Current Affairs in the Horn of Africa by Run Doon
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Somalian Turvallisuustilanne 28.6.2016
1 (42) MUISTIO MIG-168269 06.03.00 MIGDno-2016-706 28.06.2016 SOMALIAN TURVALLISUUSTILANNE KESÄKUUSSA 2016 Sisällysluettelo 1. Yleiset turvallisuusolosuhteet ...................................................................................... 2 2. Konfliktin vaikutukset siviiliväestöön ............................................................................ 7 3. Turvallisuustilanne alueittain tammi - toukokuussa 2016 ........................................... 10 3.1. Lower Jubba ............................................................................................................. 11 3.2. Gedo ......................................................................................................................... 12 3.3. Bay ............................................................................................................................ 14 3.4. Bakool ....................................................................................................................... 15 3.5. Middle Jubba ............................................................................................................. 15 3.6. Lower Shabelle ......................................................................................................... 15 3.7. Benadir - Mogadishu ................................................................................................. 18 3.8. Middle Shabelle ......................................................................................................... 22 3.9. Hiiraan ..................................................................................................................... -
Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°99 Nairobi/Brussels, 26 June 2014 Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War I. Overview Despite the recent military surge against Somalia’s armed Islamist extremist and self- declared al-Qaeda affiliate, Al-Shabaab, its conclusive “defeat” remains elusive. The most likely scenario – already in evidence – is that its armed units will retreat to small- er, remote and rural enclaves, exploiting entrenched and ever-changing clan-based competition; at the same time, other groups of radicalised and well-trained individ- uals will continue to carry out assassinations and terrorist attacks in urban areas, in- cluding increasingly in neighbouring countries, especially Kenya. The long connec- tion between Al-Shabaab’s current leadership and al-Qaeda is likely to strengthen. A critical breakthrough in the fight against the group cannot, therefore, be achieved by force of arms, even less so when it is foreign militaries, not the Somali National Army (SNA), that are in the lead. A more politically-focused approach is required. Even as its territory is squeezed in the medium term, Al-Shabaab will continue to control both money and minds. It has the advantage of at least three decades of Salafi-Wahhabi proselytisation (daawa) in Somalia; social conservatism is already strongly entrenched – including in Somaliland and among Somali minorities in neigh- bouring states – giving it deep reservoirs of fiscal and ideological support, even with- out the intimidation it routinely employs. An additional factor is the group’s proven ability to adapt, militarily and politically – flexibility that is assisted by its leadership’s freedom from direct accountability to any single constituency. -
Ground: Its History, Complexities, Threats and Implementation
PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS FOR THE PEACEKEEPER ON THE GROUND: ITS HISTORY, COMPLEXITIES, THREATS AND IMPLEMENTATION BY Eric Rudberg A THESIS PRESENTED IN PARTIAL COMPLETION OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF The Certificate of Training in United Nations Peace Support Operations Peace Operations Training Institute® Index Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………1 Background to Protection of Civilians (PoC) in Armed Conflict…………………………2 Why Protect Civilians?........................................................................................................5 Right to Self-Defense…………………………………………………………………….10 Defining a “Civilian”…………………………………………………………………….12 Common Threats to Civilians……………………………………………………………16 o Torture or Other Prohibited Treatment……………………………………..……17 o Gender Based and Sexual Violence……...……………………………………....18 o Violence Against Children (Six Grave Violation Against Children)………………………..…..…….....21 . Killing & Maiming……………………………………………………....21 . Recruitment and/or Use of Child Soldiers…………………………….....22 . Sexual Violence………………………………………………………….24 . Attacks Against Schools & Hospitals…………………………………....25 . Denial of Humanitarian Access………………………………………….26 . Abduction…………………………………………………………….......27 o Human Trafficking…………………………………………………………….....28 o Forced Displacement………………………………………………………..…...29 o Denial of Humanitarian Assistance……………………………………………...30 o Explosive Weapons………………………………………………………….…...31 o Peacekeepers………………………………………………………………..…....32 Tactics, Techniques and Procedures (TTPs) for Reducing Threats to Civilians…………………………………………………....34 -
