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A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. -
Read Book Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : from Napoleon to The
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MODERN DICTATORS : FROM NAPOLEON TO THE PRESENT PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Frank J. Coppa | 344 pages | 04 Apr 2006 | Peter Lang Publishing Inc | 9780820450100 | English | New York, United States Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present PDF Book Chiang now continued to reunify China. As Supreme Leader , held ultimate and uncontested authority over all government matters under the principle of Guardianship. Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Invasion of Belgium. Hold false elections. Abacha Sani Article Contents. More than , people were arrested only during the first three years. Created the extra-constitutional Special Clerical Court system in , accountable only to the Supreme Leader and used principally for suppression of political dissent. Kenneth Sani Abacha. In terms of territory, Metternich gladly relinquished claims to the old Austrian Netherlands and the various Habsburg possessions in Germany for a consolidated monarchy at the centre of Europe. Opposition groups have been outlawed particularly Islamic ones , human rights activists have been thrown in prison and hundreds of protester killed during crackdowns. Translated by de Bellaigue, Sheila; Bridge, Roy. Europe Since An Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Council of State ; President of Chad He succeeded until , when in a violent coup, he expelled the communists from the KMT and quashed the Chinese labor unions they had created. Volume 3. Volume II: E - L. Jailed Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola , the presumed winner of the annulled presidential election; presided over execution of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present Writer Zhang Jinghui was similarly handed over to China in , dying in prison in , while Demchugdongrub fled to Mongolia before being handed to the Chinese and released 13 years later. -
La Restauración Conservadora: Rafael Carrera Y El Destino Del Estado Nacional En Guatemala
La Restauración Conservadora: Rafael Carrera y el destino del Estado nacional en Guatemala The Conservative Restoration: Rafael Carrera and the National State’s Destiny in Guatemala EDELBERTO TORRES-RIVAS* Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala * [email protected] Recepción: 16 de octubre de 2007. Aprobación: 17 de marzo de 2008. anuario colombiano de historia social y de la cultura * n.º 35 * 2008 * issn 0120-2456 * bogotá - colombia * pags. 337-372 edelberto torres-riVas resumen El artículo, partiendo de una revisión crítica de la historiografía liberal, analiza el periodo de la historia guatemalteca conocido como la “Restauración Conservadora” (1840-1870), el papel desempeñado en este proceso por el general Rafael Carrera y sus implicaciones en la constitución del Estado nacional. En primer lugar se hace un repaso de [338] los alcances de la noción de Estado nacional a la vez que se examinan los intentos por imponer proyectos de Estado-nación en Guatemala después de la independencia. A continuación, se estudia el fracaso de las reformas liberales, la aparición de condiciones sociales para el ascenso de los conservadores y el posicionamiento de Rafael Carrera como caudillo. Posteriormente, se presenta un análisis de la significación política de la restauración conservadora; y finalmente, se hace un balance en términos teóricos e históricos de los logros y fracasos en la implantación del Estado nacional en Guatemala en la segunda mitad del siglo xix. Palabras clave: historia de Guatemala, restauración conservadora, Estado nacional, Rafael Carrera abstract The article, based upon the critical study of liberal historiography, analyses the Guatemalean historical period known as the Restauración Conservadora (1840-1870), the role played in this process by General Rafael Carrera, and its consequences for the constitution of the national State. -
Political Agency and Youth Subjectivities in Tactic, Guatemala
