some European countries, women acquired this right in the 1940s. Despite these developments, Turkish women still often have to cope with certain problems originating from the duality between secularism on the one hand and religiousness and patriarchal Middle Eastern values on the other (Kabasakal et al., 2011). Turkey is a country where the women are less likely than men to engage in entrepreneurial activities. Although Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK) (2012) statistics show that there has been a considerable shift from unpaid family work to regular and causal employment and to self-employment between 1988 and 2012 for women as well as men (Table I), the ratio of male to in Turkey is the one of the highest, or most inequitable, among efficiency-driven economies. According to GEM’s 2012 Women’s Report, there are less than two women for every ten men that run their business. Total entrepreneurial activity (TEA) of women corresponds to 7 per cent of the adult population, while the TEA of men is 17 per cent. This finding indicates that the measures taken to stimulate entrepreneurship in Turkey have not paid off for women as much as it has paid off for men. In addition, in a critical review of the extant literature on women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey, Karatas-Ozkan et al. (2010) argue that persistent patriarchal social values and associated traditional gender roles, together with limited access to education and training opportunities, lack of experience in business life, lack of role models and limited access to informal and formal networks deter women from entrepreneurship in Turkey.

Employment status 1988 (thousand) 2013 (thousand) Change (%)

Total Regular employee and causal employee 7,170 16,353 128 Employer 629 1,182 88 Own account worker 4,594 4,773 4 Unpaid family worker 5,362 3,217 Ϫ40 Men Regular employee and causal employee 5,980 12,031 101 Employer 616 1,088 77 Own account worker 4,236 3,951 Ϫ7 Unpaid family worker 1,687 813 Ϫ52 Women Regular employee and causal employee 1,190 4,322 263 Employer 13 94 623 Own account worker 358 821 129 Table I. Unpaid family worker 3,675 2,401 Ϫ35 Employment status (1988-2013) Source: TUIK Extracts for 1988-1999 and 2000-2013 Profile of women entrepreneurs in Turkey Gendered lens Previous research have shown that women entrepreneurs in Turkey are generally over 30 years of age (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999; Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001a, 2001b; Ozar, 2007; Yimaz et al., 2012) similar to women entrepreneurs in different countries in previous studies (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999). When women reach their thirties, their gender role in the home is about to finish, as their children are growing up(Ince, 2012). The research has also revealed that the majority of Turkish women entrepreneurs are married, 315 although the percentage of married entrepreneurs is much higher among men. Ozar (2007), who draws upon the data compiled by the ERF-MSE (Economic Research Forum Research program for Promoting Competitiveness in the Micro and Small Enterprise Sector in MENA), reports that only 54 per cent of women entrepreneurs were married in the chosen sample (the owners of 4,776 micro and small enterprises in Turkey), whereas this figure increased to 79 per cent for men. Fifteen per cent of women entrepreneurs were divorced or widowed as compared to two per cent of men entrepreneurs. These results were also supported by recent data, namely, the Household Labor Force Survey published by TUIK (2013). According to this survey, in 2013, 74 per cent of employer and self-employed women were married as compared to 90 per cent of men in the same employment category. On the other hand, 19 per cent of women entrepreneurs were divorced or widowed as compared to 3 per cent of men entrepreneurs. Regarding the educational level of women entrepreneurs, previous research has shown consistent results. Drawing upon the GEM data collected from 2,417 adults in Turkey in 2006, Cetindamar et al. (2012) find that except for graduate education (masters or PhD), women who attained a higher level of education are more likely to engage in entrepreneurial activity as compared to men. The authors explicate the stronger effect of education on women’s entrepreneurship by the “glass ceiling effect” (Masser and Abrams, 2005) and suggest that women with higher human capital (i.e. education) are more likely to engage in entrepreneurial activities in developing countries like Turkey because of limited opportunities available to them in the traditional workplace (i.e. glass ceiling). Similarly, working with a sample in Tekirdag, Turkey, Yimaz et al. (2012) find that a significant proportion of women entrepreneurs (75 per cent) in Tekirdag has either a high school or higher education level. These findings support earlier evidence by Ozar (2007), Ufuk and Ozgen (2001b) and Hisrich and Ozturk (1999), which report that women entrepreneurs in Turkey are generally well-educated. With respect to the previous work status of women entrepreneurs in Turkey, previous studies have provided mixed results. Ozar (2007) reports that while 80 per cent of male entrepreneurs were working in a job before starting their business, this ratio decreases to only 53 per cent for women. Twenty-four per cent of the women that participated in Ozar’s study state that they were housewives before they chose to become entrepreneurs. On the other hand, in Ufuk and Ozgen’s (2001a, 2001b) study, the majority of women entrepreneurs (61 per cent) state that they were already working prior to becoming entrepreneurs. Research has also shown that enterprises established and owned by Turkish women are distributed across various industries and geographical locations and differ in sizes and assets. Turkish women have managed enterprises in almost all industries including international trade, information technology, advertising and manufacturing (Cindoglu, 2003); however, the ratio of male entrepreneurs engaged in production of technology GM exceeds that of female entrepreneurs (Cetindamar, 2005). In line with the accumulated 30,4 international evidence revealing that: • female-led businesses tend to be over-represented in the consumer-oriented retail and personal services sectors and under-represented in sectors such as manufacturing, extraction and business services (Allen et al., 2008; Kelley et al., 2011); and 316 • women entrepreneurs are more likely than men to start hybrid ventures serving to the accomplishment of social as well as economic objectives (Hechavarria et al., 2012; Meyskens et al., 2011); women entrepreneurs in Turkey mostly operate in the service sector (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999; Ince, 2012; Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001a, 2001b; Yimaz et al., 2012) with numerous examples of hybrid ventures. With respect to the personality traits or characteristics that women entrepreneurs in Turkey have in common, two recent studies have shown that “hardworking and combative” are the leading personality characteristics of women entrepreneurs (Ozdemir, 2010; Yimaz et al., 2012). Other important personality traits can be listed as being self-confident, patient, risk-taking and innovative and having a vision andgood communication skills.