Somalia We Live in Perpetual Fear
“WE LIVE IN PERPETUAL FEAR” VIOLATIONS AND ABUSES OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN SOMALIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2020 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Somali journalists denied access to photograph an Al-Shabaab attack site in (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. Mogadishu in January 2020. © Private https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2020 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 52/1442/2020 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 2. METHODOLOGY 9 3. BACKGROUND 11 3.1 CONFLICT AND CIVILIAN SUFFERING 11 3.2 MEDIA AND SOCIAL MEDIA USE 12 3.3 TREATMENT OF MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS 12 3.4 HEIGHTENED POLITICAL TENSION IN 2018 AND 2019 13 4. INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK 15 4.1 NATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK 17 5. -
Peace in Puntland: Mapping the Progress Democratization, Decentralization, and Security and Rule of Law
Peace in Puntland: Mapping the Progress Democratization, Decentralization, and Security and Rule of Law Pillars of Peace Somali Programme Garowe, November 2015 Acknowledgment This Report was prepared by the Puntland Development Re- search Center (PDRC) and the Interpeace Regional Office for Eastern and Central Africa. Lead Researchers Research Coordinator: Ali Farah Ali Security and Rule of Law Pillar: Ahmed Osman Adan Democratization Pillar: Mohamoud Ali Said, Hassan Aden Mo- hamed Decentralization Pillar: Amina Mohamed Abdulkadir Audio and Video Unit: Muctar Mohamed Hersi Research Advisor Abdirahman Osman Raghe Editorial Support Peter W. Mackenzie, Peter Nordstrom, Jessamy Garver- Affeldt, Jesse Kariuki and Claire Elder Design and Layout David Müller Printer Kul Graphics Ltd Front cover photo: Swearing-in of Galkayo Local Council. Back cover photo: Mother of slain victim reaffirms her com- mittment to peace and rejection of revenge killings at MAVU film forum in Herojalle. ISBN: 978-9966-1665-7-9 Copyright: Puntland Development Research Center (PDRC) Published: November 2015 This report was produced by the Puntland Development Re- search Center (PDRC) with the support of Interpeace and represents exclusively their own views. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the contribut- ing donors and should not be relied upon as a statement of the contributing donors or their services. The contributing donors do not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this report, nor do they accept responsibility for any use -
Christopher Anzalone CONTINUITY and CHANGE the EVOLUTION and TABLE of CONTENTS RESILIENCE of AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA INSURGENCY, 2006-2016 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE THE EVOLUTION AND RESILIENCE OF AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA INSURGENCY, 2006-2016 Christopher Anzalone CONTINUITY AND CHANGE THE EVOLUTION AND TABLE OF CONTENTS RESILIENCE OF AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA INSURGENCY, 2006-2016 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 HISTORICAL CONTEXT: SOMALI ISLAMISM, By examining Al-Shabab’s sophisticated media campaign MILITANT ACTIVISM, & THE ISLAMIC COURTS and identifying its intended audiences, we can better understand one of the most successful insurgent 7 THE EMERGENCE & EXPANSION OF AL-SHABAB movements of the 21st century. 8 THE BEGINNINGS OF AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA OPERATIONS: FRAMING ‘JIHAD’ & PITCHING RECRUITMENT, 2006-2009 By Christopher Anzalone 13 MEDIA OPERATIONS & INSURGENT RULE, 2009-2011 21 MASKING SETBACKS: AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA 2 DURING PERIODS OF DECLINE, 2011-2016 24 EAST AFRICAN RECRUITMENT AND AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA 30 EXPLOITING THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT: AL-SHABAB’S JIHADI «JOURNALISM» FROM WESTGATE TO WOOLWICH & BEYOND 34 COUNTERING INTERNAL DISSENT: AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA & THE CHALLENGE FROM ISLAMIC STATE 37 CONCLUSION CONTINUITY AND CHANGE THE EVOLUTION AND RESILIENCE OF AL-SHABAB’S MEDIA INSURGENCY, 2006-2016 By examining Al-Shabab’s sophisticated media campaign and identifying its intended audiences, we can better understand one of the most successful insurgent movements of the 21st century. By Christopher Anzalone EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Somali jihadi-insurgent movement Al-Shabab has authority, even if only in the short to medium term, Al- 3 established itself, since emerging in 2007 after the Shabab continues to present a major challenge to the overthrow of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) umbrella in internationally recognized but weak and corrupt Somali the wake of the December 2006 Ethiopian invasion and Federal Government (SFG), the African Union Mission occupation of parts of Somalia, as one of the relatively in Somalia (AMISOM), and the international community. -