Enacting Youth: political agency and youth subjectivities in Tactic, Guatemala By Lillian Tatiana Paz Lemus Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Anthropology August, 9th, 2019 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Edward F. Fischer, Ph.D. Lesley Gill, Ph.D. Arthur Demarest, Ph.D. Debra Rodman, Ph.D. DEDICATION To the loving memory of my grandmother, Marta Guzmán de Lemus, who I miss daily. Tactic will always be our home because she made sure we were always loved and fed under her roof. I am very proud to be introduced as her granddaughter whenever I meet new people in town. To Edelberto Torres-Rivas. He wanted to hear about young people’s engagement in our political life, but I was never able to show him the final text. We would have discussed so much over this. I will forever miss our banter and those long meals along our friends. To the many young Guatemalans who strive to make our country a better place for all. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Through the long journey of the doctoral studies, I have had the great fortune of being surrounded by wonderful people who provided the needed support and help to see this project to fruition. Dissertations are never an individual accomplishment, and while the mistakes are entirely my own, there is much credit to give the many people who interacted with me through the years and made this possible First, I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor, Professor Edward F. -
Guatemala's Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, And
Guatemala’s Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, and the Reconfiguration of Power Ashley Kistler, PhD Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology Rollins College Winter Park, FL 32789 [email protected] In early 2013, a Guatemalan court tried ex-president, General Efraín Ríos Montt, for genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the country’s 36-year civil war. The conviction of the former dictator in May 2013 offered Guatemalans only a fleeting glimpse of justice, as the country’s highest court reversed his conviction a mere ten days later. Though Ríos Montt’s presidency ended thirty years ago, it alienated many Maya communities from their history and indigenous identities. This paper argues that Maya communities use cultural resurgence movements to empower themselves against political oppression and confront political obstacles. Today, the Maya resurgence movement helps some Maya to strive to recapture practices lost during the civil war and to connect to their indigenous past. By seeking to connect with their history, the Maya resurgence movement affords some members of Guatemala’s Maya community to redefine themselves in the 21st century. For some, participation in the Maya resurgence movement serves as one of the only available means of empowerment in the country’s increasingly oppressive social hierarchy. The reversal of ex- President Ríos Montt’s conviction, however, presented the Maya with yet another obstacle in their longstanding fight for equality. While many political and social factors continue to block the success of the Maya resurgence movement nationally, this paper examines how involvement in local activist projects helps the Maya to rewrite their history and redefine their indigenous identity 1 following more than 500 years of oppression. -
Desmitificación Del Gobierno Liberal Del General Justo Rufino Barrios En La Novela «El Sueño De Los Justos»
ISSN: 2035-1496 27.1 CENTROAMERICANA 27.127.1 EDUCatt Ente per il Diritto allo Studio Universitario dell’Università Cattolica Largo Gemelli 1, 20123 Milano - tel. 02.7234.22.35 - fax 02.80.53.215 e-mail: [email protected] (produzione); [email protected] (distribuzione) web: www.educatt.it/libri ISBN: 978-88-9335-195-9 ISSN: 2035-1496 CENTROAMERICANA Revista semestral de la Cátedra de Lengua y Literaturas Hispanoamericanas Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore Milano – Italia € 8,00 2017 2017 Centroamericana 27.1 (2017): 51-72 ISSN: 2035-1496 ENTRE LA FICCIÓN Y LA HISTORIA Desmitificación del gobierno liberal del General Justo Rufino Barrios en la novela «El sueño de los justos» ANA YOLANDA CONTRERAS (United States Naval Academy) Resumen: Este artículo tiene por objeto analizar el cuestionamiento y desmitificación que se lleva a cabo tanto de la figura política como del gobierno liberal liderado por el General Justo Rufino Barrios en la novela histórica El sueño de los justos (2008), del autor español- guatemalteco Francisco Pérez de Antón. El artículo se enfoca principalmente en algunos aspectos de esa memoria gloriosa y heroica que del General Justo Rufino Barrios, ‘El Reformador’, ha sido, y continúa siendo, inculcada en el guatemalteco promedio, y cómo dicha memoria es problematizada en la novela a través del cuestionamiento del accionar político del General Barrios, quien durante su gobierno justificó y permitió la explotación de una gran parte de la población indígena, perpetró actos de violación a los derechos humanos y consintió instaurar un sistema de corrupción en el Estado guatemalteco. Palabras clave: Novela histórica – Memoria – Desmitificación – Explotación indígena – Violación a los derechos humanos – Corrupción. -
OPTICS and the CULTURE of MODERNITY in GUATEMALA CITY SINCE the LIBERAL REFORMS a Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate St