Drivers of entrepreneurship The extant literature on entrepreneurship reveals that entrepreneurs who consider initiating a new business may be motivated by different factors. Some start their business to take advantage of external opportunities (i.e. opportunity entrepreneurship), while others resort to entrepreneurship, as they lack other real sources of income (i.e. necessity entrepreneurship) (Van Stel et al., 2007; Jennings and Brush, 2013). Empirically, the accumulated evidence reveals that necessity-based “push” motivations are more prevalent amongst female than male entrepreneurs. A number of studies conducted in the USA, for example, show that female entrepreneurs tend to be less motivated than their male counterparts by a desire to become their own boss, to make money and to have power (Hisrich and Brush, 1978; Scherer et al., 1990). Instead, women entrepreneurs tend to be motivated by economic necessity (Hisrich and Brush, 1983; Buttner, 1993). For transition and less-developed economies, growing evidence reveals that women entrepreneurs are particularly likely to be affected by necessity motivation, with empirical findings from Hungary (Hisrich and Fulop, 2004), Puerto Rico (Hisrich, 1984) and the Ukraine (Isakova et al., 2006) supporting this conclusion. However, GEM (2012) data suggest that, in Turkey, only 33 per cent of female entrepreneurs act with necessity-motives in starting their business, while 64 per cent of female entrepreneurs act with opportunity motives. These percentages are 30 and 68 per cent for male entrepreneurs with act necessity and opportunity motives, respectively. Based on these figures, it is plausible to argue that women’s entrepreneurial motivations comply mostly with the trends in developed countries in Turkey. Empirical studies based on Turkey have shown that both push and pull factors are influential in shaping the decisions of women to start their own business. Investigating the motivational factors for 13 potential women entrepreneurs in Eskisehir, Turkey, Ozdemir (2010) reports that gender , mobbing, continuous supervision and working with incapable managers are among the factors that pushed women into entrepreneurship. In the same study, being independent, feeling self-actualization and Gendered lens having one’s own business are reported as the most important factors that pulled women into entrepreneurship. Similarly, in a study that investigates the demographic characteristics of and motivational factors for women entrepreneurs in , Turkey, Yagci and Bener (2005) find that the entrepreneurs in their sample regard “engaging oneself into something, independency, need for achievement, and contributing to household income” as the most important factors that lead them to become an 317 entrepreneur. On the other hand, Ozar (2007) reports that for both women and men entrepreneurs in Turkey, overtaking the family business and the qualifications and experience they have play a prominent role in choosing entrepreneurship. In Ozar’s (2007) study, compared to men entrepreneurs, relatively more women stated that they have overtaken family business and chosen their present jobs to improve their living condition. Other studies have shown that women in Turkey are affected by various pull and push factors in their self-employment decisions, such as working independently and flexibility (Yetim, 2002; Kutanis and Bayraktaroglu, 2003), being productive and creating employment opportunities (Yetim, 2002; Cetindamar, 2005), gaining social status (Yimaz et al., 2012), meeting the family needs and having higher financial gains (Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001b; Nayir, 2008), boredom about being a housewife, relocation and frustration with previous jobs or occupations (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999). In the majority of these studies, however, independency and personal success emerge as the most important factors that lead the women in Turkey to start up their own business.