UPR Submission Somalia October 2010 Somalia Is Currently in The
UPR Submission Somalia October 2010 Somalia is currently in the throes of one of its worst crises in nearly 20 years of conflict, and the human rights situation is critical. In 2010, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), supported by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), lost further ground to armed opposition groups, with indiscriminate use of force by both sides exerting a massive toll on civilians, especially during an upsurge of attacks in Mogadishu in August and September. Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam, the militant Islamist groups that spearhead the armed opposition, have consolidated control over much of south-central Somalia and have imposed increasingly repressive and intolerant measures in the name of Sharia (Islamic law). Armed opposition groups regularly threaten journalists and members of civil society. Children are used in the ranks of both the armed opposition groups and the TFG. The humanitarian situation across the country remains dire, and humanitarian agencies have limited access due to ongoing insecurity and, in south central Somalia, threats from armed opposition groups. The northern region of Somaliland, a self-declared independent republic, provided a rare positive note in the region when its long-delayed presidential election took place in a largely free and fair atmosphere in June 2010. Indiscriminate Attacks in Mogadishu Continual fighting between militant Islamist groups and the TFG raged in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, throughout 2010, with all parties conducting indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian objects. Opposition fighters have unlawfully deployed in densely populated civilian neighborhoods and at times used civilians as “shields” to fire mortars at TFG and AMISOM positions—attacks conducted so indiscriminately that they frequently destroy civilian homes but rarely strike military targets. -
“Like Fish in Poisonous Waters” Attacks on Media Freedom in Somalia WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “Like Fish in Poisonous Waters” Attacks on Media Freedom in Somalia WATCH “Like Fish in Poisonous Waters” Attacks on Media Freedom in Somalia Copyright © YEAR Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-33474 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org MAY 2016 ISBN: 978-1-6231-33474 “Like Fish in Poisonous Waters” Attacks on Media Freedom in Somalia Map .......................................................................................................... I Glossary ................................................................................................... II Summary ................................................................................................. 1 Recommendations ................................................................................... -
Al-Shabaab Is a Movement That Merged Four Somali Groups and Has Been Supported from Its Early Days by Foreign Islamists, Including Those Linked to Al-Qâ’Idah
THE RISE OF A JIHADI MOVEMENT IN A COUNTRY AT WAR HARAKAT AL -SHABAAB AL MUJAHEDDIN IN SOMALIA Roland Marchal Senior Research Fellow at CNRS SciencesPo Paris March 2011 This report is independent and does not represent the views of Her Majesty’s Government CONTENT Content Executive Summary Chapter I: Historical Background to the Development of al-Shabaab 1. A political history 1.1. Learning from failures? The radicalisation of the Somali Islamist movement 1.2. The experiments of the Islamic Courts 1.3. The emergence of al-Shabaab 2. Getting organized 2.1. The Supreme Council 2.2. The ministries or Maktabs 3. Conclusion Chapter II: The confrontation with other Islamic Trends 1. The Salafi divide 2. Al-I’tisaam, Muqawama and the Salafi Trend 3. The merging with Hisbul Islaam 4. The collusion with Takfiir wa Hijra 5. An apolitical Jihad? 6. Conclusion Chapter III: Citizens of Jihad. Al-Shabaab Recruitment 1. Joining al-Shabaab 1.1. Coerced recruitments 1.2. Economic incentives 1.3. Born again Jihadists 2 1.4. Recruitment of diaspora and East African radicalized Muslims 1.5. Challenging generational privileges 2. Short notes on the media policy 3. Recruitment among political “minorities” 4. Conclusion Chapter IV: Al-Shabaab Military Tactics 1. The modernisation of war and the globalisation of suicide bombers 2. Organizing the coexistence of foreign and local fighters 3. Military misadventures 4. Conclusion Chapter V: Funding an apparatus and ruling a population 1. Getting money for al-Shabaab 1.1. Collecting money outside the country 1.2. Getting funding from Somalia: maximisation of the protection economy 2. -
Afghanistan: the West's Unmitigated Disaster?