OPTICS AND THE CULTURE OF MODERNITY IN GUATEMALA CITY SINCE THE LIBERAL REFORMS A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By MICHAEL D. KIRKPATRICK © Michael D. Kirkpatrick, September 2013. All rights reserved. Permission to Use In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the department Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copy or publication use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any use which may be made of any material in my thesis. i ABSTRACT In the years after the Liberal Reforms of the 1870s, the capitalization of coffee production and buttressing of coercive labour regimes in rural Guatemala brought huge amounts of surplus capital to Guatemala City. Individual families—either invested in land or export houses—and the state used this newfound wealth to transform and beautify the capital, effectively inaugurating the modern era in the last decades of the nineteenth century. -
Apuntes Historiográficos Sobre Manuel Estrada Cabrera
APUNTES HISTORIOGRAFICOS SOBRE MANI.JEL ESTRADA CABRETTA Oscar Guillermo Peláez Almengor El abogado quetzalteco Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1857-'1924), gobernó Guatemala de 1898 a1920. Su gobierno, el segundo más largo cn l,a historia del país, ha sido uno de los menos estudiados. Estrada C-abrera utilizó todos los medios a su alcance para mantenerse en el poder durante 22 años, sin embargo sus métodos, la base económica, b rasgos sociales y culturales de su régimen no han sido estudiados en profundidad. En síntesis, la complejidad social de Guatemala en los primeros veinte años del presente siglo ha sido poco investigada. Estrada Cabrera se graduó de abogado en Quetzaltenango, donde +rció su profesión. Posteriormente fue Juez de Primera Instancia en Retalhuleu, además Alcalde Municipal de Quetzaltenango y diputado por ese mismo departamento a la Asamblea Nacional Legislativa. También fue Ministro de Gobernación y Justicia del gobierno de José Ma¡ía Reyna Barrios de 1,892 a 1898. Durante aquel gobierno Estrada C-abrera llegó a ser Primer Designado a la Presidencia de la República, (-) Ponencia presentada al I Encuentro Nacional de Historiadores, Guatemala, noviembre 24-26,1993. Además se presentó a la reunión anual de la American Historical Association efectuada en San Francisco, California del 6 al 9 de enero de 1994. 29 30 ESTUDIOS 3-93, enero 1994 puesto que hizo valer en febrero de 1898 luego del asesinato de Reyna Barrios convirtiéndose en presidente interino. Estrada Cabrera se instaló en la presidencia de manera definitiva en ocfubre de 1898, luego de derrotar en elecciones a ]osé León Castillo. -
Estado De Los Altos, Indigenas Y Regimen Conservador. Guatemala, 1838-1851
Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, Universidad de Costa Rica, 19(1): 37-53, 1993 ESTADO DE LOS ALTOS, INDIGENASY REGIMEN CONSERVADOR. GUATEMALA, 1838-1851* Arturo Taracena Resumen Se analizan las causas econ6micas y sociales que motivaron la resistencia de los indigenas en contra de la instauraci6n del Estado de Los Altos en los anos 1838-1840, asi como la en alianza politica establecida entre estos y Rafael Carrera el momento de la caida del regi men liberal de Mariano Galvez. El resultado seri la confirmaci6n del liderazgo nacional de Carrera y el surgimiento de una politica oficial de restauraci6n de la "republica de indios" en el estado guatemalteco reunificado bajo el gobierno de los conservadores. Abstract This article analyses the economic and sorial causes of indifenone resistance to the estabio ment of the sra be of Los Altos between 1838 and 1840. It also discusses the posibical allian ce between the Indiam and Rafael Carrera when the liberal regime of Mariano Gilver fell to from poweer. Carrera national leadership was this confirmed and it because articial posi restone an "Indian repuestic" nithin the srabe of Guatemala, remibed wider the conservative government. El principal interns de esta ponencia es mar que la problematica regional puede resol reflexionar a partir de un estudio concreto ver por si sola tal limitaci6n, ni se trata de cir sobre el peso de la interpretation geocentrista cunscribirla al analisis de las regiones en si en la historiografia guatemalteca -especial mismas, puesto que en el siglo xix -y aun en mente en lo que concierne a la fase republica el xx- lo regional est? ante todo determinado na-, a pesar de los avances en la investigaci6n por los problemas inherentes a la construc sobre las regiones. -
DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator Or Tyrant