Problems of women entrepreneurs Women entrepreneurs experience many difficulties in starting up and maintaining their business. Obstacles like finding capital (Minniti, 2009; Vossenberg, 2013), inadequate training and access to information (Singh and Belwal, 2008), work–family interface (Williams, 2004), lack of societal support (Jamali, 2009) and legal procedures (Jamali, 2009) can present barriers to women entrepreneurship, particularly in developing countries. The most fundamental inference derived from women’s entrepreneurship research is that the entrepreneurial role tends to be perceived and portrayed as a stereotypically masculine endeavor in different societies that increase the tendency for women to evaluate business opportunities less positively (Jennings and Brush, 2013). In Turkey, these beliefs are likely to be translated into covert (hidden) discriminatory practices that hinder women’s entrepreneurial initiatives. In a critical review of the extant literature supported by two case studies, Karatas-Ozkan et al. (2010) argue that Turkish women may suffer from both overt (open) and covert (hidden) discrimination in society, as there is a huge wage gap between genders (i.e. overt discrimination) and the society attaches lower value to female employment and entrepreneurship (i.e. covert discrimination). The authors demonstrate that most women managers and business owners in their sample experience the problem of invisibility, such that the businessmen prefer males to them (women) in business life (Karatas-Ozkan et al., 2011). In the same study, the problem of invisibility is associated with the male-dominated business life in Turkey and the difficulty of businessmen to work with women. Obtaining financial support is another important impediment to women’s entrepreneurial activities in Turkey. A number of studies have revealed that women GM who apply for the entrepreneurship credit and/or run their business face financial 30,4 problems, specifically obtaining a loan, in Turkey (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999; Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001a; Ozdemir, 2010). Ozar (2007) demonstrate that women entrepreneurs are less likely to use formal loans, inheritance money and liquidation of assets as a source of initial capital and are more likely to use their own savings and informal loan as start-up capital as compared to men entrepreneurs. In the maintenance of their businesses, the 318 most important problems cited by women entrepreneurs are the insufficient demand in the market, debt payments and tax payments together with the personnel problems, marketing problems, lack of involvement with business colleagues and obtaining lines of credit (Ozar, 2007). Another major problem that women Turkish entrepreneurs face is the stress/anxiety they suffer due to the conflict between their domestic and business lives. Numerous studies have demonstrated that women, either as employees, managers or entrepreneurs, experience work–family conflict (Shelton, 2006; Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001a; Winn, 2004; Koyuncu et al., 2012) which, in turn, increases their life stress (Parasuraman et al., 1996) and decreases their job performance (Jennings and McDougald, 2007). In support of these findings, other studies have revealed that women entrepreneurs tendto face role-overloading and role-conflicts in fulfilling their roles as wife, , housewife and business owner (Ozgen and Ufuk, 1998; Ozar, 2007; Karatas-Ozkan et al., 2011). The multiple roles of women entrepreneurs put extra pressure on them as they try to achieve a solution that satisfies the needs of all individuals that they should care(Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001a).