9/11: The Day That Changed America and the World Order By Paul Tiyambe Zeleza It was surreal, almost unbelievable in its audacity. Incredulous images of brazen and coordinated terrorist attacks blazoned television screens around the world. The post-Cold War lone and increasingly lonely superpower was profoundly shaken, stunned, and humbled. It was an attack that was destined to unleash dangerous disruptions and destabilize the global order. That was 9/11, whose twentieth anniversary fell this weekend. Popular emotions that day and in the days and weeks and months that followed exhibited fear, panic, anger, frustration, bewilderment, helplessness, and loss. Subsequent studies have shown that in the early hours of the terrorist attacks confusion and apprehension reigned even at the highest levels of government. However, before long it gave way to an all-encompassing overreaction and miscalculation that set the US on a catastrophic path. The road to ruin over the next twenty years was paved in those early days after 9/11 in an unholy contract of incendiary expectations by the public and politicians born out of trauma and hubris. There was the nation’s atavistic craving for a bold response, and the leaders’ quest for a millennial mission to combat a new and formidable global evil. The Bush administration was given a blank check to craft a muscular invasion to teach the terrorists and their sponsors an unforgettable lesson of America’s lethal power and unequalled global reach. Like most people over thirty, I remember that day vividly as if it was yesterday. I was on my first, and so far only sabbatical in my academic year. -
Scramble for the Horn of Africa – Al-Shabaab Vs. Islamic State
DOI: 10.32576/nb.2019.4.3 Nation and Security 2019. Issue 4. | 14–29. Viktor Marsai Scramble for the Horn of Africa – Al-Shabaab vs. Islamic State Over the past three years, the so-called Islamic State (IS) has made significant pro- gress in building an international network of Jihadist groups that pledged allegiance to the organisation. The affiliates of IS are both new-born movements like the Islamic State in Libya, and older groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria. The latter are much more valuable for the ‘Caliphate’ because they have broad experience and capacities that allow them to operate independently of IS. In its global Jihad, therefore, the Islamic State tried to gain the support of the members of former al-Qaeda franchises, shifting their alliances from Ayman al-Zawahiri to Abu Bakr al-Bagdadi. The paper offers an overview of such IS efforts in the Horn of Africa and an evaluation of how successful this quest had been until 2017. Keywords: Somalia, Libya, terrorism, extremism, Africa, Islamic State, al-Shabaab Al-Shabaab in Somalia (full name: Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen, or ‘Movement of Striving Youth’) is distinct from other Jihadist organisations. Al-Shabaab established and extended territorial control in Somalia over at least 250,000 square kilometres in 2008–2009 – five years prior to IS.1 It created effective administrative and judiciary systems and launched military, political and ideological attacks against the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and its foreign supporters. In 2011–2012, offensives of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and the Somali National Army (SNA) inflicted serious setbacks on the movement, and it had to vacate the capital, Mogadishu. -
Understanding US Policy in Somalia Current Challenges and Future Options Contents
Research Paper Paul D. Williams Africa Programme | July 2020 Understanding US Policy in Somalia Current Challenges and Future Options Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 What Is the US Mission in Somalia? 7 3 How Is the US Implementing Its Mission in Somalia? 10 4 Is US Policy Working in Somalia? 15 5 What Future for US Engagement in Somalia? 21 About the Author 24 Acknowledgments 24 1 | Chatham House Understanding US Policy in Somalia Summary • The US has real but limited national security interests in stabilizing Somalia. Since 2006, Washington’s principal focus with regard to Somalia has been on reducing the threat posed by al-Shabaab, an Al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamist insurgent group seeking to overthrow the federal government. • Successive US administrations have used military and political means to achieve this objective. Militarily, the US has provided training, equipment and funds to an African Union operation, lent bilateral support to Somalia’s neighbours, helped build elements of the reconstituted Somali National Army (SNA), and conducted military operations, most frequently in the form of airstrikes. Politically, Washington has tried to enable the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) to provide its own security, while implementing diplomatic, humanitarian and development efforts in parallel. • Most US resources have gone into its military efforts, but these have delivered only operational and tactical successes without altering the strategic terrain. The war against al-Shabaab has become a war of attrition. Effectively at a stalemate since at least 2016, neither side is likely to achieve a decisive military victory. • Instead of intensifying airstrikes or simply disengaging, the US will need to put its diplomatic weight into securing two linked negotiated settlements in Somalia.