LA FIGURA DEL GENERAL JORGE UBICO CASTAÑEDA: DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator or Tyrant Carolina Chacón Córdova1 Resumen A lo largo de la historia política de Guatemala han surgido distintas figuras políticas dictatoriales, entre la que destaca la figura del General Jorge Ubico Castañeda. Es importante analizar su gobierno y sus intenciones desde la perspectiva de la época que gobernó y no desde una óptica actual. Esto nos servirá para poder dilucidar si gobierno fue una dictadura o una tiranía. Palabras claves Jorge Ubico Castañeda, historia de Guatemala, dictador, tirano. Abstract In the course of Guatemalan political history there have been many dictatorial governments, among which General Jorge Ubico Castañeda is a prominent figure. It is important to analyze his government and intentions from the perspective of the period of time he govern and not from current times. This will help to establish if his government was a dictatorship or tyranny. Key Words Jorge Ubico Castañeda, Guatemalan history, dictator, tyrant. Sumario: 1. Introducción 2. La situación económica al momento de asumir la presidencia 3. Su imagen social y la resolución de conflictos. 1. Introducción 1 Licenciada en Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales, Abogada y Notaria. Coordinadora de Investigación en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad del Istmo. Correo electrónico: [email protected] Auctoritas prudentium 1 En la actualidad donde la mayoría de los países del mundo le apuestan a la democracia como el mejor de los sistemas de gobierno existentes, es desaprobada la idea de una dictadura por considerarla un sistema totalmente retrógrado, ya no apto para pleno siglo XXI. -
Justo Rufino Barrios, Perteneciente a Una Segunda Generación De Liberales Y Uno De Los Líderes De La Revuelta Contra Los Conse
Ciclos, Año 24, Nro. 43, julio-diciembre 2014 ISSN 1851-3735 GUATEMALA EN LA MIRA: LA OPERACIÓN BPSUCCESS Ricardo Vicente* Resumen En 2014 se cumplen sesenta años del primer golpe de Estado pergeñado por la central de inteligencia estadounidense (CIA) en Latinoamérica. En ese momento histórico, en Guatemala, se ensayó un operativo modelo que luego sirvió de inspiración para otros que le sucedieron en el resto de Latinoamérica. El gobierno nacional, popular y democrático de Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán fue su víctima y los golpistas fueron coordinados y apoyados por la CIA: varios embajadores, militares reaccionarios, poderosos empresarios norteamericanos y locales y altos prelados de la Iglesia Católica. Esta conspiración incorporó a América Latina como nuevo escenario de la Guerra Fría. Palabras clave: America Latina, Guatemala, golpe, Estados Unidos Abstract In 2014 marks sixty years of the first coup concocted by the Central American Intelligence (CIA) in Latin America. In that historical moment, an operating model was tested in Guatemala, which then served as inspiration for others in the rest of Latin America. The national, popular and democratic government of Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán was its victim and the coup leaders were coordinated and supported by the CIA: several ambassadors, reactionary military, powerful American and local entrepreneurs and high prelates of the Catholic Church. This conspiracy joined Latin America as a new stage of the Cold War. Keywords: Latin America, Guatemala, coup d’État, United States * Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, profesor de la Maestría de Historia Económica y de las Políticas Económicas, investigador del IDEHESI, Ricardo Vicente, Un castillo armado: el primer golpe de la CIA en América Latina Ciclos, Año 24, Nro. -
(1870-1900) DISSERTATION Presented
Cada uno en su sitio y cada cosa en su lugar. Imaginarios de desigualdad en América Central (1870-1900) DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Patricia Arroyo Calderón Graduate Program in Spanish and Portuguese The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Abril Trigo, Advisor Ana Del Sarto Fernando Unzueta Marta Elena Casaus Arzú Copyright by Patricia Arroyo Calderón 2015 Abstract This dissertation analyzes the construction of a pervasive social imaginary of unequal order in Central America between 1870 and 1900. This period was crucial in the region, which underwent a series of economic, political, and social reforms that would forever transform the natural and social landscapes of the isthmus. Although most of these structural changes have already been studied, it is still unclear how literary and cultural production intersected with the liberal elites’ endeavors of social classification, economic modernization, and political institutionalization. This dissertation addresses that problem through theoretical elaborations on the “social imaginary” (Cornelius Castoriadis) and the “distribution of the sensible” (Jacques Rancière). I specifically analyze three different types of cultural texts: household economy guides for girls and young women; cuadros costumbristas (sketches of manners); and sentimental novels and theater plays. Part 1 deals with the cultural measures that contributed to a symbolic and material division of “public spaces” and “private spaces,” both ruled by the rationale of capitalism. Chapters 1 through 3 study in detail the role of household economy manuals in the dissemination and implementation of the new capitalist logics of productivity, rationalization, and accumulation across the domestic or “private” spaces.