Support mechanisms With regard to social (moral) support mechanisms used by women entrepreneurs in Turkey, previous research has revealed interesting findings. Ozar (2007) states that women entrepreneurs receive diverse responses from their families while attempting to start up their own business. While some families strongly resist the idea of women setting up a venture, others provide significant support. The findings also indicate that although the majority of women entrepreneurs in the sample (73 per cent) do not need to ask for permission from their families while setting up their business, a great percentage (94 per cent) of women entrepreneurs who need to obtain permission get it from the male members of their families, namely, from their husbands or fathers. This specific finding signifies the male-dominated structure of Turkish society. On the other hand, previous studies have also indicated that women entrepreneurs, who were supported by somebody in initiating their business, are mostly supported by their spouse and children, their relatives and friends (Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001b; Yetim, 2002; Ozdemir, 2010). As such, family and social networks are important sources of social support for women entrepreneurs in Turkey. Apart from the social support that women entrepreneurs get from their networks, Turkish Governments and non-governmental organizations also provide financial or educational support to women entrepreneurs. For instance, Prime Ministry General Directorate on the Status of Women (KSGM) aims to encourage and support the entrepreneurship of women through training, financing and consultancy services in collaboration with different agencies and institutions such as the Turkish Employment Agency (IS-KUR), Ministry of National Education (MEB) and Small and Medium Enterprises Development Organization (KOSGEB). KOSGEB is another organization that operates under the Ministry of Trade and Gendered lens Industry and encourages women’s entrepreneurship by providing technical, managerial and marketing support to small and medium enterprises (SMEs). It arranges applied entrepreneurship trainings for general and specific target groups including women and charges no fees for these programs. Also, KOSGEB has recently introduced a new credit support program with a “zero” interest rate to overcome liquidity problems in the domestic market and meet the financial requirements of the manufacturing craftsman 319 and artisans. Women entrepreneurs have priority in benefiting from this program. GAP-GIDEMs (Entrepreneur Support and Guidance Centers), which were established to offer business services to the SMEs community in the GAP (Southeastern ) region, play an active role in encouraging and supporting entrepreneurial activity by women in Southeast Turkey. The centers provide various business services to entrepreneurs, ranging from information services on market access, finance and technical requirements; preparation of pre-feasibility studies; and guidance on feasibility reports to establishment of relations with potential national and international partners and development of women entrepreneurship and micro-enterprises. Other organizations such as TUSIAD (Turkish Industry and Business Association) and TOBB (The Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey) emphasize the important role of women entrepreneurs for the Turkish economy through different platforms. TOBB has a specific unit for women entrepreneurs, named Women Entrepreneurs Council, which develops general policies about women’s entrepreneurship and provides advisory opinion. This council also creates career advancement opportunities for women by helping them acquire the basic knowledge and skills to start up and run a business. One important non-governmental organization that supports women’s entrepreneurship is KAGIDER (Women Entrepreneurs Association of Turkey)[1]. KAGIDER carries out a number of projects, provides incubation and mentorship support and initiates training programs for (potential) women entrepreneurs. KAGIDER also has close relationships with regional/international women organizations and established sustainable project partnerships with different global institutions like the World Bank (WB) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC). In addition to the previous organizations, there are also several public and private banks (e.g. Garanti Bank, Halkbank, Akbank and TEB) that provide support for women entrepreneurship in Turkey. One of the most important support programs was initiated by Garanti Bank[2], the second largest private bank is Turkey. In the early 2000s, Garanti Bank introduced the Women Entrepreneurs Support Package to fulfill women entrepreneurs’ encouragement, communication network, training and financing needs required to grow their businesses. Furthermore, since 2007, the Garanti Bank has been supporting women entrepreneurs to prompt their active participation in Turkey’s economy with the “Turkey’s Entrepreneur” competition, organized in cooperation with Economist magazine and KAGIDER. Within the scope of this competition, projects and success stories of women who do business throughout Turkey are evaluated. The major aim of the competition is to uncover the business and social entrepreneurship spirit of women and publicize their success stories as an example for women all over Turkey. GM Method 30,4 Sample and the procedure This study aims to shed light on women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey by focusing on the: • profile of women entrepreneurs; 320 • key drivers behind their decision to establish their own business; • challenges they face while initiating and running their business; and • support mechanisms for women entrepreneurs.

The target sample consists of urban, well-educated women who run successful enterprises in their area of business. Applying a qualitative approach, semi-structured interviews were conducted by ten women entrepreneurs via face-to-face and e-mail. All the face-to-face interviews were done in Turkish and lasted approximately 40 minutes. Four key areas that originate from the research question (i.e. profile, drivers, problems and support mechanisms) have been pre-described and constituted the basis of the semi-structured interview guide and that of thematic analysis (Patton, 2002). During the interviews, the participants were allowed to proceed with their own cases to gain more insight about the experiences of women entrepreneurs in Turkey. The entrepreneurs in the sample were selected among 27 women, who won the “Turkey’s Woman Entrepreneur” competition in previous years. At the beginning of the interview process, e-mails were sent to all women entrepreneurs to inform them about the scope of the study and to ask for their participation. Ten out of 27 entrepreneurs agreed to participate in the study. Half of these entrepreneurs were visited in their offices to conduct a face-to-face interview, while the rest received and submitted the survey form by e-mail. Apart from these interviews, question forms were also sent to the representatives of four organizations, namely, KAGIDER, KOSGEB, TOBB and the Garanti Bank. Three completed survey forms were received back from these organizations.

Results Profile of the women entrepreneurs The demographic characteristics of women entrepreneurs are presented in Table II.As seen in this table, the average age of the entrepreneurs is 41.3 (SD ϭ 5.66), ranging from 35 to 50 years. The most frequently reported education level is university degree (70 per cent), followed by high school (20 per cent) and post-graduate degree (10 per cent). Regarding marital status, four entrepreneurs are married, three of them are single, and the rest are widowed. Five entrepreneurs have two children; four of them have no children; and one respondent has only one child. The average work experience of the participants is 18 years, ranging from 0 to 32 years (SD ϭ 9.72). Half of the women entrepreneurs operate in the service sector (i.e. health-care services, restaurants and leisure and professional services) while the others operate in the manufacturing sector (i.e. food, consumer durables, materials and household products). Similarly, 50 per cent of the women entrepreneurs are the single owners of their business while the rest have a partner or partners. The ventures in the sample have Gendered lens Demographics No. (%)

Age (years) Ͻ 25 0 0 25-31 0 0 32-38 3 30 39-45 5 50 Ͼ 45 2 20 321 Education level High school 2 20 University 7 70 Post-graduate 1 10 Marital status Married 4 40 Single 3 30 Divorced/widow 3 30 Number of children None 4 40 1110 2550 Ͼ 200 Work experience (years) (n ϭ 7) Ͻ 10 0 0 10-20 3 43 20-30 3 43 Ͼ 30 1 14 Age of the venture Ͻ 3110 3-6 1 10 6-9 4 40 Ͼ 9440 Ownership type Sole proprietorship 5 50 Partnership 5 50 Table II. Demographic Number of employees (n ϭ 9) characteristics of Ͻ 10 1 11 women 10-50 5 56 entrepreneurs and 50-250 3 33 venture Ͼ 250 0 0 characteristics an average size and age of 34 employees (SD ϭ 23.86) and 9 years (SD ϭ 3.71), respectively. When the women entrepreneurs were asked about the personality traits or characteristics that successful entrepreneurs have in common and that also characterize them, they listed the traits or characteristics shown in Table III. In this table, frequencies represent the number of interviews in which each personality trait or characteristic is GM 30,4 Personality trait/characteristic Frequency Persistence/determination 6 Patience 5 Mental strength 5 Being visionary and foresighted 4 322 Passion (for her job) 3 Being hardworking/diligent 3 Knowledge and experience 3 Self-confidence 2 Honesty 2 Table III. Ability to make a difference 1 Personality traits/ Being combative 1 characteristics of Being a first-mover 1 (successful) women Will for success 1 entrepreneurs Willingness to create social benefit 1

mentioned. As such, the most frequently reported trait/characteristic of successful women entrepreneurs was being persistent or determined, followed by being patient, mentally strong and being visionary and foresighted. One of the interviewees described the characteristics of successful women entrepreneurs as: In my opinion, a successful entrepreneur, either a woman or a man, needs to love working and have eager to try something new rather than imitating what others do […] The secret of success lies in being visionary, foresighted, and persistent […] You need to scan opportunities in the external environment, decide immediately, and move first […] Women, as entrepreneurs, need to be strong, what it means to survive in the face of difficulties. The same question was asked to the representatives of organizations that support the women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey. Their answers were more or less similar with those of women entrepreneurs. They stated that successful women entrepreneurs are generally persistent, determined and adaptive. They are visionary and innovative; open to learning; communicative; work with high motivation; and skilled at selecting, leading and managing people.

Drivers of entrepreneurship The entrepreneurs in the sample were also asked about their motivations to become an entrepreneur and whether they identify any differences between men and women in their motivations to start up their own business. The answers for the first question are represented in Table IV, with their respective frequencies. As seen in Table IV, the

Motivator Frequency

Exploiting unique opportunities and trying out new things 6 Working for the good of society (e.g., creating employment opportunities) 5 Table IV. Being independent and implementing her ideas/decisions quickly 3 Motivators for Making a difference 2 entrepreneurship Pioneering innovations 1 majority of women entrepreneurs participating in this study reported that the main Gendered lens reason behind their decisions to become an entrepreneur was exploiting unique opportunities and trying out new things, followed by working for the social benefit and being independent. Regarding the motivation of being independent and creating social benefit, one of the women entrepreneurs stated: I believe that the entrepreneurship, leadership, and independency are highly interrelated concepts. Entrepreneurs have passion to “lead something”, and may be it is the course of their 323 life. I chose to become an entrepreneur because I wanted to navigate my life. I also wanted to pioneer innovations and create employment for others. When asked about the differences between men’s and women’s motivations to start up their own business, eight out of ten respondents reported that they did not detect any differences. However, other respondents stated that men generally establish their own business to earn money while women become an entrepreneur to create something new and to work for the good of society. This opinion was also declared in the interviews conducted with the institutional representatives. One of the representatives remarked: Although there are not radical differences among women and men in terms of their entrepreneurship motivations, men generally want to initiate their own business to earn more money and to have more power in the society while women want to become entrepreneurs to prove themselves, to become financially and socially independent, and to contribute totheir society and environment. On the other hand, one of the representatives stated that the majority of the women they consulted/supported had decided to become an entrepreneur due to necessity as they had left their job, retired and getting bored, divorced from their husband or had children to look after.

Problems of women entrepreneurs Women entrepreneurs in the sample reported to experience different challenges in starting up and maintaining their business. As demonstrated in Table V, finding and managing capital was one of the primary problems of women entrepreneurs, followed by lack of social support, conflicts between women’s private and business lives and domination of men in certain sectors (e.g. technology and construction). One of the interviewees attracted attention to the role of societal norms in hindering women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey. She illustrated this as follows:

Problems Frequency

Finding and managing capital 6 Lack of social support (even from family members) 4 Conflict between one’s domestic and business life4 Domination of male entrepreneurs in certain sectors, coping with the “ego of men” 4 Social norms (association of business ownership with men) 2 Lack of affordable daycare services for working 2 Difficulties in leading and managing people (due to people’s association of managerial roles with men) 1 Table V. Setting “making money” as a secondary goal 1 Problems of women Lack of self-confidence 1 entrepreneurs GM Entrepreneurship is perceived as a masculine endeavor in Turkey […] People do not want to 30,4 believe that, as a woman, you can run your own business. Existence of limited daycare services for working mothers is another important problem that gets in the way of women entrepreneurship in Turkey. One of the women entrepreneurs shared her experiences related to this issue: 324 There are very limited childcare services for working mothers in Turkey. I raised my first daughter in the office and I think I am not the only one doing this. Many women running their own business have brought a cradle to the office […] I have two daughters. The first one really grew up in my office with many difficulties […] She was in the office until she wastwoyears old. That’s why she learnt and used the words “project” or “budget” long before than her peers did. When asked about the differences between men and women in terms of the problems they face in starting up and running their business, three respondents mentioned that forming strong business relationships in a male-dominated sector, establishing a good network and creating an atmosphere of trust are the problems specifically experienced by women entrepreneurs. In the interviews conducted by institutional representatives, the common view was that it may be more difficult for women than men to get support from their families while starting up their business. Besides, women may also have to cope with prejudices resulting from the perceived segregation of certain sectors as being more male-oriented. One of the interviewees exemplified this: In Turkey, most people believe that women are not knowledgeable and experienced in certain sectors, such as manufacturing and technology. Therefore, they prefer men rather than women for doing business. My sector is also a male dominated sector. That’s why, as a woman, I sometimes feel that I am struggling to survive in a men’s world. In such a world, you always have to pay attention to your conversations, your appearance, and your standing […] When a man wants to make a bargain, he can easily initiate a kind of “brotherhood” relationship. When you do the same thing, you can be easily misunderstood.

Support mechanisms for women entrepreneurs With respect to support mechanisms for women entrepreneurs, the interviews revealed that the majority of women entrepreneurs get financial support from governmental or non-governmental organizations that support women’s entrepreneurship. They also get support from their husbands, parents and business partners (Table VI). In terms of moral support, four of the respondents stated that they did not get support from anyone but themselves, while others reported receiving moral support from their family members, friends, business partners, husbands, employees and customers. The following excerpt from the interviews provides evidence of this: To be honest, if I succeed in this business, ninety per cent of my success belongs to my family […] My mother-in-law helped me a lot in housework and childcare. She supported me a lot. If she was not there, my company would not grow such fast […] My father and my brother also helped me a lot. When I asked them to find some wage workers in the early days ofmy business, they rejected and did all the work themselves […] And my husband […] He has always been with me since the first day I set up this company. We complemented each other like the cogwheels. This is truly a family success. When the same question was asked of the representatives interviewed, they pointed out that in general, women entrepreneurs try to get financial support from such Gendered lens Support mechanisms Frequency

Financial Governmental and non-governmental organizations (including banks) 8 Husband 3 Family members (parents, sisters, brothers) 3 Business partner 3 Oneself 2 325 Social (moral) Oneself 4 Family members (parents, sisters, brothers) 4 Business partners 4 Friends 3 Husband 3 Employees/personnel 2 Table VI. Customers 1 Support mechanisms organizations that particularly support women (e.g. KOSGEB and KAGIDER), while men entrepreneurs obtain financial support from business angels or venture capitalists in addition to the traditional methods of fund-raising. As a final question, entrepreneurs were asked about the effects of entrepreneurship on their private lives and whether their entrepreneurial role conflicted with any other role they assumed. The majority of entrepreneurs (seven out of ten) stated that in the first years of their business, their social life was negatively affected, as they hadhigher responsibilities and were working for long hours. However, they reported to enjoy the feelings of independency and respectability after they framed the boundaries of their business and were able to delegate some responsibilities. Two respondents reported earning less money as an entrepreneur than they did as a professional, as they see their earnings as a source of investment rather than a wage or salary. Regarding the role conflict, the majority of the women entrepreneurs (six out of ten) declared thattheir entrepreneurial role was not in conflict, but intertwined with their other roles as wife, mother and housewife. One of the entrepreneurs remarked: My entrepreneurial role does not conflict with my other roles because, I think, I learnt to transmit the characteristics or the requirements of my entrepreneurial role to the other roles in my life. I try to find novel ways to reshape my relationships with my husband, children, and other family members. I learnt in this process how to make the best of my time by systematically organizing my domestic and business life.

Discussion The purpose of this study is to shed light on women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey, a developing country that has come a long way in terms of economic and social development since the 1980s (GEM, 2001). Because of the small sample size, it is not possible to generalize about the findings. Nevertheless, some interesting trends were observed and these can be followed up in future research studies. The interviews conducted with ten successful women entrepreneurs in Turkey implied that Turkish women entrepreneurs are likely to share important similarities in terms of their GM personality traits or characteristics, although they differ in their demographic, 30,4 educational and professional characteristics. In line with the previous research (Ozdemir, 2010; Yimaz et al., 2012), successful women entrepreneurs in Turkey were described as being persistent and determined, patient, mentally strong and visionary and innovative. The interviews also demonstrated that exploiting unique opportunities in the 326 business environment, working for the good of society and being independent in one’s decisions and actions are likely to be the major factors behind Turkish women entrepreneurs’ decision to start up their own business. This finding contradicts prior evidence which demonstrates that in transition economies, women entrepreneurs are particularly likely to be affected by necessity motivation rather than opportunity motivation (Hisrich, 1984; Hisrich and Fulop, 2004; Isakova et al., 2006). On the other hand, it complies with previous research on women entrepreneurs in Turkey which pointed out that working independently and flexibly, having one’s own business and being productive and creating employment opportunities are the major motivations for Turkish women entrepreneurs to start up their own business (Yetim, 2002; Kutanis and Bayraktaroglu, 2003; Yagci and Bener, 2005; Ozar, 2007). With respect to the problems that women entrepreneurs face in establishing and maintaining their business, interviews revealed that finding and managing capital still emerges as the most important problem for women entrepreneurs in Turkey despite the existence of various support mechanisms. Lack of social support and conflict between one’s domestic and business life are also deemed as two distinct but related problems, both having their origins in the gender-stereotyped beliefs within the society. In Turkey, persistent patriarchal social values and associated traditional gender roles lead society to attach lower value to female employment and entrepreneurship (Karatas-Ozkan et al., 2010) and make it difficult for women entrepreneurs to compete within the league of male business owners. Domination of male entrepreneurs in certain sectors such as technology and construction makes it even harder for women entrepreneurs to establish strong relationships with different stakeholders by creating an atmosphere of trust. The interviews also implied that women entrepreneurs in Turkey tend to use traditional ways (i.e. governmental and non-governmental support mechanisms and banks) to get financial support. Family members and business partners arealso declared as the other sources of financial support which may also provide moral support to women entrepreneurs. This finding complies with previous research which indicated that women entrepreneurs, who were supported by someone in initiating their business, were mostly supported by their spouse and children, their relatives and friends (Ufuk and Ozgen, 2001b Yetim, 2002; Ozdemir, 2010). One interesting finding derived from the interviews, however, was that some women entrepreneurs reported to be alone in the every single step of starting up and running their business. The findings of this study, along with prior empirical evidence, revealed thatthe promotion of women’s entrepreneurship in Turkey is a multidimensional process that needs to be considered by bearing in mind different economic, social, cultural and political–legal aspects (Ozar, 2007). Thus, necessary measures should be taken to present women, not only an appropriate economic environment within which they can launch successful enterprises but also a proper social, political, cultural and legal environment in which they can freely and willingly go into business (Ozar, 2007). Policies encouraging entrepreneurship should primarily aim at educating women as Gendered lens education plays an important role in facilitating women’s engagement in entrepreneurial activities (Hisrich and Ozturk, 1999; Cetindamar et al., 2012). Although Turkey provides free and compulsory education between the ages 6 and 15 years, labor force participation rates in higher levels of education are still lower and gender differences are quite evident (Aycan, 2004). The policy implication of this specific circumstance is that Turkish policymakers need to encourage Turkish women to attain 327 higher education through award scholarships and other types of financial aid. To this end, some efforts have already been made, as the Turkish Government and some non-governmental organizations have initiated different programs to increase female enrolment in schools (Cetindamar et al., 2012). Policies encouraging entrepreneurship should also focus on facilitating women’s access to financial capital. Providing soft loans, grants and subsidies helps women raise the necessary financial capital they would not generate otherwise (Cetindamar et al., 2012). To this end, the central government can set regulations to ensure that banks extend credit with low interest rates and require little collateral deposits from women entrepreneurs (Ozar, 2007). Government can also reduce the bureaucratic procedures required for the establishment of new ventures and make them easier to follow. In addition to these financial and procedural means, different groups of organizations (e.g. central government, public institutions, local administrations, schools and women’s organizations) can run training programs for women entrepreneurs in the fields of management, finance, marketing and communication. Small and Medium Enterprises Development Organization (KOSGEB) is one of those organizations that organizes and carries out training activities for entrepreneurs. Expanding the scope of authority of KOSGEB, which essentially functions in the manufacturing sector, to other sectors such as service and commerce where more women entrepreneurs operate, may help women access the knowledge and guidance they need in starting and managing their business. Attending entrepreneurship trainings does not only increase women’s self-confidence but also enhances their awareness about different business opportunities. Over and above the preceding actions that are recommended to increase women’s entrepreneurial activities in Turkey and to secure their contribution to the Turkish economy, it is also critical to initiate certain programs that help transform stereotypical gender role perceptions at the societal level. As noted before, due to persistent patriarchal social values and traditional sex roles, entrepreneurship tends to be perceived and portrayed as a stereotypically masculine effort in Turkish society. This presumption is likely to increase discriminative practices against women in the initiation and maintenance of their business. To overcome this problem, awareness raising activities on gender equity need to be initiated. Public institutions, local administrations, professional organizations, women’s organizations and other non-governmental organizations need to carry out training activities directed to their employees/members or to the general public to prevent discrimination against women (Ozar, 2007). The optimistic portrayal of entrepreneurship within the popular press, educational materials and academic literature as an attractive and suitable career option for women will contribute to the transformation of stereotypical gender roles and reduce discrimination against women business owners. In light of the previous discussion, it is plausible to argue that promoting women’s entrepreneurship is a multidimensional process (Ozar, 2007). Thus, at the institutional level, a determined attitude and constant efforts are required to make the necessary GM amendments in each of the critical aspects. The most important and fundamental 30,4 amendment, though, is freeing people’s hearts and minds from the invisibility of women’s entrepreneurial endeavors which stand as an important perceptual barrier against the economic and social development of the country.

Limitations and future research 328 The results of this study should be interpreted with its limitations. The most significant limitation is the generalizability of the results due to small sample size, which consist of ten urban, well-educated women entrepreneurs. The sample is not large enough to provide a clear picture of the profile of women entrepreneurs in Turkey, key drivers behind women entrepreneurs’ decision to establish their own business and problems they face while initiating and running their business. Although the researcher aimed to conduct interviews with 27 women entrepreneurs who had won the “Turkey’s Woman Entrepreneur” competition in previous years, she was able to interview with only ten entrepreneurs. Majority of the contacted women entrepreneurs kindly rejected to participate in the study due to their busy schedules. Future research should answer the research questions with a more robust data collection method including focus groups and case studies and use further qualitative analyses that complement the frequency analysis. Another limitation is the relatively homogenous sample, which consist of the urban, well-educated women entrepreneurs. Although this sample is consciously selected, the targeted women entrepreneurs may not be representative of all Turkish women entrepreneurs. In Turkey, there are also less educated women entrepreneurs who do not even have a higher education degree. These entrepreneurs generally use microfinance to establish and run their businesses. Thus, in terms of research directions, it would be useful to include a larger and more heterogeneous sample of women entrepreneurs in future work to increase the generalizability of the findings of this study.

Notes 1. The discussion about KAGIDER was compiled from the information on the organization’s Web site; available at: www.kagider.org 2. The discussion about Garanti Bank was compiled from the information on the bank’s Web site; available at: www.garantikadingirisimci.com/womanEnt.html

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About the author Ceyda Maden Eyiusta is an Assistant Professor of Management in Istanbul Kemerburgaz University, Department of International Trade, Turkey. Her research interests comprise of different dimensions of person–environment fit, social exchange relationships in organizations and antecedents/consequences of burnout syndrome. She has published in different academic outlets such as International Journal of Human Resource Management, The Service Industries Journal and Public Organizations Review; and presented her studies at several international conferences. Ceyda Maden can be contacted at: [email protected]

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